PREJUDICES AGAINST PEOPLE OF COLOR, AND OUR DUTIES IN RELATION TO THIS
SUBJECT.
"A negro has a _soul_, an' please your honor," said the Corporal,
(_doubtingly_.)
"I am not much versed, Corporal," quoth my Uncle Toby, "In
things of that kind; but I suppose God would not leave him
without one any more than thee or me."
"It would be putting one sadly over the head of the other,"
quoth the Corporal.
"It would so," said my Uncle Toby.
"Why then, an' please your honor, is a black man to be used
worse than a white one."
"I can give no reason," said my Uncle Toby.
"Only," cried the Corporal, shaking his head, "because he has
no one to stand up for him."
"It is that very thing, Trim," quoth my Uncle Toby, "which
recommends him to protection."
While we bestow our earnest disapprobation on the system of slavery,
let us not flatter ourselves that we are in reality any better than our
brethren of the South. Thanks to our soil and climate, and the early
exertions of the excellent Society of Friends, the _form_ of slavery
does not exist among us; but the very _spirit_ of the hateful and
mischievous thing is here in all its strength. The manner in which we
use what power we have, gives us ample reason to be grateful that the
nature of our institutions does not intrust us with more. Our prejudice
against colored people is even more inveterate than it is at the South.
The planter is often attached to his negroes, and lavishes caresses
and kind words upon them, as he would on a favorite hound: but our
cold-hearted, ignoble prejudice admits of no exception--no intermission.
The Southerners have long continued habit, apparent interest and dreaded
danger, to palliate the wrong they do; but we stand without excuse. They
tell us that Northern ships and Northern capital have been engaged in
this wicked business; and the reproach is true. Several fortunes in
this city have been made by the sale of negro blood. If these criminal
transactions are still carried on, they are done in silence and secrecy,
because public opinion has made them disgraceful. But if the free States
wished to cherish the system of slavery for ever, they could not take
a more direct course than they now do. Those who are kind and liberal
on all other subjects, unite with the selfish and the proud in their
unrelenting efforts to keep the colored population in the lowest state
of degradation; and the influence they unconsciously exert over children
early infuses into their innocent minds the same strong feelings of
contempt.
The intelligent and well-informed have the least share of this
prejudice; and when their minds can be brought to reflect upon it, I
have generally observed that they soon cease to have any at all. But
such a general apathy prevails and the subject is so seldom brought into
view, that few are really aware how oppressively the influence of
society is made to bear upon this injured class of the community. When
I have related facts, that came under my own observation, I have
often been listened to with surprise, which gradually increased to
indignation. In order that my readers may not be ignorant of the extent
of this tyrannical prejudice, I will as briefly as possible state the
evidence, and leave them to judge of it, as their hearts and consciences
may dictate.
In the first place, an unjust law exists in this Commonwealth, by which
marriages between persons of different color is pronounced illegal. I am
perfectly aware of the gross ridicule to which I may subject myself by
alluding to this particular; but I have lived too long, and observed
too much, to be disturbed by the world's mockery. In the first place,
the government ought not to be invested with power to control the
affections, any more than the consciences of citizens. A man has at
least as good a right to choose his wife, as he has to choose his
religion. His taste may not suit his neighbors; but so long as his
deportment is correct, they have no right to interfere with his
concerns. In the second place, this law is a _useless_ disgrace to
Massachusetts. Under existing circumstances, none but those whose
condition in life is too low to be much affected by public opinion, will
form such alliances; and they, when they choose to do so, _will_ make
such marriages, in spite of the law. I know two or three instances where
women of the laboring class have been united to reputable, industrious
colored men. These husbands regularly bring home their wages, and are
kind to their families. If by some of the odd chances, which not
unfrequently occur in the world, their wives should become heirs to any
property, the children may be wronged out of it, because the law
pronounces them illegitimate. And while this injustice exists with
regard to _honest_, industrious individuals, who are merely guilty of
differing from us in a matter of taste, neither the legislation nor
customs of slaveholding States exert their influence against _immoral_
connexions.
In one portion of our country this fact is shown in a very peculiar and
striking manner. There is a numerous class at New-Orleans, called
Quateroons, or Quadroons, because their colored blood has for several
successive generations been intermingled with the white. The women are
much distinguished for personal beauty and gracefulness of motion; and
their parents frequently send them to France for the advantages of an
elegant education. White gentlemen of the first rank are desirous of
being invited to their parties, and often become seriously in love with
these fascinating but unfortunate beings. Prejudice forbids matrimony,
but universal custom sanctions temporary connexions, to which a certain
degree of respectability is allowed, on account of the peculiar
situation of the parties. These attachments often continue for
years--sometimes for life--and instances are not unfrequent of exemplary
constancy and great propriety of deportment.
What eloquent vituperations we should pour forth, if the contending
claims of nature and pride produced such a tissue of contradictions in
some other country, and not in our own!
There is another Massachusetts law, which an enlightened community
would not probably suffer to be carried into execution under any
circumstances; but it still remains to disgrace the statutes of this
Commonwealth. It is as follows:
"No African or Negro, other than a subject of the Emperor of Morocco,
or a citizen of the United States, (proved so by a certificate of the
Secretary of the State of which he is a citizen,) shall tarry within
this Commonwealth longer than two months; and on complaint a justice
shall order him to depart in ten days; and if he do not then, the
justice may commit such African or Negro to the House of Correction,
there to be kept at hard labor; and at the next term of the Court of
Common Pleas, he shall be tried, and if convicted of remaining as
aforesaid, shall be whipped not exceeding ten lashes; and if he or she
shall not _then_ depart, such process shall be repeated, and punishment
inflicted, _toties quoties_." Stat. 1788, Ch. 54.
An honorable Haytian or Brazilian, who visited this country for business
or information, might come under this law, unless public opinion
rendered it a mere dead letter.
There is among the colored people an increasing desire for information,
and laudable ambition to be respectable in manners and appearance. Are
we not foolish as well as sinful, in trying to repress a tendency so
salutary to themselves, and so beneficial to the community? Several
individuals of this class are very desirous to have persons of their own
color qualified to teach something more than mere reading and writing.
But in the public schools, colored children are subject to many
discouragements and difficulties; and into the private schools they
cannot gain admission. A very sensible and well-informed colored woman
in a neighboring town, whose family have been brought up in a manner
that excited universal remark and approbation, has been extremely
desirous to obtain for her eldest daughter the advantages of a private
school; but she has been resolutely repulsed on account of her
complexion. The girl is a very light mulatto, with great modesty and
propriety of manners; perhaps no young person in the Commonwealth was
less likely to have a bad influence on her associates. The clergyman
respected the family, and he remonstrated with the instructer; but while
the latter admitted the injustice of the thing, he excused himself by
saying such a step would occasion the loss of all his white scholars.
In a town adjoining Boston, a well behaved colored boy was kept out of
the public school more than a year, by vote of the trustees. His mother,
having some information herself, knew the importance of knowledge,
and was anxious to obtain it for her family. She wrote repeatedly and
urgently; and the schoolmaster himself told me that the correctness of
her spelling, and the neatness of her hand-writing, formed a curious
contrast with the notes he received from many white parents. At last,
this spirited woman appeared before the committee, and reminded them
that her husband, having for many years paid taxes as a citizen, had a
right to the privileges of a citizen; and if her claim were refused, or
longer postponed, she declared her determination to seek justice from
a higher source. The trustees were, of course, obliged to yield to
the equality of the laws, with the best grace they could. The boy was
admitted, and made good progress in his studies. Had his mother been
too ignorant to know her rights, or too abject to demand them, the lad
would have had a fair chance to get a living out of the State as the
occupant of a workhouse, or penitentiary.
The attempt to establish a school for African girls at Canterbury,
Connecticut, has made too much noise to need a detailed account in this
volume. I do not know the lady who first formed the project, but I
am told that she is a benevolent and religious woman. It certainly
is difficult to imagine any other motives than good ones, for an
undertaking so arduous and unpopular. Yet had the Pope himself attempted
to establish his supremacy over that Commonwealth, he could hardly have
been repelled with more determined and angry resistance. Town-meetings
were held, the records of which are not highly creditable to the parties
concerned. Petitions were sent to the Legislature, beseeching that no
African school might be allowed to admit individuals not residing in the
town where said school was established; and strange to relate, this law,
which makes it impossible to collect a sufficient number of pupils, was
sanctioned by the State. A colored girl, who availed herself of this
opportunity to gain instruction, was warned out of town, and fined for
not complying; and the instructress was imprisoned for persevering in
her benevolent plan.
It was said, in excuse, that Canterbury would be inundated with vicious
characters, who would corrupt the morals of the young men; that such a
school would break down the distinctions between black and white; and
that marriages between people of different colors would be the probable
result. Yet they assumed the ground that colored people _must_ always be
an inferior and degraded class--that the prejudice against them _must_
be eternal; being deeply founded in the laws of God and nature. Finally,
they endeavored to represent the school as one of the _incendiary_
proceedings of the Anti-Slavery Society; and they appealed to the
Colonization Society, as an aggrieved child is wont to appeal to its
parent.
The objection with regard to the introduction of vicious characters
into a village, certainly has some force; but are such persons likely
to leave cities for a quiet country town, in search of moral and
intellectual improvement? Is it not obvious that the _best_ portion of
the colored class are the very ones to prize such an opportunity for
instruction? Grant that a large proportion of these unfortunate people
_are_ vicious--is it not our duty, and of course our wisest policy, to
try to make them otherwise? And what will so effectually elevate their
character and condition, as knowledge? I beseech you, my countrymen,
think of these things wisely, and in season.
As for intermarriages, if there be such a repugnance between the two
races, founded in the laws of _nature_, methinks there is small reason
to dread their frequency.
The breaking down of distinctions in society, by means of extended
information, is an objection which appropriately belongs to the Emperor
of Austria, or the Sultan of Egypt.
I do not know how the affair at Canterbury is _generally_ considered:
but I have heard individuals of all parties and all opinions speak of
it--and never without merriment or indignation. Fifty years hence, the
_black_ laws of Connecticut will be a greater source of amusement to
the antiquarian, than her famous _blue_ laws.
A similar, though less violent opposition arose in consequence of the
attempt to establish a college for colored people at New-Haven. A young
colored man, who tried to obtain education at the Wesleyan college in
Middletown, was obliged to relinquish the attempt on account of the
persecution of his fellow students. Some collegians from the South
objected to a colored associate in their recitations; and those from
New-England promptly and zealously joined in the hue and cry. A small
but firm party were in favor of giving the colored man a chance to
pursue his studies without insult or interruption; and I am told that
this manly and disinterested band were all Southerners. As for those
individuals, who exerted their influence to exclude an unoffending
fellow-citizen from privileges which ought to be equally open to all,
it is to be hoped that age will make them wiser--and that they will
learn, before they die, to be ashamed of a step attended with more
important results than usually belong to youthful follies.
It happens that these experiments have all been made in Connecticut;
but it is no more than justice to that State to remark that a similar
spirit would probably have been manifested in Massachusetts, under
like circumstances. At our debating clubs and other places of public
discussion, the demon of prejudice girds himself for the battle, the
moment negro colleges and high schools are alluded to. Alas, while we
carry on our lips that religion which teaches us to "love our neighbors
as ourselves," how little do we cherish its blessed influence within our
hearts! How much republicanism we have to _speak_ of, and how little do
we practise!
Let us seriously consider what injury a negro college could possibly do
us. It is certainly a fair presumption that the scholars would be from
the better portion of the colored population; and it is an equally fair
presumption that knowledge would improve their characters. There are
already many hundreds of colored people in the city of Boston. In the
street they generally appear neat and respectable; and in our houses
they do not "come between the wind and our nobility." Would the addition
of one or two hundred more even be perceived? As for giving offence to
the Southerners by allowing such establishments--they have no right to
interfere with our internal concerns, any more than we have with theirs.
Why should they not give up slavery to please us, by the same rule that
we must refrain from educating the negroes to please them? If they are
at liberty to do wrong, we certainly ought to be at liberty to do right.
They may talk and publish as much about us as they please; and we ask
for no other influence over them.
It is a fact not generally known that the brave Kosciusko left a fund
for the establishment of a negro college in the United States. Little
did he think he had been fighting for a people, who would not grant one
rood of their vast territory for the benevolent purpose!
According to present appearances, a college for colored persons will
be established in Canada; and thus by means of our foolish and wicked
pride, the credit of this philanthropic enterprise will be transferred
to our mother country.
The preceding chapters show that it has been no uncommon thing for
colored men to be educated at English, German, Portuguese, and Spanish
Universities.
In Boston there is an Infant School, three Primary Schools, and a
Grammar School. The two last are, I believe, supported by the public;
and this fact is highly creditable.
I was much pleased with the late resolution awarding Franklin medals to
the colored pupils of the grammar school; and I was still more pleased
with the laudable project, originated by Josiah Holbrook, Esq., for the
establishment of a colored Lyceum. Surely a better spirit _is_ beginning
to work in this cause; and when once begun, the good sense and good
feeling of the community will bid it go on and prosper. How much this
spirit will have to contend with is illustrated by the following fact.
When President Jackson entered this city, the white children of all
the schools were sent out in uniform, to do him honor. A member of the
Committee proposed that the pupils of the African schools should be
invited likewise; but he was the only one who voted for it. He then
proposed that the yeas and nays should be recorded; upon which, most of
the gentlemen walked off, to prevent the question from being taken.
Perhaps they felt an awkward consciousness of the incongeniality of such
proceedings with our republican institutions. By order of the Committee
the vacation of the African schools did not commence until the day
after the procession of the white pupils; and a note to the instructer
intimated that the pupils were not expected to appear on the Common. The
reason given was because "their numbers were so few;" but in private
conversation, fears were expressed lest their sable faces should give
offence to our slaveholding President. In all probability the sight of
the colored children would have been agreeable to General Jackson, and
seemed more like home, than any thing he witnessed.
In the theatre, it is not possible for respectable colored people to
obtain a decent seat. They must either be excluded, or herd with the
vicious.
A fierce excitement prevailed, not long since, because a colored man had
bought a pew in one of our churches. I heard a very kind-hearted and
zealous democrat declare his opinion that "the fellow ought to be turned
out by constables, if he dared to occupy the pew he had purchased." Even
at the communion-table, the mockery of human pride is mingled with the
worship of Jehovah. Again and again have I seen a solitary negro come up
to the altar meekly and timidly, after all the white communicants had
retired. One Episcopal clergyman of this city, forms an honorable
exception to this remark. When there is room at the altar, Mr. ----
often makes a signal to the colored members of his church to kneel
beside their white brethren; and once, when two white infants and one
colored one were to be baptized, and the parents of the latter bashfully
lingered far behind the others, he silently rebuked the unchristian
spirit of pride, by first administering the holy ordinance to the little
dark-skinned child of God.
An instance of prejudice lately occurred, which I should find it hard
to believe, did I not positively know it to be a fact. A gallery pew
was purchased in one of our churches for two hundred dollars. A few
Sabbaths after, an address was delivered at that church, in favor of
the Africans. Some colored people, who very naturally wished to hear
the discourse, went into the gallery; probably because they thought
they should be deemed less intrusive there than elsewhere. The man who
had recently bought a pew, found it occupied by colored people, and
indignantly retired with his family. The next day, he purchased a pew in
another meeting-house, protesting that nothing would tempt him again to
make use of seats, that had been occupied by negroes.
A well known country representative, who makes a very loud noise about
his democracy, once attended the Catholic church. A pious negro
requested him to take off his hat, while he stood in the presence of the
Virgin Mary. The white man rudely shoved him aside, saying, "You son of
an Ethiopian, do you dare to speak to me!" I more than once heard the
hero repeat this story; and he seemed to take peculiar satisfaction in
telling it. Had he been less ignorant, he would not have chosen "son of
an _Ethiopian_" as an _ignoble_ epithet; to have called the African his
own equal would have been abundantly more sarcastic. The same republican
dismissed a strong, industrious colored man, who had been employed on
the farm during his absence. "I am too great a democrat," quoth he,
"to have any body in my house, who don't sit at my table; and I'll be
hanged, if I ever eat with the son of an Ethiopian."
Men whose education leaves them less excuse for such illiberality, are
yet vulgar enough to join in this ridiculous prejudice. The colored
woman, whose daughter has been mentioned as excluded from a private
school, was once smuggled into a stage, upon the supposition that she
was a white woman, with a sallow complexion. Her manners were modest and
prepossessing, and the gentlemen were very polite to her. But when she
stopped at her own door, and was handed out by her curly-headed husband,
they were at once surprised and angry to find they had been riding with
a mulatto--and had, in their ignorance, been really civil to her!
A worthy colored woman, belonging to an adjoining town, wished to come
into Boston to attend upon a son, who was ill. She had a trunk with her,
and was too feeble to walk. She begged permission to ride in the stage.
But the passengers with _noble_ indignation, declared they would get
out, if she were allowed to get in. After much entreaty, the driver
suffered her to sit by him upon the box. When he entered the city, his
comrades began to point and sneer. Not having sufficient moral courage
to endure this, he left the poor woman, with her trunk, in the middle of
the street, far from the place of her destination; telling her, with an
oath, that he would not carry her a step further.
A friend of mine lately wished to have a colored girl admitted into the
stage with her, to take care of her babe. The girl was very lightly
tinged with the sable hue, had handsome Indian features, and very
pleasing manners. It was, however, evident that she was not white;
and therefore the passengers objected to her company. This of course,
produced a good deal of inconvenience on one side, and mortification on
the other. My friend repeated the circumstance to a lady, who, as the
daughter and wife of a clergyman, might be supposed to have imbibed
some liberality. The lady seemed to think the experiment was very
preposterous; but when my friend alluded to the mixed parentage of the
girl, she exclaimed, with generous enthusiasm, "Oh, that alters the
case, _Indians_ certainly _have_ their rights."
Every year a colored gentleman and scholar is becoming less and less
of a rarity--thanks to the existence of the Haytian Republic, and the
increasing liberality of the world! Yet if a person of refinement from
Hayti, Brazil, or other countries, which we deem less enlightened than
our own, should visit us, the very boys of this republic would dog his
footsteps with the vulgar outcry of "Nigger! Nigger!" I have known
this to be done, from no other provocation than the sight of a colored
man with the dress and deportment of a gentleman. Were it not that
republicanism, like Christianity, is often perverted from its true
spirit by the bad passions of mankind, such things as these would make
every honest mind disgusted with the very name of republics.
I am acquainted with a gentleman from Brazil who is shrewd,
enterprising, and respectable in character and manners; yet he has
experienced almost every species of indignity on account of his color.
Not long since, it became necessary for him to visit the southern
shores of Massachusetts, to settle certain accounts connected with his
business. His wife was in a feeble state of health, and the physicians
had recommended a voyage. For this reason, he took passage for her
with himself in the steam-boat; and the captain, as it appears, made
no objection to a colored gentleman's money. After remaining on deck
some time, Mrs. ---- attempted to pass into the cabin; but the captain
prevented her; saying, "You must go down forward." The Brazilian urged
that he had paid the customary price, and therefore his wife and infant
had a right to a place in the ladies' cabin. The captain answered, "Your
wife a'n't a lady; she is a nigger." The forward cabin was occupied by
sailors; was entirely without accommodations for women, and admitted the
sea-water, so that a person could not sit in it comfortably without
keeping the feet raised in a chair. The husband stated that his wife's
health would not admit of such exposure; to which the captain still
replied, "I don't allow any niggers in my cabin." With natural and
honest indignation, the Brazilian exclaimed, "You Americans talk about
the Poles! You are a great deal more Russian than the Russians." The
affair was concluded by placing the colored gentleman and his invalid
wife on the shore, and leaving them to provide for themselves as they
could. Had the cabin been full, there would have been some excuse; but
it was occupied only by two sailors' wives. The same individual sent for
a relative in a distant town on account of illness in his family. After
staying several weeks, it became necessary for her to return; and
he procured a seat for her in the stage. The same ridiculous scene
occurred; the passengers were afraid of losing their dignity by riding
with a neat respectable person, whose face was darker than their own. No
public vehicle could be obtained, by which a colored citizen could be
conveyed to her home; it therefore became absolutely necessary for the
gentleman to leave his business and hire a chaise at great expense. Such
proceedings are really inexcusable. No authority can be found for them
in religion, reason, or the laws.
The Bible informs us that "a man of Ethiopia, a eunuch of great
authority under Candace, Queen of the Ethiopians, who had charge of all
her treasure, came to Jerusalem to worship." Returning in his chariot,
he read Esaias, the Prophet; and at his request Philip went up into the
chariot and sat with him, explaining the Scriptures. Where should we now
find an apostle, who would ride in the same chariot with an Ethiopian!
Will any candid person tell me why respectable colored people should not
be allowed to make use of public conveyances, open to all who are able
and willing to pay for the privilege? Those who enter a vessel, or a
stage-coach, cannot expect to select their companions. If they can
afford to take a carriage or boat for themselves, then, and then only,
they have a right to be exclusive. I was lately talking with a young
gentleman on this subject, who professed to have no prejudice against
colored people, except so far as they were ignorant and vulgar; but
still he could not tolerate the idea of allowing them to enter stages
and steam-boats. "Yet, you allow the same privilege to vulgar and
ignorant white men, without a murmur," I replied; "Pray give a good
republican reason why a respectable colored citizen should be less
favored." For want of a better argument, he said--(pardon me, fastidious
reader)--he implied that the presence of colored persons was less
agreeable than Otto of Rose, or Eau de Cologne; and this distinction,
he urged was made by God himself. I answered, "Whoever takes his chance
in a public vehicle, is liable to meet with uncleanly white passengers,
whose breath may be redolent with the fumes of American cigars, or
American gin. Neither of these articles have a fragrance peculiarly
agreeable to nerves of delicate organization. Allowing your argument
double the weight it deserves, it is utter nonsense to pretend that the
inconvenience in the case I have supposed is not infinitely greater. But
what is more to the point, do you dine in a fashionable hotel, do you
sail in a fashionable steam-boat, do you sup at a fashionable house,
without having negro servants behind your chair. Would they be any more
disagreeable as _passengers_ seated in the corner of a stage, or a
steam-boat, than as _waiters_ in such immediate attendance upon your
person?"
Stage-drivers are very much perplexed when they attempt to vindicate
the present tyrannical customs; and they usually give up the point, by
saying they themselves have no prejudice against colored people--they
are merely afraid of the public. But stage-drivers should remember that
in a popular government, they, in common with every other citizen, form
a part and portion of the dreaded public.
The gold was never coined for which I would barter my individual freedom
of acting and thinking upon any subject, or knowingly interfere with the
rights of the meanest human being. The only true courage is that which
impels us to do right without regard to consequences. To fear a populace
is as servile as to fear an emperor. The only salutary restraint is the
fear of doing wrong.
Our representatives to Congress have repeatedly rode in a stage with
colored servants at the request of their masters. Whether this is
because New-Englanders are willing to do out of courtesy to a Southern
gentleman, what they object to doing from justice to a colored
citizen,--or whether those representatives, being educated men, were
more than usually divested of this absurd prejudice,--I will not pretend
to say.
The state of public feeling not only makes it difficult for the Africans
to obtain information, but it prevents them from making profitable use
of what knowledge they have. A colored man, however intelligent, is not
allowed to pursue any business more lucrative than that of a barber,
a shoe-black, or a waiter. These, and all other employments, are truly
respectable, whenever the duties connected with them are faithfully
performed; but it is unjust that a man should, on account of his
complexion, be prevented from performing more elevated uses in society.
Every citizen ought to have a fair chance to try his fortune in any line
of business, which he thinks he has ability to transact. Why should not
colored men be employed in the manufactories of various kinds? If their
ignorance is an objection, let them be enlightened, as speedily as
possible. If their moral character is not sufficiently pure, remove the
pressure of public scorn, and thus supply them with motives for being
respectable. All this can be done. It merely requires an earnest wish to
overcome a prejudice, which has "grown with our growth and strengthened
with our strength," but which is in fact opposed to the spirit of our
religion, and contrary to the instinctive good feelings of our nature.
When examined by the clear light of reason, it disappears. Prejudices of
all kinds have their strongest holds in the minds of the vulgar and the
ignorant. In a community so enlightened as our own, they must gradually
melt away under the influence of public discussion. There is no want of
kind feelings and liberal sentiments in the American people; the simple
fact is, they have not _thought_ upon this subject. An active and
enterprising community are not apt to concern themselves about laws and
customs, which do not obviously interfere with their interests or
convenience; and various political and prudential motives have combined
to fetter free inquiry in this direction. Thus we have gone on, year
after year, thoughtlessly sanctioning, by our silence and indifference,
evils which our hearts and consciences are far enough from approving.
It has been shown that no other people on earth indulge so strong a
prejudice with regard to color, as we do. It is urged that negroes are
civilly treated in England, because their numbers are so few. I could
never discover any great force in this argument. Colored people are
certainly not sufficiently rare in that country to be regarded as a
great show, like a giraffe, or a Sandwich Island king; and on the other
hand, it would seem natural that those who were more accustomed to the
sight of dark faces would find their aversion diminished, rather than
increased.
The absence of prejudice in the Portuguese and Spanish settlements is
accounted for, by saying that the white people are very little superior
to the negroes in knowledge and refinement. But Doctor Walsh's book
certainly gives us no reason to think meanly of the Brazilians; and it
has been my good fortune to be acquainted with many highly intelligent
South Americans, who were divested of this prejudice, and much surprised
at its existence here.
If the South Americans are really in such a low state as the argument
implies, it is a still greater disgrace to us to be outdone in
liberality and consistent republicanism by men so much less enlightened
than ourselves.
Pride will doubtless hold out with strength and adroitness against the
besiegers of its fortress; but it is an obvious truth that the condition
of the world is rapidly improving, and that our laws and customs must
change with it.
Neither ancient nor modern history furnishes a page more glorious than
the last twenty years in England; for at every step, free principles,
after a long and arduous struggle, have conquered selfishness and
tyranny. Almost all great evils are resisted by individuals who directly
suffer injustice or inconvenience from them; but it is a peculiar beauty
of the abolition cause that its defenders enter the lists against
wealth, and power, and talent, not to defend their own rights, but to
protect weak and injured neighbors, who are not allowed to speak for
themselves.
Those who become interested in a cause laboring so heavily under the
pressure of present unpopularity, must expect to be assailed by every
form of bitterness and sophistry. At times, discouraged and heart-sick,
they will perhaps begin to doubt whether there are in reality any
unalterable principles of right and wrong. But let them cast aside
the fear of man, and keep their minds fixed on a few of the simple,
unchangeable laws of God, and they will certainly receive strength to
contend with the adversary.
Paragraphs in the Southern papers already begin to imply that the United
States will not look tamely on, while England emancipates her slaves;
and they inform us that the inspection of the naval stations has become
a subject of great importance since the recent measures of the British
Parliament. A republic declaring war with a monarchy, because she gave
freedom to her slaves, would indeed form a beautiful moral picture for
the admiration of the world!
Mr. Garrison was the first person who dared to edit a newspaper, in
which slavery was spoken of as altogether wicked and inexcusable. For
this crime the Legislature of Georgia have offered five thousand dollars
to any one who will "arrest and prosecute him to conviction _under the
laws of that State_." An association of gentlemen in South Carolina have
likewise offered a large reward for the same object. It is, to say the
least, a very remarkable step for one State in this Union to promulgate
such a law concerning a citizen of another State, merely for publishing
his opinions boldly. The disciples of Fanny Wright promulgate the most
zealous and virulent attacks upon Christianity, without any hindrance
from the civil authorities; and this is done upon the truly rational
ground that individual freedom of opinion ought to be respected--that
what is false cannot stand, and what is true cannot be overthrown. We
leave Christianity to take care of itself; but slavery is a "delicate
subject,"--and whoever attacks that must be punished. Mr. Garrison is a
disinterested, intelligent, and remarkably pure-minded man, whose only
fault is that he cannot be moderate on a subject which it is exceedingly
difficult for an honest mind to examine with calmness. Many who highly
respect his character and motives, regret his tendency to use wholesale
and unqualified expressions; but it is something to have the truth told,
even if it be not in the mildest way. Where an evil is powerfully
supported by the self-interest and prejudice of the community, none but
an ardent individual will venture to meddle with it. Luther was deemed
indiscreet even by those who liked him best; yet a more prudent man
would never have given an impetus sufficiently powerful to heave the
great mass of corruption under which the church was buried. Mr. Garrison
has certainly the merit of having first called public attention to a
neglected and very important subject.[AL] I believe whoever fairly and
dispassionately examines the question, will be more than disposed to
forgive the occasional faults of an ardent temperament, in consideration
of the difficulty of the undertaking, and the violence with which it has
been opposed.
[Footnote AL: This remark is not intended to indicate want of respect
for the early exertions of the Friends, in their numerous manumission
societies; or for the efforts of that staunch, fearless, self-sacrificing
friend of freedom--Benjamin Lundy; but Mr. Garrison was the first that
boldly attacked slavery as a sin, and Colonization as its twin sister.]
The palliator of slavery assures the abolitionists that their
benevolence is perfectly quixotic--that the negroes are happy and
contented, and have no desire to change their lot. An answer to this
may, as I have already said, be found in the Judicial Reports of
slaveholding States, in the vigilance of their laws, in advertisements
for runaway slaves, and in the details of their own newspapers. The West
India planters make the same protestations concerning the happiness of
their slaves; yet the cruelties proved by undoubted and unanswerable
testimony are enough to sicken the heart. It is said that slavery is
a great deal worse in the West Indies than in the United States; but I
believe precisely the reverse of this proposition has been true within
late years; for the English government have been earnestly trying to
atone for their guilt, by the introduction of laws expressly framed to
guard the weak and defenceless. A gentleman who has been a great deal
among the planters of both countries, and who is by no means favorable
to anti-slavery, gives it as his decided opinion that the slaves are
better off in the West Indies, than they are in the United States. It
is true we hear a great deal more about West Indian cruelty than we do
about our own. English books and periodicals are continually full of
the subject; and even in the colonies, newspapers openly denounce the
hateful system, and take every opportunity to prove the amount of
wretchedness it produces. In this country, we have not, until very
recently, dared to publish any thing upon the subject. Our books, our
reviews, our newspapers, our almanacs, have all been silent, or exerted
their influence on the wrong side. The negro's crimes are repeated, but
his sufferings are never told. Even in our geographies it is taught that
the colored race _must_ always be degraded. Now and then anecdotes of
cruelties committed in the slaveholding States are told by individuals
who witnessed them; but they are almost always afraid to give their
names to the public, because the Southerners will call them "a disgrace
to the soil," and the Northerners will echo the sentiment. The
promptitude and earnestness with which New-England has aided the
slaveholders in repressing all discussions which they were desirous to
avoid, has called forth many expressions of gratitude in their public
speeches, and private conversation; and truly we have well earned
Randolph's favorite appellation, "the white slaves of the North," by
our tameness and servility with regard to a subject where good feeling
and good principle alike demand a firm and independent spirit.
We are told that the Southerners will of themselves do away slavery, and
they alone understand how to do it. But it is an obvious fact that all
their measures have tended to perpetuate the system; and even if we have
the fullest faith that they mean to do their duty, the belief by no
means absolves us from doing ours. The evil is gigantic; and its removal
requires every heart and head in the community.
It is said that our sympathies ought to be given to the masters, who are
abundantly more to be pitied than the slaves. If this be the case, the
planters are singularly disinterested not to change places with their
bondmen. Our sympathies _have_ been given to the masters--and to those
masters who seemed most desirous to remain for ever in their pitiable
condition. There are hearts at the South sincerely desirous of doing
right in this cause; but their generous impulses are checked by the
laws of their respective States, and the strong disapprobation of their
neighbors. I know a lady in Georgia who would, I believe, make any
personal sacrifice to instruct her slaves, and give them freedom; but
if she were found guilty of teaching the alphabet, or manumitting her
slaves, fines and imprisonment would be the consequence; if she sold
them, they would be likely to fall into hands less merciful than her
own. Of such slave-owners we cannot speak with too much respect and
tenderness. They are comparatively few in number, and stand in a most
perplexing situation; it is a duty to give all our sympathy to _them_.
It is mere mockery to say, what is so often said, that the Southerners,
as a body, really wish to abolish slavery. If they wished it, they
certainly would make the attempt. When the majority heartily desire a
change, it is effected, be the difficulties what they may. The Americans
are peculiarly responsible for the example they give; for in no other
country does the unchecked voice of the people constitute the whole of
government.
We must not be induced to excuse slavery by the plausible argument that
England introduced it among us. The wickedness of beginning such a work
unquestionably belongs to her; the sin of continuing it is certainly
our own. It is true that Virginia, while a province, did petition
the British government to check the introduction of slaves into the
colonies; and their refusal to do so was afterward enumerated among the
public reasons for separating from the mother country: but it is equally
true that when we became independent, the Southern States stipulated
that the slave-trade should not be abolished by law until 1808.
The strongest and best reason that can be given for our supineness on
the subject of slavery, is the fear of dissolving the Union. The
Constitution of the United States demands our highest reverence. Those
who approve, and those who disapprove of particular portions, are
equally bound to yield implicit obedience to its authority. But we must
not forget that the Constitution provides for any change that may be
required for the general good. The great machine is constructed with
a safety-valve, by which any rapidly increasing evil may be expelled
whenever the people desire it.
If the Southern politicians are determined to make a Siamese question
of this also--if they insist that the Union shall not exist without
slavery--it can only be said that they join two things, which have no
affinity with each other, and which cannot permanently exist together.
They chain the living and vigorous to the diseased and dying; and the
former will assuredly perish in the infected neighborhood.
The universal introduction of free labor is the surest way to
consolidate the Union, and enable us to live together in harmony and
peace. If a history is ever written entitled "The Decay and Dissolution
of the North American Republic," its author will distinctly trace our
downfall to the existence of slavery among us.
There is hardly any thing bad, in politics or religion, that has not
been sanctioned or tolerated by a suffering community, because certain
powerful individuals were able to identify the evil with some other
principle long consecrated to the hearts and consciences of men.
Under all circumstances, there is but one honest course; and that is to
do right, and trust the consequences to Divine Providence. "Duties are
ours; events are God's." Policy, with all her cunning, can devise no
rule so safe, salutary, and effective, as this simple maxim.
We cannot too cautiously examine arguments and excuses brought forward
by those whose interest or convenience is connected with keeping their
fellow-creatures in a state of ignorance and brutality; and such we
shall find in abundance, at the North as well as the South. I have heard
the abolition of slavery condemned on the ground that New-England
vessels would not be employed to export the produce of the South, if
they had free laborers of their own. This objection is so utterly bad
in its spirit, that it hardly deserves an answer. Assuredly it is a
righteous plan to retard the progress of liberal principles, and "keep
human nature for ever in the stocks," that some individuals may make a
few hundred dollars more per annum! Besides the experience of the world
abundantly proves that all such forced expedients are unwise. The
increased prosperity of one country, or of one section of a country,
always contributes, in some form or other, to the prosperity of other
states. To "love our neighbor as ourselves," is, after all, the
shrewdest way of doing business.
In England, the abolition of the _traffic_ was long and stoutly
resisted, in the same spirit, and by the same arguments, that
characterize the defence of the _system_ here; but it would now be
difficult to find a man so reckless, that he would not be ashamed of
being called a slave-dealer. Public opinion has nearly conquered one
evil, and if rightly directed, it will ultimately subdue the other.
Is it asked what can be done? I answer, much, very much, can be
effected, if each individual will try to deserve the commendation
bestowed by our Saviour on the woman of old--"She hath done what she
could."
The Friends,--always remarkable for fearless obedience to the inward
light of conscience,--early gave an example worthy of being followed.
At their annual meeting in Pennsylvania, in 1688, many individuals
urged the incompatibility of slavery and Christianity; and their zeal
continued until, in 1776, all Quakers who bought or sold a slave, or
refused to emancipate those they already owned, were excluded from
communion with the society. Had it not been for the early exertions of
these excellent people, the fair and flourishing State of Pennsylvania
might now, perchance, be withering under the effects of slavery. To
this day, the Society of Friends, both in England and America, omit no
opportunity, public or private, of discountenancing this bad system; and
the Methodists (at least in England) have earnestly labored in the same
glorious cause.
The famous Anthony Benezet, a Quaker in Philadelphia, has left us a
noble example of what may be done for conscience' sake. Being a teacher,
he took effectual care that his scholars should have ample knowledge
and christian impressions concerning the nature of slavery; he caused
articles to be inserted in the almanacs likely to arrest public
attention upon the subject; he talked about it, and wrote letters about
it; he published and distributed tracts at his own expense; if any
person was going a journey, his first thought was how he could make him
instrumental in favor of his benevolent purposes; he addressed a
petition to the Queen for the suppression of the slave-trade; and
another to the good Countess of Huntingdon, beseeching that the rice and
indigo plantations belonging to the orphan-house, which she had endowed
near Savannah, in Georgia, might not be cultivated by those who
encouraged the slave-trade; he took care to increase the comforts and
elevate the character of the colored people within his influence; he
zealously promoted the establishment of an African school, and devoted
much of the two last years of his life to personal attendance upon his
pupils. By fifty years of constant industry he had amassed a small
fortune; and this was left after the decease of his widow, to the
support of the African school.
Similar exertions, though on a less extensive scale, were made by the
late excellent John Kenrick, of Newton, Mass. For more than thirty years
the constant object of his thoughts, and the chief purpose of his life,
was the abolition of slavery. His earnest conversation aroused many
other minds to think and act upon the subject. He wrote letters,
inserted articles in the newspapers, gave liberal donations, and
circulated pamphlets at his own expense.
Cowper contributed much to the cause when he wrote the "Negro's
Complaint," and thus excited the compassion of his numerous readers.
Wedgewood aided the work, when he caused cameos to be struck,
representing a kneeling African in chains, and thus made even
capricious fashion an avenue to the heart. Clarkson assisted by patient
investigation of evidence; and Fox and Wilberforce by eloquent speeches.
Mungo Park gave his powerful influence by the kind and liberal manner
in which he always represented the Africans. The Duchess of Devonshire
wrote verses and caused them to be set to music; and wherever those
lines were sung, some hearts were touched in favor of the oppressed.
This fascinating woman made even her far-famed beauty serve in the cause
of benevolence. Fox was returned for Parliament through her influence,
and she is said to have procured more than one vote, by allowing the
yeomanry of England to kiss her beautiful cheek.
All are not able to do so much as Anthony Benezet and John Kenrick have
done; but we can all do something. We can speak kindly and respectfully
of colored people upon all occasions; we can repeat to our children such
traits as are honorable in their character and history; we can avoid
making odious caricatures of negroes; we can teach boys that it is
unmanly and contemptible to insult an unfortunate class of people by the
vulgar outcry of "Nigger!--Nigger!" Even Mahmoud of Turkey rivals us in
liberality--for he long ago ordered a fine to be levied upon those who
called a Christian a dog; and in his dominions the _prejudice_ is so
great that a Christian must be a degraded being. A residence in Turkey
might be profitable to those Christians who patronize the eternity of
prejudice; it would afford an opportunity of testing the goodness of the
rule, by showing how it works both ways.
If we are not able to contribute to African schools, or do not choose to
do so, we can at least refrain from opposing them. If it be disagreeable
to allow colored people the same rights and privileges as other
citizens, we can do with our prejudice, what most of us often do with
better feeling--we can conceal it.
Our almanacs and newspapers can fairly show both sides of the question;
and if they lean to either party, let it not be to the strongest. Our
preachers can speak of slavery, as they do of other evils. Our poets can
find in this subject abundant room for sentiment and pathos. Our orators
(provided they do not want office) may venture an allusion to our
_in_-"glorious institutions."
The union of individual influence produces a vast amount of moral force,
which is not the less powerful because it is often unperceived. A
mere change in the _direction_ of our efforts, without any increased
exertion, would in the course of a few years, produce an entire
revolution of public feeling. This slow but sure way of doing good is
almost the only means by which benevolence can effect its purpose.
_Sixty thousands_ petitions have been addressed to the English
parliament on the subject of slavery, and a large number of them were
signed by women. The same steps here would be, with one exception,
useless and injudicious; because the general government has no control
over the legislatures of individual States. But the District of Columbia
forms an exception to this rule. _There_ the United States have power
to abolish slavery; and it is the duty of the citizens to petition
year after year, until a reformation is effected. But who will present
remonstrances against slavery? The Hon. John Q. Adams was intrusted with
fifteen petitions for the abolition of slavery in the District of
Columbia; yet clearly as that gentleman sees and defines the pernicious
effects of the system, he offered the petitions only to protest against
them! Another petition to the same effect, intrusted to another
Massachusetts representative, was never noticed at all. "Brutus is an
honorable man:--So are they all--all honorable men." Nevertheless, there
is, in this popular government, a subject on which it is _impossible_
for the people to make themselves heard.
By publishing this book I have put my mite into the treasury. The
expectation of displeasing all classes has not been unaccompanied with
pain. But it has been strongly impressed upon my mind that it was a duty
to fulfil this task; and worldly considerations should never stifle the
voice of conscience.
THE END.
INDEX.
Adams, John, 109
Adams, J. Quincy, 109
Africa benighted by Slavery, 9
African Repository, Extracts from, 123, 133, 137
African Individuals of distinction, 157 to 167
Amalgamation, 132, 200
Ancient and Modern Slavery compared, 38
Anti-Slavery Society, 142
Appleton, Mr. 78
Baptism supposed to confer freedom, 58
Bible opposed to slavery, 32
Blood-hounds, 27
Brown, Moses, 98
Brodnax, Mr. 79
Capt. Riley, 73
Charles 5th, refused to sanction the slave-trade, 8
Child follows the condition of its mother, 40
Christianity abolished slavery, 58
Clay, Henry, 77, 136
Clothing of Slaves, 44
Code Noir, 46, 49, 54
Colonization, 123
Cruelties to Slaves, 17, 24, 26, 28
Devonshire, Duchess of, 215
Democracy of the North, 112
District of Columbia, 216
Duelling, 113
Dymond, Jonathan, 147
Eastern and Western Virginia, 119
Effect of Slavery on the Masters, 22
Egyptians, 149
Elizabeth of England tolerated the trade, 8
Emancipation safe, 87
English formerly sold to Irish, 58
Entailed upon us by England, 75
Ethiopians, 149
Everett, Alexander H. 176
Evidence of colored persons not admitted, 45, 48
Faulkner, Mr. 79
Female slaves unprotected, 23
Fierceness and pride induced by Slavery, 113
Food of Slaves, 44
French planter's ideas of religion for Slaves, 58
Free Labor, 76
Garrison, Mr. 209
Gentoo Code, 52
Gholson, Mr. 102
Grecian Slavery, 47, 53, 54, 56
Happiness of Slaves, 140
Hayne, Mr. 103
Hayti, 86, 121
Hebrews, 48, 52, 55
Helots, 47
Humanity of masters, how far a protection, 72
Indian treatment of Slaves, 46
Inequality of laws for offences, 60
Insurrections, 194
Intellect of Africans, 151, 170
Internal slave-trade, 33
Interest to treat slaves well, 30
Jefferson, Thomas, 22
Kenrick, John, 215
Kidnapping, 34, 65
Labor compulsory and uncompensated, 41
Lafayette, 97
Laws regulating labor, 43, 44
Laws obstruct emancipation, 54
Laws to perpetuate ignorance, 59, 67, 70
Laws against Free Colored People, 63
Louis 13th, 8
Marriages, laws concerning, 196
Martineau, Harriet, 83
Masters have absolute power to punish, 49
Miller, Gov. of S. Carolina, 103
Missouri Question, 120
Moral Character of Africans, 177
Moss, Mary and Helen, 24
New-England kept in check by jealousy of the Slave States, 114
North and South, 31
Ohio and Kentucky, 86
Offences punished in Slaves, 61
Park, Mungo, 177
Pauperism, comparative in West Indies, 90
Petitions, 216
Pinckney, Charles, 108
Political power of Slave States, 111
Portuguese, 7, 48, 54
Prejudice against color almost unknown in other countries, 135, 208
Prejudice cherished by Colonization, 133
Prejudice, instances of, 198 to 209
Quakers, 213
Religious privileges of Slaves, 57
Roane, Mr. 139
Roman Slaves, 47, 54, 55
Runaways, 62, 71
Sectional dislike, 121
Slave Trade, beginning of, 7
Slave Ship, description of, 12
Slave Trade, cruelties of, 17
Slave Trade defended in House of Commons, 19
Slave Trade sanctioned by Constitution of the United States for
twenty years, 36
Slave cut in pieces, 26
Slave Codes, different degrees of mildness, 39
Slavery, hereditary and perpetual, 42
Slaves cannot own property, 46, 71
Slaves considered as chattels, 45
Slaves in Africa, 48
Slaves never allowed to resist, 52
Slaves in U. S. cannot redeem themselves, 53
Slaves unprotected in domestic relations, 54
Slave Representation, 105
Slavery veiled in the Constitution, 106
Son, who murdered his father to obtain freedom, 23
Southerners do not desire the abolition of Slavery, 100
Southerner, conversation with, 139
Spanish Slaves, 7, 48, 54, 56
St. Domingo, 86
Sutcliff's Travels, 81
Toussaint L'Ouverture, 166
Turkey, 56
Union, 119
Washington's Slaves, 96
Washington had doubts, 107
Wirt, William, 102
Wright, Gov. of Maryland, 106
Zhinga, 154
Transcriber's Note
This ebook retains the spelling variations and inconsistencies of the
original document. Where corrections to quotation marks seemed necessary,
changes were made, as detailed below. However, quotation-mark usage in
this text is variable. Some quoted passages have end-quotes after each
paragraph; some after only the final paragraph quoted. This style matches
that of the original document published in 1836.
The following typographical corrections have been made to this text:
Title Page: Added missing quotation marks (Our brethren!")
P. 7: Added missing end punctuation (Wordsworth.)
P. 9: Changed igenuity to ingenuity (excite industry and ingenuity)
Changed diastrous to disastrous (have been most disastrous)
Changed intercouse to intercourse (intercourse with Europeans)
P. 10: Added missing end punctuation (spears of the enemy.)
P. 12: Changed 'two' to 'too' (becomes almost too harrowing)
P. 14: Added missing quotation marks ("The officers insisted)
Changed kness to knees (against our knees)
P. 16: Changed stong to strong (a very strong party)
Changed consequnce to consequence (consequence of the severe)
Added missing quotation marks (old candle-boxes.")
P. 23: Changed consience to conscience (a matter of conscience)
P. 26: Changed Jeferson's to Jefferson's (the son of Jefferson's)
P. 33: Added missing quotation marks (for safe-keeping.")
P. 46: Added missing quotation marks ("All that a slave)
P. 51: Added missing comma (his or her master, mistress)
P. 60: Added missing quotation marks (_at least nine_.")
P. 85: A set of quotation marks appears omitted but it was not
possible to determine where they were to have been added.
P. 99: Changed agreeaable to agreeable (an agreeable novelty)
P. 137: Changed 'them-themselves' to 'themselves' (pledge themselves)
Removed stray quotation marks (their _qualifications_?)
P. 145: Removed duplicate word 'been' (to have been the meekest)
P. 146: Changed opnion to opinion (influences public opinion)
P. 157: Added missing end punctuation (in the year 1734.)
P. 159: Changed Geoffrroy to Geoffroy (Lislet Geoffroy)
P. 183: Added missing punctuation (to negro property; what would)
P. 192: Added missing quotation marks ("among one hundred)
P. 195: Added missing quotation marks (your honor," said the Corporal)
P. 211: Changed 'to' to 'too' (too much respect)
P. 216: Changed onr to our (an allusion to our)