He has laid bare for the most careless reader the main elements of his

singular composition. Like some others of his revolutionary friends,

Godwin, for example, Leigh Hunt, and Tom Paine, he represents the old

dissenting spirit in a new incarnation. The grandfather a stern

Calvinist, the father a Unitarian, the son a freethinker; those were the

gradations through which more than one family passed during the closing

years of the last century and the opening of this. One generation still

clung to the old Puritan traditions and Jonathan Edwards; the next

followed Priestley; and the third joined the little band of radicals who

read Cobbett, scorned Southey as a deserter, and refused to be

frightened by the French Revolution. The outside crust of opinion may be

shed with little change to the inner man. Hazlitt was a dissenter to his

backbone. He was born to be in a minority; to be a living protest

against the dominant creed and constitution. He recognised and

denounced, but he never shook off, the faults characteristic of small

sects. A want of wide intellectual culture, and a certain sourness of

temper, cramped his powers and sometimes marred his writing. But from

his dissenting forefathers Hazlitt inherited something better. Beside

the huge tomes of controversial divinity on his father's shelves, the

'Patres Poloni,' Pripscovius, Crellius and Cracovius, Lardner and

Doddridge, and Baxter and Bates, and Howe, were the legends of the

Puritan hagiology. The old dissenters, he tells us, had Neale's 'History

of the Puritans' by heart, and made their children read Calamy's account

of the 2,000 ejected ministers along with the stories of Daniel in the

Lion's Den and Meshach, Shadrach, and Abednego. Sympathy for the

persecuted, unbending resistance to the oppressor, was the creed which

had passed into their blood. 'This covenant they kept as the stars keep

their courses; this principle they stuck by, for want of knowing better,

as it sticks by them to the last. It grew with their growth, it does not

wither in their decay.... It glimmers with the last feeble eyesight,

smiles in the faded cheek like infancy, and lights a path before them to

the grave. This'--for in Hazlitt lies a personal application in all his

moralising--'This is better than the whirligig life of a court

poet'--such, for example, as Robert Southey.

But Hazlitt's descent was not pure. If we could trace back the line of

his ancestry we should expect to find that by some freak of fortune, one

of the rigid old Puritans had married a descendant of some great Flemish

or Italian painter. Love of graceful forms and bright colouring and

voluptuous sensations had been transmitted to their descendants, though

hitherto repressed by the stern discipline of British nonconformity. As

the discipline relaxed, the Hazlitts reverted to the ancestral type.

Hazlitt himself, his brother and his sister, were painters by instinct.

The brother became a painter of miniatures by profession; and Hazlitt to

the end of his days revered Titian almost as much as he revered his

great idol Napoleon. An odd pair of idols, one thinks, for a youth

brought up upon Pripscovius and his brethren! A keen delight in all

artistic and natural beauty was an awkward endowment for a youth

intended for the ministry. Keats was scarcely more out of place in a

surgery than Hazlitt would have been in a Unitarian pulpit of those

days, and yet from that pulpit, oddly enough, came the greatest impulse

to Hazlitt. It came from a man who, like Hazlitt himself, though in a

higher degree than Hazlitt, combined the artistic and the philosophic

temperament. Coleridge, as Hazlitt somewhere says, threw a great stone

into the standing pool of contemporary thought; and it was in January

1798--one of the many dates in his personal history to which he recurs

with unceasing fondness--that Hazlitt rose before daylight and walked

ten miles in the mud to hear Coleridge preach. He has told, in his

graphic manner, how the voice of the preacher 'rose like a stream of

rich distilled perfumes;' how he launched into his subject, after giving

out the text, 'like an eagle dallying with the wind;' and how his young

hearer seemed to be listening to the music of the spheres, to see the

union of poetry and philosophy; and behold truth and genius embracing

under the eye of religion. His description of the youthful Coleridge has

a fit pendant in the wonderful description of the full-blown philosopher

in Carlyle's 'Life of Sterling;' where, indeed, one or two touches are

taken from Hazlitt's Essays. It is Hazlitt who remarked, even at this

early meeting, that the dreamy poet philosopher could never decide on

which side of the footpath he should walk; and Hazlitt, who struck out

the epigram that Coleridge was an excellent talker if allowed to start

from no premisses and come to no conclusion. The glamour of Coleridge's

theosophy never seems to have fascinated Hazlitt's stubborn intellect.

At this time, indeed, Coleridge had not yet been inoculated with German

mysticism. In after years, the disciple, according to his custom,

renounced his master and assailed him with half-regretful anger. But the

intercourse and kindly encouragement of so eminent a man seem to have

roused Hazlitt's ambition. His poetical and his speculative intellect

were equally stirred. The youth was already longing to write a

philosophical treatise. The two elements of his nature thus roused to

action led him along a 'strange diagonal.' He would be at once a painter

and a metaphysician. Some eight years of artistic labour convinced him

that he could not be a Titian or a Raphael, and he declined to be a mere

Hazlitt junior. His metaphysical studies, on the contrary, convinced him

that he might be a Hume or a Berkeley; but unluckily they convinced

himself alone. The tiny volume which contained their results was

neglected by everybody but the author, who, to the end of his days,

loved it with the love of a mother for a deformed child. It is written,

to say the truth, in a painful and obscure style; it is the work of a

man who has brooded over his own thoughts in solitude till he cannot

appreciate the need of a clear exposition. The narrowness of his reading

had left him in ignorance of the new aspects under which the eternal

problems were presenting themselves to the new generation; and a

metaphysical discussion in antiquated phraseology is as useless as a

lady's dress in the last year's fashion. Hazlitt, in spite of this

double failure, does not seem to have been much disturbed by

impecuniosity; but the most determined Bohemian has to live. For some

years he strayed about the purlieus of literature, drudging,

translating, and doing other cobbler's work. Two of his performances,

however, were characteristic; he wrote an attack upon Malthus, and he

made an imprudent marriage. Even Malthusians must admit that imprudent

marriages may have some accidental good consequences. When a man has

fairly got his back to the wall, he is forced to fight; and Hazlitt, at

the age of thirty-four, with a wife and a son, at last discovered the

great secret of the literary profession, that a clever man can write

when he has to write or starve. To compose had been labour and grief to

him, so long as he could potter round a thought indefinitely; but with

the printer's devil on one side and the demands of a family on the

other, his ink began to flow freely, and during the last fifteen or

seventeen years of his life he became a voluminous though fragmentary

author. Several volumes of essays, lectures, and criticisms, besides his

more ambitious 'Life of Napoleon,' and a great deal of anonymous

writing, attest his industry. He died in 1830, at the age of fifty-two;

leaving enough to show that he could have done more and a good deal of a

rare, if not of the highest kind of excellence.

Hazlitt, as I have said, is everywhere autobiographical. Besides that

secret, that a man can write if he must, he had discovered the further

secret that the easiest of all topics is his own feelings. It is an

apparent paradox, though the explanation is not far to seek, that

Hazlitt, though shy with his friends, was the most unreserved of

writers. Indeed he takes the public into his confidence with a facility

which we cannot easily forgive. Biographers of late have been guilty of

flagrant violations of the unwritten code which should protect the

privacies of social life from the intrusions of public curiosity. But

the most unscrupulous of biographers would hardly have dared to tear

aside the veil so audaciously as Hazlitt, in one conspicuous instance at

least, chose to do for himself. His idol Rousseau had indeed gone

further; but when Rousseau told the story of his youth, it was at least

seen through a long perspective of years, and his own personality might

seem to be scarcely interested. Hazlitt chose, in the strange book

called the 'New Pygmalion,' or 'Liber Amoris,' to invite the British

public at large to look on at a strange tragi-comedy, of which the last

scene was scarcely finished. Hazlitt had long been unhappy in his family

life. His wife appears to have been a masculine woman, with no talent

for domesticity; completely indifferent to her husband's pursuits, and

inclined to despise him for so fruitless an employment of his energies.

They had already separated, it seems, when Hazlitt fell desperately in

love with Miss Sarah Walker, the daughter of his lodging-house keeper.

The husband and wife agreed to obtain a divorce under the Scotch law,

after which they might follow their own paths, and Sarah Walker become

the second Mrs. Hazlitt. Some months had to be spent by Mr. and Mrs.

Hazlitt in Edinburgh, with a view to this arrangement. The lady's

journal records her impressions; which, it would seem, strongly

resembled those of a tradesman getting rid of a rather flighty and

imprudent partner in business. She is extremely precise as to all

pecuniary and legal details; she calls upon her husband now and then,

takes tea with him, makes an off-hand remark or two about some

picture-gallery which he had been visiting, and tells him that he has

made a fool of himself, with the calmness of a lady dismissing a

troublesome servant, or a schoolmaster parting from an ill-behaved

pupil. And meanwhile, in queer contrast, Hazlitt was pouring out to his

friends letters which seem to be throbbing with unrestrainable passion.

He is raving as Romeo at Mantua might have raved about Juliet. To hear

Miss Walker called his wife will be music to his ears, such as they

never heard. But it seems doubtful whether, after all, his Juliet will

have him. He shrieks mere despair and suicide. Nothing is left in the

world to give him a drop of comfort. The breeze does not cool him nor

the blue sky delight him. He will never lie down at night nor rise up of

a morning in peace, nor even behold his little boy's face with pleasure,

unless he is restored to her favour. And Mrs. Hazlitt reports, after

acknowledging the receipt of £10, that Mr. Hazlitt was so much

'enamoured' of one of these letters that he pulled it out of his pocket

twenty times a day, wanted to read it to his companions, and ranted and

gesticulated till people took him for a madman. The 'Liber Amoris' is

made out of these letters--more or less altered and disguised, with some

reports of conversations with the lovely Sarah. 'It was an explosion of

frenzy,' says De Quincey; his reckless mode of relieving his bosom of

certain perilous stuff, with little care whether it produced scorn or

sympathy. A passion which urges its victim to such improprieties should

be, at least, deep and genuine. One would have liked him better if he

had not taken his frenzy to market. The 'Liber Amoris' tells us

accordingly that the author, Hazlitt's imaginary double, died abroad,

'of disappointment preying on a sickly frame and morbid state of mind.'

The hero, in short, breaks his heart when the lady marries somebody

else. Hazlitt's heart was more elastic. Miss Sarah Walker married, and

Hazlitt next year married a widow lady 'of some property,' made a tour

with her on the Continent, and then--quarrelled with her also. It is not

a pretty story. Hazlitt's biographer informs us, by way of excuse, that

his grandfather was 'physically incapable'--whatever that may mean--'of

fixing his affection upon a single object.' He 'comprehended,' indeed,

'the worth of constancy' and other virtues as well as most men, and

could have written about them better than most men; but somehow 'a

sinister influence or agency,' a periphrasis for a sensuous temperament,

was perpetually present, which confined his virtues to the sphere of

theory. An apology sometimes is worse than a satire. The case, however,

seems to be sufficiently plain. We need not suspect that Hazlitt was

consciously acting a part and nursing his 'frenzy' because he thought

that it would make a startling book. He was an egotist and a man of

impulse. His impressions were for the time overpowering; but they were

transient. His temper was often stronger than his passions. A gust of

anger would make him quarrel with his oldest friends. Every emotion

justified itself for the time, because it was his. He always did well,

whether it pleased him for the moment to be angry, to be in love, to be

cynical, or to be furiously indignant. The end, therefore, of his life

exhibits a series of short impetuous fits of passionate endeavour,

rather than devotion to a single overruling purpose; and all his

writings are brief outbursts of eloquent feeling, where neither the

separate fragments nor the works considered as a whole obey any law of

logical development. And yet, in some ways, Hazlitt boasted, and boasted

plausibly enough, of his constancy. He has the same ideas to the end of

his life that he had at fourteen. He would, he remarks, be an excellent

man on a jury; he would say little, but would starve the eleven other

obstinate fellows out. Amongst politicians he was a faithful Abdiel,

when all others had deserted the cause. He loved the books of his

boyhood, the fields where he had walked, the gardens where he had drunk

tea, and, to a rather provoking extent, the old quotations and old

stories which he had used from his first days of authorship. The

explanation of the apparent paradox gives the clue to Hazlitt's singular

character.

What I have called Hazlitt's egotism is more euphemistically and perhaps

more accurately described by Talfourd,[3] 'an intense consciousness of

his own individual being.' The word egotism in our rough estimates of

character is too easily confounded with selfishness. Hazlitt might have

been the person who, as one making a strange confession, assured a

friend that he took a deep interest in his own concerns. He was, one

would say, decidedly unselfish, if by selfishness is meant a disposition

to feather one's own nest without regard for other people's wants. Still

less was he selfish in the sense of preferring solid bread and butter to

the higher needs of mind and spirit. His sentiments are always generous,

and if scorn is too familiar a mood, it is scorn of the base and

servile. But his peculiarity is that these generous feelings are always

associated with some special case. He sees every abstract principle by

the concrete instance. He hates insolence in the abstract, but his

hatred flames into passion when it is insolence to Hazlitt. He resembles

that good old lady who wrote on the margin of her 'Complete Duty of Man'

the name of that neighbour who most conspicuously sinned against the

precept in the opposite text. Tyranny with Hazlitt is named Pitt, party

spite is Gifford, apostasy is Southey, and fidelity may be called

Cobbett or Godwin; though he finds names for the vices much more easily

than for the virtues. And thus, if he cannot be condemned for

selfishness, one must be charitable not to put down a good many of his

offences to its sister jealousy. The personal and the public sentiments

are so invariably blended in his mind that neither he nor anybody else

could have analysed their composition. He was apt to be the more moody

and irritable because his resentments clothed themselves spontaneously

in the language of some nobler emotion. If his friends are cold, he

bewails the fickleness of humanity; if they are successful, it is not

envy that prompts his irritation, but the rarity of the correspondence

between merit and reward. Such a man is more faithful to his dead than

to his living friends. The dead cannot change; they always come back to

his memory in their old colours; their names recall the old tender

emotion placed above all change and chance. But who can tell that our

dearest living friend may not come into awkward collision with us before

he has left the room? It is as well to be on our guard! It is curious

how the two feelings alternate in Hazlitt's mind in regard to the

friends who are at once dead and living; how fondly he dwells upon the

Coleridge of Wem and Nether Stowey where he first listened to the

enchanter's voice, and with what bitterness, which is yet but soured

affection, he turns upon the Coleridge who defended war-taxes in the

'Friend.' He hacks and hews at Southey through several furious Essays,

and ends with a groan. 'We met him unexpectedly the other day in St.

Giles's,' he says, 'were sorry we had passed him without speaking to an

old friend, turned and looked after him for some time as to a tale of

other days--sighing, as we walked on, Alas, poor Southey!' He fancies

himself to be in the mood of Brutus murdering Cæsar. It is patriotism

struggling with old associations of friendship; if there is any personal

element in the hostility, no one is less conscious of it than the

possessor. To the whole Lake school his attitude is always the

same--justice done grudgingly in spite of anger, or satire tempered by

remorse. No one could say nastier things of that very different egotist,

Wordsworth; nor could anyone, outside the sacred clique, pay him

heartier compliments. Nobody, indeed, can dislike egotism like an

egotist. 'Wordsworth,' says Hazlitt, 'sees nothing but himself and the

universe; he hates all greatness and all pretensions to it but his own.

His egotism is in this respect a madness, for he scorns even the

admiration of himself, thinking it a presumption in anyone to suppose

that he has taste or sense enough to understand him. He hates all

science and all art: he hates chemistry, he hates conchology, he hates

Sir Isaac Newton, he hates logic, he hates metaphysics,' and so on

through a long list of hatreds, ending with the inimitable Napoleon,

whom Wordsworth hates, it seems, 'to get rid of the idea of anything

greater, or thought to be greater, than himself.' Hazlitt might have

made out a tolerable list of his own antipathies; though, to do him

justice, of antipathies balanced by ardent enthusiasm, especially for

the dead or the distant.

Hazlitt, indeed, was incapable of the superlative self-esteem here

attributed to Wordsworth. His egotism is a curious variety of that

Protean passion, compounded as skilfully as the melancholy of Jaques. It

is not the fascinating and humorous egotism of Lamb, who disarms us

beforehand by a smile at his own crotchets. Hazlitt is too serious to be

playful. Nor is it like the amusing egotism of Boswell, combined with a

vanity which evades our contempt, because it asks so frankly for

sympathy. Hazlitt is too proud and too bitter. Neither is it the

misanthropic egotism of Byron, which, through all its affectation,

implies a certain aristocratic contempt of the world and its laws.

Hazlitt has not the sweep and continuity of Byron's passion. His

egotism--be it said without offence--is dashed with something of the

feeling common amongst his dissenting friends. He feels the awkwardness

which prevails amongst a clique branded by a certain social stigma, and

despises himself for his awkwardness. He resents neglect and scorns to

ask for patronage. His egotism is a touchy and wayward feeling which

takes the mask of misanthropy. He is always meditating upon his own

qualities, but not in the spirit of the conceited man who plumes himself

upon his virtues, nor of the ascetic who broods over his vices. He

prefers the apparently self-contradictory attitude (but human nature is

illogical) of meditating with remorse upon his own virtues. What in

others is complacency, becomes with him, ostensibly at least,

self-reproach. He affects--but it is hard to say where the affectation

begins--to be annoyed by the contemplation of his own merits. He is

angry with the world for preferring commonplace to genius, and rewarding

stupidity by success; but in form at least, he mocks at his own folly

for expecting better things. If he is vain at bottom, his vanity shows

itself indirectly by depreciating his neighbours. He is too proud to

dwell upon his own virtues, but he has been convinced by impartial

observation that the world at large is in a conspiracy against merit.

Thus he manages to transform his self-consciousness into the semblance

of proud humility, and extracts a bitter and rather morbid pleasure from

dwelling upon his disappointments and failures. Half-a-dozen of his best

Essays give expression to this mood, which is rather bitter than

querulous. He enlarges cordially on the 'disadvantages of intellectual

superiority.' An author--Hazlitt, to wit--is not allowed to relax into

dulness; if he is brilliant he is not understood, and if he professes an

interest in common things it is assumed that then he must be a fool. And

yet in the midst of these grumblings he is forced to admit a touch of

weakness, and tells us how it pleases him to hear a man ask in the Fives

Court, 'Which is Mr. Hazlitt?' He, the most idiosyncratic of men, and

most proud of it at bottom, declares how 'he hates his style to be

known, as he hates all idiosyncrasy.' At the next moment he purrs with

complacency at the recollection of having been forced into an avowal of

his authorship of an article in the 'Edinburgh Review.' Most generally

he eschews these naïve lapses into vanity. He dilates on the old text of

the 'shyness of scholars.' The learned are out of place in competition

with the world. They are not and ought not to fancy themselves fitted

for the vulgar arena. They can never enjoy their old privileges. 'Fool

that it (learning) was, ever to forego its privileges and loosen the

strong hold it had on opinion in bigotry and superstition!' The same

tone of disgust pronounces itself more cynically in an Essay 'on the

pleasure of hating.' Hatred is, he admits, a poisonous ingredient in all

our passions, but it is that which gives reality to them. Patriotism

means hatred of the French, and virtue is a hatred of other people's

faults to atone for our own vices. All things turn to hatred. 'We hate

old friends, we hate old books, we hate old opinions, and at last we

come to hate ourselves.' Summing up all his disappointments, the broken

friendships, and disappointed ambitions, and vanished illusions, he

asks, in conclusion, whether he has not come to hate and despise

himself? 'Indeed, I do,' he answers, 'and chiefly for not having hated

and despised the world enough.'

Hours in a Library, Volume 2 New Edition, with Additions · 第 5 / 27 段