RECALLED TO SAVE THE MONARCHY
"Yuan Shih K'ai is appointed Viceroy of the Hu Kuang provinces
and to direct the suppressive and pacification operations there.
Tsen Chun-hsuan is appointed Viceroy of Szechuen and to direct
suppressive and pacification measures, in that province. They
are both commanded to hasten to their posts and need not repair
to Peking for audiences."
This bald statement in an Imperial Edict issued on October 14,
1911--three days after the Revolution had broken out in Wuchang--told
to the world that the Court in Peking was _in extremis_, yet ever
acute. There was one man who could deal with the situation, one man
to whom the Northern Army would be leal in a conflict with the Army
of the South; that one man was the neglected Yuan Shih K'ai. At
first Yuan refused the proffered honour, but afterwards General Yin
Chang, who commanded the troops, interviewed him, and on the 18th
Yuan formally accepted the appointment and proceeded south. It was a
time fraught with great issues: Yuan the Reformer in close contact
with Li the Revolutionary. In the battle of brains (as well as of
bullets) who would prove to be the stronger man? This section of
Yuan's life has already been referred to in an earlier chapter of the
volume.
On November 10th Yuan Shih K'ai was recalled to Peking, and five days
later accepted the position of Prime Minister, which carried with it
the difficult task of trying to pacify the nation and institute a
Reform Government which would be satisfactory to a majority {229} of
both factions. Writing under that date, a writer in Peking said:--
"According to information received from an exceptionally high
authority, Yuan has adopted a definite plan of procedure.
"First he will endeavour to ascertain the sentiment of the country in
regard to the crucial question whether the Manchu Dynasty will
continue to reign or will be deposed in favour of another form of
government. To this end he will immediately summon a large number of
prominent and representative men from all parts of the country, in
addition to those to be selected in accordance with the edicts issued
yesterday, to form a national conference. This conference of
provincials will determine whether the people really desire a
Republic or a Constitutional Monarchy.
"Personally, Yuan Shih K'ai is well satisfied to have a
Constitutional Monarchy, with strict limitations on the powers and
requisites of the Throne, and will use his influence to this end.
However, he will abide by the decision of the people, reached in
accordance with this orderly plan.
"Yuan has been working strenuously ever since his arrival, shaping
his forces and organising his supporters. There is no doubt that he
feels absolutely secure of the support of the entire Northern Army
and its commanders. He is also negotiating with General Li Yuan
Hung, with whom two special emissaries are now consulting.
"Last night Yuan reached a thorough understanding with the National
Assembly. This probably was one reason for his acceptance, because
he did not wish to risk antagonism in that quarter. Now he has the
full and absolute support of the Assembly without danger of
interference, if promises are kept. Whatever the final result of his
efforts may be, it seems certain that an extended period of parleying
is at hand. It can be positively stated that the Government has
decided to {230} abandon all aggressive measures from Peking during
the course of the negotiations. However, the Imperial troops
naturally will fight if the Revolutionists attack them."
From this time onwards the policy of Yuan Shih K'ai was an enigma
even to those who watched it the most closely. His most ardent
admirers were puzzled. During the brief months that had elapsed
since he re-entered the arena his Excellency had gained many titles.
As he seemed to shape his policy, so he was called Yuan the Dictator,
Yuan the Cunctator, Yuan the King-maker--the Chinese Earl of Warwick.
It is conceivable that all along he was true to his ideal, played the
one game, sought only the best interests of the people and country as
a whole. At any rate, it was admitted the world over that the one
man of strong character and general qualities of leadership in Peking
was Yuan Shih K'ai.
Yuan's first move in Peking was an astute one, but it failed. His
Cabinet that was to reconcile all parties practically resigned before
it was ever constituted. Even the National Assembly found itself
powerless to do other than pass resolutions. The Premier's first
great triumph over the Manchus was in bringing about the resignation
of the Prince Regent, who had so summarily dismissed Yuan a few years
before. The story of the "resignation" is well told in the China
Press of December 8th:--
"The unheralded edict from the Empress-Dowager, accepting the
'resignation' of the Prince Regent, constitutes one of the most
dramatic of all happenings in this great political upheaval, and
shows the tremendous extent to which the Reform element has gone in
its programme for the relegation of the Manchus. Aside from its
actual, concrete importance there is in the event an added degree of
interest on account of the relations between Yuan Shih K'ai, who
brought the Regent's retirement about, and the Prince Regent. If
{231} there is anything of the spirit of revenge in the make-up of
the Premier he must be gloating now, for he has completely vanquished
the man who, three short years ago, was responsible for his dismissal
from office and his retirement to humiliation.
"No one knows--at least, no one will tell--just how this great event
was brought about. It seems, however, that Yuan Shih K'ai had been
working for it for several weeks. He was strongly supported by
Prince Ching, and these two told both the Regent himself and the
Empress-Dowager that the Regent's retirement was necessary to a
settlement of the present disturbed state of the Empire. The Prince
Regent was reluctant but finally yielded to the demand, and
henceforth he will be entirely out of public life. Yuan Shih K'ai
and his followers and helpers hoped that the step would be of vast
benefit to the Government, and would make a settlement with the
rebels possible. They say they think this will be the case. Others,
however, especially some foreigners, feel that this step, like so
many others, has perhaps come too late, and that rebellious elements
to the southward will consider it as an indication of weakness on the
part of the Government, and that they will thus become encouraged to
continue the fight. The Chinese say that this will not be the case.
Chinese psychology, it appears, enters into the matter to a
considerable extent, and the apparently reasonable view of the
foreigner as to the logical result of the step and its effect upon
rebel minds is not, according to the Chinese argument, justified.
"The edict retiring the Prince Regent makes Yuan Shih K'ai more
powerful than ever, and if the situation is to be saved, he must be
the man to do it. It is not as clear as it might be, and there is
much speculation here amongst foreigners as to where it leaves the
Empress-Dowager. A consensus of opinion appears to be that the
Empress-Dowager remains only a figurehead. The edict at one point
says that {232} hereafter 'the whole responsibility' of appointing
officials and carrying on the Government will rest upon the Prime
Minister and the Ministers of State. Thus Yuan Shih K'ai is made
supreme, for he is Prime Minister and Cabinet in one, as the Cabinet
is composed of men of his own selection. The Empress-Dowager will
have nothing to do with the executive or legislative branches of the
new form of Government. She is apparently limited by these words,
which follow those quoted above: 'When edicts are to be issued the
Prime Minister will ask for the Imperial Seal to be used, and
ceremonial audiences will be held by Us and the Emperor together.'
This, it would seem, leaves the Empress-Dowager and the Emperor as
the symbol of the sovereignty of China, but with none of the
functions of law-making or administration. It will be the
Empress-Dowager who sits on the throne to receive credentials from
the foreign ministers when they come to the capital, and she will
typify the head of the State to the world at large; but more than
this she will not be."
Yuan Shih K'ai's next problem was to so arrange matters that the
Manchu Court should see fit to "abdicate," and at the same time
temporise with the Republican party by means of the famous but
fatuous Peace Conference. Here the master-hand revealed itself. For
a time Yuan seemed trusted yet doubted alike by both sides. He
succeeded in bringing actual hostilities to an end--and this may have
been his objective.
Under date of January 21, 1912, a Peking correspondent wrote:--
"From time to time since the beginning of the present upheaval in
China the situation has seemed extremely complicated and beyond all
understanding, and to-day it appears more so than ever. Not only is
the controversy between the Revolutionists and the Government here
still under way and very {233} bitter, but there is trouble and
turmoil within the Manchu camp, due to a decided difference of
opinion amongst the Princes over the important question of
abdication. It is known that last Friday, January 19th, had been set
as the day for the issuance of the abdication edict. The Throne was
fully prepared to clear out; Yuan Shih K'ai had obtained the full
approval of the Empress-Dowager and of leading Princes to this move,
and the immediate retirement of the Court to Jehol seemed certain.
Complications, however, set in, and to-day it is not at all certain
that abdication will come at once. There is fight-talk in the air,
and no one knows what will happen. Yuan Shih K'ai remains secluded
in his office, on leave of absence, surrounded by more soldiers than
ever before, and evidently in fear of further attempts at
assassination. There are Manchus of royal blood, and others of red
blood, who declare against abdication and desire to fight it out.
Many of these call Yuan Shih K'ai a traitor, and, if circumstantial
rumours are to be believed, even in part, Yuan Shih K'ai is in as
much danger from a certain Manchu element as from revolutionary bombs.
"It is a tremendous situation to-day, hard to understand and
impossible actually to know, for those who do know what has
transpired will not tell, while those who pretend to know spread
varying and sensational reports. There is something behind it all,
something that, as far as I can ascertain, no foreigner knows. Yuan
Shih K'ai is playing a deep game, in the opinion of all, and some say
that he intends that the finale of his incomprehensible regime as
Premier shall be the elevation to the presidency of Yuan Shih K'ai.
The Premier, beyond all doubt, has lost much ground recently with the
foreigners who have thought so highly of him, and he is freely
accused of playing a game. Perhaps this is unjust to him, but, if
so, he has himself to blame, for beyond doubt he has not made the
most of his opportunities."
{234}
Yuan's striking personality, his military genius, his character, the
magnetic attraction he has for the foreigners around him, must have
had much to do in shaping the end of recent events. But how much so,
and the whole truth concerning the part he has played in this
Revolution yet remains to be told in a volume that will reveal the
inwardness of the motives and ambitions and achievements of H.E. Yuan
Shih K'ai, perhaps the greatest man in the Chinese Empire of to-day.
How to read the riddle of his recent diplomatic moves is beyond the
powers of the Occidental. When Admiral Sah fired his few effectual
rounds at Kilometre Ten, and retired down-river instead of
annihilating the routed Republicans, was he acting under Yuan Shih
K'ai's express orders? When later on Hankow was taken and Admiral
Sah decided to bombard Wuchang and thus bring the campaign to a
close, who prevented him carrying out his effectual proposals? Was
it Yuan? And then, on November 27th, when Hanyang fell and Wuchang
seemed at the mercy of the Imperialists, who was it that stayed the
forward move and gave General Li Yuan Hung an opportunity to
reconstruct his plan of campaign? Was Yuan even then drawing his net
more closely round his Manchu enemies. And did he, too, cause the
evacuation of the Wuhan centre, leaving it to the Revolutionists to
reoccupy the hardly-won positions without the firing of a shot or the
loss of a single life? The future still holds the solution of these
riddles. There are those, however, who see in all these moves the
hand of a statesman, eager and able to hold together his country and
at the same time revenge himself on his enemies in the corrupt Manchu
Court.
{235}