Such faults may annoy critics, even of no very sensitive fibre. What is

it that redeems them? The first answer is, that the work is impressive

because it is thoroughly genuine. The stream, it is true, comes forth by

spasmodic gushes, when it ought to flow in a continuous current; but it

flows from a full reservoir instead of being pumped from a shallow

cistern. The knowledge and, what is more, the thoroughly-assimilated

knowledge, is enormous. Mr. Trevelyan has shown in detail what we had

all divined for ourselves, how much patient labour is often employed in

a paragraph or the turn of a phrase. To accuse Macaulay of

superficiality is, in this sense, altogether absurd. His speculation may

be meagre, but his store of information is simply inexhaustible. Mill's

writing was impressive, because one often felt that a single argument

condensed the result of a long process of reflection. Macaulay has the

lower but similar merit that a single picturesque touch implies

incalculable masses of knowledge. It is but an insignificant part of the

building which appears above ground. Compare a passage with the assigned

authority, and you are inclined to accuse him--sometimes it may be

rightfully--of amplifying and modifying. But more often the particular

authority is merely the nucleus round which a whole volume of other

knowledge has crystallised. A single hint is significant to a

properly-prepared mind of a thousand facts not explicitly contained in

it. Nobody, he said, could judge of the accuracy of one part of his

'History' who had not 'soaked his mind with the transitory literature of

the day.' His real authority was not this or that particular passage,

but a literature. And for this reason alone, Macaulay's historical

writings have a permanent value which will prevent them from being

superseded even by more philosophical thinkers, whose minds have not

undergone the 'soaking' process.

It is significant again that imitations of Macaulay are almost as

offensive as imitations of Carlyle. Every great writer has his

parasites. Macaulay's false glitter and jingle, his frequent flippancy

and superficiality of thought, are more easily caught than his virtues;

but so are all faults. Would-be followers of Carlyle catch the strained

gestures without the rapture of his inspiration. Would-be followers of

Mill fancied themselves to be logical when they were only hopelessly

unsympathetic and unimaginative; and would-be followers of some other

writers can be effeminate and foppish without being subtle or graceful.

Macaulay's thoroughness of work has, perhaps, been less contagious than

we could wish. Something of the modern raising of the standard of

accuracy in historical inquiry may be set down to his influence. The

misfortune is that, if some writers have learnt from him to be flippant

without learning to be laborious, others have caught the accuracy

without the liveliness. In the later volumes of his 'History,' his

vigour began to be a little clogged by the fulness of his knowledge; and

we can observe symptoms of the tendency of modern historians to grudge

the sacrifice of sifting their knowledge. They read enough, but instead

of giving us the results, they tumble out the accumulated mass of raw

materials upon our devoted heads, till they make us long for a fire in

the State Paper Office.

Fortunately, Macaulay did not yield to this temptation in his earlier

writings, and the result is that he is, for the ordinary reader, one of

the two authorities for English history, the other being Shakespeare.

Without comparing their merits, we must admit that the compression of so

much into a few short narratives shows intensity as well as compass of

mind. He could digest as well as devour, and he tried his digestion

pretty severely. It is fashionable to say that part of his practical

force is due to the training of parliamentary life. Familiarity with the

course of affairs doubtless strengthened his insight into history, and

taught him the value of downright common-sense in teaching an average

audience. Speaking purely from the literary point of view, I cannot

agree further in the opinion suggested. I suspect the 'History' would

have been better if Macaulay had not been so deeply immersed in all the

business of legislation and electioneering. I do not profoundly

reverence the House of Commons' tone--even in the House of Commons; and

in literature it easily becomes a nuisance. Familiarity with the actual

machinery of politics tends to strengthen the contempt for general

principles, of which Macaulay had an ample share. It encourages the

illusion of the fly upon the wheel, the doctrine that the dust and din

of debate and the worry of lobbies and committee-rooms are not the

effect but the cause of the great social movement. The historian of the

Roman Empire, as we know, owed something to the captain of Hampshire

Militia; but years of life absorbed in parliamentary wrangling and in

sitting at the feet of the philosophers of Holland House were not

likely to widen a mind already disposed to narrow views of the world.

For Macaulay's immediate success, indeed, the training was undoubtedly

valuable. As he carried into Parliament the authority of a great writer,

so he wrote books with the authority of the practical politician. He has

the true instinct of affairs. He knows what are the immediate motives

which move masses of men; and is never misled by fanciful analogies or

blindfolded by the pedantry of official language. He has seen

flesh-and-blood statesmen--at any rate, English statesmen--and

understands the nature of the animal. Nobody can be freer from the

dominion of crotchets. All his reasoning is made of the soundest common

sense, and represents, if not the ultimate forces, yet forces with which

we have to reckon. And he knows, too, how to stir the blood of the

average Englishman. He understands most thoroughly the value of

concentration, unity, and simplicity. Every speech or essay forms an

artistic whole, in which some distinct moral is vigorously driven home

by a succession of downright blows. This strong rhetorical instinct is

shown conspicuously in the 'Lays of Ancient Rome,' which, whatever we

might say of them as poetry, are an admirable specimen of rhymed

rhetoric. We know how good they are when we see how incapable are modern

ballad-writers in general of putting the same swing and fire into their

verses. Compare, for example, Aytoun's 'Lays of the Cavaliers,' as the

most obvious parallel:--

Not swifter pours the avalanche

Adown the steep incline,

That rises o'er the parent springs

Of rough and rapid Rhine,

than certain Scotch heroes over an entrenchment. Place this mouthing by

any parallel passage in Macaulay:--

Now, by our sire Quirinus,

It was a goodly sight

To see the thirty standards

Swept down the tide of flight.

So flies the spray in Adria

When the black squall doth blow.

So corn-sheaves in the flood time

Spin down the whirling Po.

And so on in verses which innumerable schoolboys of inferior pretensions

to Macaulay's know by heart. And in such cases the verdict of the

schoolboy is perhaps more valuable than that of the literary

connoisseur. There are, of course, many living poets who can do

tolerably something of far higher quality which Macaulay could not do at

all. But I don't know who, since Scott, could have done this particular

thing. Possibly Mr. Kingsley might have approached it, or the poet, if

he would have condescended so far, who sang the bearing of the good news

from Ghent to Aix. In any case, the feat is significant of Macaulay's

true power. It looks easy; it involves no demands upon the higher

reasoning or imaginative powers: but nobody will believe it to be easy

who observes the extreme rarity of a success in a feat so often

attempted.

A similar remark is suggested by Macaulay's 'Essays.' Read such an essay

as that upon Clive, or Warren Hastings, or Chatham. The story seems to

tell itself. The characters are so strongly marked, the events fall so

easily into their places, that we fancy that the narrator's business has

been done to his hand. It wants little critical experience to discover

that this massive simplicity is really indicative of an art not, it may

be, of the highest order, but truly admirable for its purpose. It

indicates not only a gigantic memory, but a glowing mind, which has

fused a crude mass of materials into unity. If we do not find the sudden

touches which reveal the philosophical sagacity or the imaginative

insight of the highest order of intellects, we recognise the true

rhetorical instinct. The outlines may be harsh, and the colours too

glaring; but the general effect has been carefully studied. The details

are wrought in with consummate skill. We indulge in an intercalary pish!

here and there; but we are fascinated and we remember. The actual amount

of intellectual force which goes to the composition of such written

archives is immense, though the quality may leave something to be

desired. Shrewd common-sense may be an inferior substitute for

philosophy, and the faculty which brings remote objects close to the eye

of an ordinary observer for the loftier faculty which tinges everyday

life with the hues of mystic contemplation. But when the common

faculties are present in so abnormal a degree, they begin to have a

dignity of their own.

It is impossible in such matters to establish any measure of comparison.

No analysis will enable us to say how much pedestrian capacity may be

fairly regarded as equivalent to a small capacity for soaring above the

solid earth, and therefore the question as to the relative value of

Macaulay's work and that of some men of loftier aims and less perfect

execution must be left to individual taste. We can only say that it is

something so to have written the history of many national heroes as to

make their faded glories revive to active life in the memory of their

countrymen. So long as Englishmen are what they are--and they don't seem

to change as rapidly as might be wished--they will turn to Macaulay's

pages to gain a vivid impression of our greatest achievements during an

important period.

Nor is this all. The fire which glows in Macaulay's history, the intense

patriotic feeling, the love of certain moral qualities, is not

altogether of the highest kind. His ideal of national and individual

greatness might easily be criticised. But the sentiment, as far as it

goes, is altogether sound and manly. He is too fond, it has been said,

of incessant moralising. From a scientific point of view the moralising

is irrelevant. We want to study the causes and the nature of great

social movements; and when we are stopped in order to inquire how far

the prominent actors in them were hurried beyond ordinary rules, we are

transported into a different order of thought. It would be as much to

the purpose if we approved an earthquake for upsetting a fort, and

blamed it for moving the foundations of a church. Macaulay can never

understand this point of view. With him, history is nothing more than a

sum of biographies. And even from a biographical point of view his

moralising is often troublesome. He not only insists upon transporting

party prejudice into his estimates, and mauls poor James II. as he

mauled the Tories in 1832; but he applies obviously inadequate tests. It

is absurd to call upon men engaged in a life-and-death wrestle to pay

scrupulous attention to the ordinary rules of politeness. There are

times when judgments guided by constitutional precedent become

ludicrously out of place, and when the best man is he who aims

straightest at the heart of his antagonist. But, in spite of such

drawbacks, Macaulay's genuine sympathy for manliness and force of

character generally enables him to strike pretty nearly the true note.

To learn the true secret of Cromwell's character we must go to Carlyle,

who can sympathise with deep currents of religious enthusiasm. Macaulay

retains too much of the old Whig distrust for all that it calls

fanaticism fully to recognise the grandeur beneath the grotesque outside

of the Puritan. But Macaulay tells us most distinctly why Englishmen

warm at the name of the great Protector. We, like the banished

Cavaliers, 'glow with an emotion of national pride' at his animated

picture of the unconquerable Ironsides. One phrase may be sufficiently

illustrative. After quoting Clarendon's story of the Scotch nobleman who

forced Charles to leave the field of Naseby by seizing his horse's

bridle, 'no man,' says Macaulay, 'who had much value for his life would

have tried to perform the same friendly office on that day for Oliver

Cromwell.'

Macaulay, in short, always feels, and therefore communicates, a hearty

admiration for sheer manliness. And some of his portraits of great men

have therefore a genuine power, and show the deeper insight which comes

from true sympathy. He estimates the respectable observer of

constitutional proprieties too highly; he is unduly repelled by the

external oddities of the truly masculine and noble Johnson; but his

enthusiasm for his pet hero, William, or for Chatham or Clive, carries

us along with him. And at moments when he is narrating their exploits,

and can forget his elaborate argumentations and refrain from bits of

deliberate bombast, the style becomes graphic in the higher sense of a

much-abused word, and we confess that we are listening to genuine

eloquence. Putting aside for the moment recollection of foibles, almost

too obvious to deserve the careful demonstration which they have

sometimes received, we are glad to surrender ourselves to the charm of

his straightforward, clear-headed, hard-hitting declamation. There is no

writer with whom it is easier to find fault, or the limits of whose

power may be more distinctly defined; but within his own sphere he goes

forward, as he went through life, with a kind of grand confidence in

himself and his cause, which is attractive, and at times even

provocative of sympathetic enthusiasm.

Macaulay said, in his Diary, that he wrote his 'History' with an eye to

a remote past and a remote future. He meant to erect a monument more

enduring than brass, and the ambition at least stimulated him to

admirable thoroughness of workmanship. How far his aim was secured must

be left to the decision of a posterity which will not trouble itself

about the susceptibilities of candidates for its favour. In one sense,

however, Macaulay must be interesting so long as the type which he so

fully represents continues to exist. Whig has become an old-fashioned

phrase, and is repudiated by modern Liberals and Radicals, who think

themselves wiser than their fathers. The decay of the old name implies a

remarkable political change; but I doubt whether it implies more than a

very superficial change in the national character. New classes and new

ideas have come upon the stage; but they have a curious family likeness

to the old. The Whiggism whose peculiarities Macaulay reflected so

faithfully represents some of the most deeply-seated tendencies of the

national character. It has, therefore, both its ugly and its honourable

side. Its disregard, or rather its hatred, for pure reason, its

exaltation of expediency above truth and precedent above principle, its

instinctive dread of strong religious or political faiths, are of course

questionable qualities. Yet even they have their nobler side. There is

something almost sublime about the grand unreasonableness of the average

Englishman. His dogged contempt for all foreigners and philosophers,

his intense resolution to have his own way and use his own eyes, to see

nothing that does not come within his narrow sphere of vision, and to

see it quite clearly before he acts upon it, are of course abhorrent to

thinkers of a different order. But they are great qualities in the

struggle for existence which must determine the future of the world. The

Englishman, armed in his panoply of self-content, and grasping facts

with unequalled tenacity, goes on trampling upon acuter sensibilities,

but somehow shouldering his way successfully through the troubles of the

universe. Strength may be combined with stupidity, but even then it is

not to be trifled with. Macaulay's sympathy with these qualities led to

some annoying peculiarities, to a certain brutal insularity, and to a

commonness, sometimes a vulgarity, of style which is easily criticised.

But, at least, we must confess that, to use an epithet which always

comes up in speaking of him, he is a thoroughly manly writer. There is

nothing silly or finical about him. He sticks to his colours resolutely

and honourably. If he flatters his countrymen, it is the unconscious and

spontaneous effect of his participation in their weaknesses. He never

knowingly calls black white, or panders to an ungenerous sentiment. He

is combative to a fault, but his combativeness is allied to a genuine

love of fair-play. When he hates a man, he calls him knave or fool with

unflinching frankness, but he never uses a base weapon. The wounds which

he inflicts may hurt, but they do not fester. His patriotism may be

narrow, but it implies faith in the really good qualities, the

manliness, the spirit of justice, and the strong moral sense of his

countrymen. He is proud of the healthy vigorous stock from which he

springs; and the fervour of his enthusiasm, though it may shock a

delicate taste, has embodied itself in writings which will long continue

to be the typical illustration of qualities of which we are all proud at

bottom--indeed, be it said in passing, a good deal too proud.

END OF THE SECOND VOLUME

PRINTED BY

SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE

LONDON

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| Transcriber's Notes: |

| |

| Page 31: illlustrations amended to illustrations |

| Page 38: Single quote mark removed from end of excerpt. |

| ("And Shelburne's fame through laughing valleys ring!") |

| Page 81: idiosyncracy amended to idiosyncrasy |

| Page 117: Single quote mark in front of "miserable" |

| removed. ("'The man they called Dizzy' can despise a |

| miserable creature ...") |

| Page 131: sweatmeats amended to sweetmeats |

| Page 143: aristocractic amended to aristocratic |

| Page 147: sentiment amended to sentiments |

| Page 163: Mahommedan amended to Mohammedan |

| Page 181: Macchiavelli amended to Machiavelli |

| Page 241: Full stop added after "third generation." |

| Page 247: Comma added after "We both love the |

| Constitution...." |

| Page 325: chartalan amended to charlatan |

| Page 368: Shakspeare amended to Shakespeare |

| |

| Italicisation and hyphenation have been standardised. |

| However, where there is an equal number of instances of |

| a hyphenated and unhyphenated word, both have been |

| retained: dreamlike/dream-like; evildoers/evil-doers; |

| highflown/high-flown; jogtrot/jog-trot; |

| overdoses/over-doses; textbook/text-book. |

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Hours in a Library, Volume 2 New Edition, with Additions · 第 27 / 27 段