Volunteering--Farther Promotion--Embarks for Portugal, with two
Companies of the Second Battalion--Debark at Cadiz--Advance to the
Isla--The French occupy all the adjacent Towns, except Cadiz and the
Isla--Cannonading--Spanish Army--Detachment of the Allied Army sent
Around by Gibraltar and Chiclana, to take the Enemy in the rear of
his works, and compel him either to fight or abandon them--Come up
with a portion of the Enemy in the vicinity of Veger--Bravery of the
British--The Enemy repulsed with great Loss, but, from the apathy
and misconduct of General La Pena, and the Spaniards under his
command, the French are allowed to retain their Works in the
vicinity of Cadiz.
In April of this year, an order was issued to allow the militia
regiments to volunteer, for the purpose of filling up the regiments of
the line; and I was sent by Colonel Beckwith (our two battalions being
then both at Hythe) to receive those who chose to volunteer from the
Northumberland militia before-mentioned, which had now been removed to
Ipswich. Lieutenant Beckwith had the charge of our party, but proceeded
_incog._ to Ipswich, the general orders not permitting officers of the
line to be seen in the quarters of the militia. On our arrival at
Ipswich, I had the pleasure of obtaining the names of thirty fine young
fellows, among whom the patriots formerly mentioned of course were
included. Several other militia regiments in this district also gave
volunteers to us, so that in three days, from the commencement of the
volunteering, we obtained upwards of 1100 men; and had we not, by an
order from the Horse-Guards, been precluded from taking any more, I
doubt not we should have obtained several hundreds besides, for our
regiment alone had near eighty names down for us, who were not allowed
to enter from the above cause. Indeed the Commander-in-Chief, Sir David
Dundas, (afterwards our Colonel,) appeared quite astonished, and not
well pleased, that we had run away with so many men when others wanted
them so much. He was obliged, however, to grant us a 3d battalion, as we
had so many more men than were required to fill up the 1st and 2d; and
our respected Colonel, Major-general Coote Manningham, dying about this
time of the fatigue he had undergone in Spain, Sir David took us to
himself, and became our Colonel-in-Chief, giving the command of the 3d
battalion to my respected (and now lamented) friend and benefactor,
Major-general the Honourable William Stewart. The Lieutenant-colonelcy
was given to Major Norman M'Leod, our senior Major, and only two or
three other steps were given to the officers of the regiment, although
it was alone owing to their exertions in obtaining men, and to the high
character the regiment had acquired, that such numbers had volunteered
into it.
It becomes not me to censure or criticise the measures of government,
but I cannot help thinking that more favour was certainly due to the
corps as a body. For myself, I ought and must speak with gratitude, not
of them, but of that kind Providence which has favoured me so far, so
very far, beyond my deserts, for, on the 8th of June following, I was
appointed Quartermaster of the 3d battalion.
Our 1st battalion was again sent out to join the army in Portugal, while
mine was sent to Brabournlees to equip and drill our new levies. Every
exertion was made to this effect, and the battalion was soon completed
and rendered fit for service. Here my wife joined me again, the child to
which she gave birth in my absence having died when six weeks old. This
was the only child she ever had, and it was perhaps a providential
dispensation, for she was extremely delicate, and by no means a healthy
person, and it is not unlikely her offspring might have inherited her
disease, that is, an affection of the chest. We had only lived a few
months together, till another call for service separated us again.
In June 1810, we received orders to send out to Cadiz two companies of
my battalion, together with the commanding-officer and staff, three
others having been already sent thither in the spring. The melancholy
business of parting with my wife was again to be gone through; but on
this occasion I was favoured by being permitted to accompany her to
London, where, parting from her with a heavy heart, I took my place for
Chichester, at which place my detachment would be quartered next day, on
their way to Portsmouth. I omitted to mention, that Lieutenant-colonel
Barnard of the 1st or Royals, had exchanged with Lieutenant-colonel
M'Leod some time previous, and he consequently was now going out as my
commanding-officer. We embarked at Portsmouth on the 11th July, on board
the Mercury frigate, armed _en flute_, and commanded by Captain Tancock.
We had a favourable passage, and landed at Cadiz on the 29th of that
month. This city, it may be remembered, was besieged at this time by a
French army under Marshal Victor; consequently, when we arrived, we were
amused by seeing immense shells flying from one party to the other, but
without doing any serious injury to either, the distance being too great
to produce any effect of moment. As we came in sight of Cadiz, the view
was most enchanting, for the city appeared as if composed of lofty and
elegant snow-white buildings, apparently rising from the bosom of the
ocean, for the land on which it is built cannot be seen at a distance;
added to which, the numerous and beautiful towns about the bay, and a
little beyond it, rendered it a most delightful scene. On the right was
Cadiz, with its lofty lighthouse, and its strong sea-walls rising out of
the water; on the left was Rota, an apparently neat little town. Farther
up the bay, on the same side, was Port St Mary's, and beyond that
Porto Real, both considerable towns. In the centre rises the Isla de
Leon, now called St Ferdinand; beyond that Chiclana, composed of the
elegant country residences of the more wealthy Cadiz merchants; and, in
the distance, towering on the mountains behind, the dazzling white town
of Medina Sidonia shining in the sun; indeed altogether imagination can
scarcely picture to itself a more interesting _coup-d'oeil_, the scene
being closed by the lofty snow-clad mountains of Ronda. We landed at
Cadiz, and remained for the night in the barracks situated in the
barrier, on the land-side of the town, and which is remarkably strong,
the fortifications being composed of solid masonry, and the barracks all
bomb-proof. I suffered dreadfully from the myriads of fleas which preyed
upon me during the night, and was glad when morning appeared.
We marched next day to the Isla, (be it observed the town is called by
that name as well as the island on which it and Cadiz are situated,)
distant from Cadiz about seven miles; the island is of a most singular
form, being about ten miles broad at the end next the continent, from
which it is separated by the river Santi Petri; immediately below the
town of Isla it begins to narrow very rapidly, forming from thence to
Cadiz nothing more than a narrow sand-bank, in some places not more
than a hundred yards across, and on which a causeway has been built to
connect the two places. We took up our abode in the Isla, where the
Spanish government, such as it was, at this time resided; and here I
witnessed the first opening of the Spanish Cortes in 1810, which was
attended with all the pomp and show of a truly Roman Catholic people.
_Te Deums_ and other pompous and brilliant ceremonies marked the event;
indeed, here we had an opportunity of seeing a great number of the
grandees of the Spanish nation, for, as I said before, the government
had retired to this place from Madrid, and most of the courtiers and
others attached to the government had assembled here, together with the
deputies from the different provinces; altogether the scenes we
witnessed here were sometimes very imposing.
The French occupied all the towns before named save Cadiz and Isla,
their advanced piquets being thrown forward to near the river Santi
Petri, except near the Bridge of Luaza, which is the only communication
across from the island to the mainland; here our pickets were advanced a
considerable distance beyond the bridge upon a causeway on which is the
road leading to Seville, through a broad salt marsh on the banks of the
river; it is here about two miles wide, and utterly impassable, except
to those who know the footpaths across it, being intersected at every
few paces by deep salt-pits or pans. The enemy, as mentioned before, had
their sentries at some parts pretty far into the centre of this marsh,
and there were some fellows in the Spanish service called by the name of
"creepers," they obtaining their livelihood by killing sea-fowl and
other animals in this marsh; and so dexterous were they at this
_creeping_, that they could steal upon the birds unperceived, which
enabled them to get them with ease. Sometimes a fellow of this calling
would set off on a _creeping_ excursion, and instead of bagging a
wild-duck, or some other such bird, would plunge his stiletto into the
heart of an unsuspecting French sentry, and leave him weltering in his
gore. This was a noble exploit in their estimation, and marks strongly
the character of the Spaniard, who, inured to blood by the frequency of
their bull-fights and other similar exhibitions, hesitates not a moment
at assassination if urged on by what he deems his own or country's
wrongs; this inhuman act, of course, was perpetrated in the dark.
I may mention, in connexion with this, that on the Christmas of 1810, it
was reported that sixteen people had been assassinated in Isla alone, on
the evening or night before; it is probable the number may have been
exaggerated, but the thing was such an almost everyday occurrence that
it appeared not to excite the least horror at its atrocity. I had
occasion to go down the town during the Christmas day, and I saw still
lying at the corner of one of the most frequented streets, one of the
unhappy beings who had thus fallen. No one seemed inclined to own him;
and his body, foul with blood and dust, was thus permitted to remain in
the public streets without any enquiry being made with respect to the
perpetrator of so foul a deed. In truth they are, as it were, trained up
to this recklessness of human life from their infancy, for in the town
of Isla there was a sort of naval academy, where a number of boys, from
perhaps eight to twelve years of age, were educated; these urchins were
permitted to wear swords, and it is really astonishing how desirous they
appeared to make use of them, for they could scarcely ever pass along
the streets without trying the sharpness of their points upon the backs
of pigs or dogs, or any other unfortunate animal that came in their way.
The French also occupied a long low tongue of land which stretches out
into the Bay of Cadiz, taking its rise from between Port St Mary's and
Porto Real, and extending to within about two and a half miles of Cadiz,
and about one from Puntalis, a fort erected on the island opposite the
extremity of this low tongue; this is called the Trocadero, since become
famous as the field on which the Duke D'Angouleme, and Prince Carignan
of Naples, gained so many honours. On the point of this tongue the
enemy's principal batteries were erected, and from thence they contrived
occasionally, but not often, and never with any great effect, to throw
shells into the town of Cadiz. The mortar now in St James' Park, called
the "Prince Regent's bomb," was cast at Seville on purpose to enable
them to reach the town, no ordnance of common dimensions being capable
of throwing a shell so far; but it did not answer the end proposed, or
at least the effect expected from it, for it was imagined by them, that
if they could once succeed in throwing shells into the city, the
inhabitants would become so alarmed that they would compel the military
to surrender. This, however, was far from being realized, although they
did throw a few in; but the distance being so great, they were
necessarily thrown much at random, some of them falling short of the
town, others flying completely over into the bay near the lighthouse on
the other side, and some few, as I said, falling in the city, but from
which very few casualties occurred.[2] I am told they were obliged to
have the mortar slung in chains at the time of firing it, the
concussion being so great as to destroy the bed in which it was fixed.
As may be supposed, there was constant war between our fort Puntalis,
before mentioned, and the enemy's batteries on this point; in fact our
people had orders to throw a thirteen-inch shell every quarter of an
hour, besides the occasional firing from the guns and other mortars when
any thing appeared on the opposite side; and you may be certain the
French were not behind us in the expenditure of ammunition; they were
remarkably fond of firing what are termed salvos, that is, volleys of
artillery. On one occasion I happened to be looking out from a high
tower near Isla, called the Tore Alto, and while all was deep and
profound silence, and I happened to be looking towards the point of
Trocadero, in a moment the smoke rose from at least 100 pieces of
artillery, fired by signal, and the noise they made was tremendous. Our
poor little fort of Puntalis appeared almost enveloped in the dust
raised by the striking of the shot, and the smoke from them which fell
about it, and seemed as if almost deprived of power by so sudden and
unexpected a salute; but she began at length to return the compliment,
although feebly in comparison of the tremendous volley she had received.
This and such like were of frequent occurrence, scarcely a day passing
without something interesting taking place.
To enable us to cope in some measure with the French, a large double
fortified sea-mortar was brought from Gibraltar, which threw
thirteen-inch shells. It was brought up to the back of the town of Isla,
near some powder magazines, and an attempt made there to throw some
shells over to the Trocadero. The first trial, an empty shell was put
in, with not less than thirty-two pounds of powder in the chamber. On
firing it, the shell flew all to atoms, from the violent shock
occasioned by so great a quantity of powder; and the shell being too
weak for that description of mortar, another was tried filled with sand,
to give it more weight and solidity; this answered the purpose, for it
fell on the land on the opposite coast, but still, from the great range,
much uncertainty must naturally attend the practice, and it was
eventually given up. The next day, however, we were saluted from the
opposite side with both shot and shell, the French thus showing us that
they were better able to play at long bowls than we were; neither,
however, did their practice continue, for there was nothing at the point
where their shot and shells fell to be injured by them, the magazines
before noticed being now empty.
On another occasion an attack was made by our people on the Trocadero
itself, where it was reported the French had got a considerable number
of boats, &c., laid up on shore, about half-way between the point and
Porto Real; our folks took gun-boats and boats with rockets, the
intention being to set fire to the enemy's craft. They accordingly
advanced in good style, keeping as far, however, as possible out of the
range of the French batteries at the point, which, as they were directed
towards Cadiz and Puntalis, could not easily bring their artillery to
bear upon our boats. They reached the place where it was said the French
craft was lying, and fired a considerable number of rockets, but without
being able to effect any thing farther than burning one boat, I believe.
As they were returning, however, they met the French commander, who had
been down to the point in a light boat, and he, like a brave fellow,
determined to run completely the gauntlet rather than return, keeping as
close in shore, however, as possible. The whole of our gun-boats fired
at him as he passed, and knocked the water up about him in all
directions without ever once touching him, although, to look at him, one
would have imagined it impossible he could escape; but here the old
soldier's adage was verified, for there was still more room to miss than
to hit him, and he accordingly escaped scot-free.
While here, I had a most ample opportunity of closely viewing the
Spanish army, great numbers being stationed in and about the Isla, and
great numbers constantly coming into and going out of the place, after
receiving such equipment as the government was able to provide for them.
Nothing could exceed the hardy and robust appearance of the men in
general; and had they been clothed, appointed, and disciplined like
either their enemies or their allies, there could not have been a finer
soldiery. I cannot, however, say so much for their officers; most of
them appeared to be utterly unfit and unable to command their men. Those
who had the means, seemed to think of nothing else but dressing like
apes or mountebanks, and intriguing with the women. It was really absurd
and ludicrous to see the strange figures they generally made themselves.
In one regiment alone you might have observed more different uniforms
than both we and the French have in all our armies. One would have had
on a blue coat turned up with red, with a chaco and a straight sword,
the uniform prescribed for officers of the infantry, I believe; the next
would have most likely had on a hussar dress, with an enormous sabre
dangling by his side; another would have had a red coat, a fourth
yellow, a fifth white, and so on. In short, all the colours of the
rainbow were generally exhibited in the uniforms of one regiment's
officers; and every one of them appeared to vie with the other who could
make the greatest harlequin of himself, whilst those of them who were
mounted would caper and prance about the streets like so many fools,
riding with their legs at full stretch, and the toe of the boot (if they
had one) just touching the stirrup, and drawing the reins continually
through the fingers of their right hand; and if by any chance an ape of
this kind came near the window of his dulcinea, and thought there was a
likelihood of her seeing him, I pitied the poor foot-passengers who
might happen to be near him, for he would make his unfortunate Rosinante
prance and caper by the immense long bit in its mouth, and the pieces of
iron in the shape of spurs on his (shoes perhaps), till the poor animal
was like to fall under him. In short, they had all the pride, arrogance,
and self-sufficiency of the best officers in the world, with the very
least of all pretension to have an high opinion of themselves; it is
true they were not all alike, but the majority of them were the most
haughty, and at the same time the most contemptible creatures in the
shape of officers, that I ever beheld. It was, therefore, not to be
expected that the soldiers would or could look upon them with that
degree of respect and reverence so essential to a due maintenance of
subordination in an army.
About the month of February 1811, it was concerted between the Spanish
government and General Graham, who commanded us, to undertake an
expedition which should land in the vicinity of Gibraltar; and being
there reinforced by some troops from that fortress, the whole should
move forward in the direction of Chiclana, and, taking the enemy in the
rear of his works, compel him either to abandon them or fight a battle.
Accordingly, on the 18th of that month, we embarked on board some small
vessels that had been fitted up for the occasion in the bay of Cadiz,
and, sailing soon after, we reached Algeziras, ten miles on this side of
Gibraltar, and landed there on the 24th. Our force consisted of a
brigade of artillery, with ten guns; two battalions of Foot Guards; the
28th, 67th, and 87th regiments; a battalion composed of flank companies
from Gibraltar; two companies of the 47th regiment, and two of the 20th
Portuguese regiment, with six companies of our corps and one squadron of
cavalry,--in all about 4500 men. The Spanish army, under the command of
General La Pena, (who, being senior officer, directed the whole,)
consisted of two divisions,--in all from ten to eleven thousand. We were
not allowed to take any baggage with us, consequently we could not
expect much comfort during the service, which was expected to be short.
The day we landed we bivouacked on a height near Algeziras, and the next
morning moved on towards Tarifa, where we remained for that day and the
next, to allow time to get the artillery and cavalry horses on shore.
Here I observed a strange custom among the females of this place, the
remains, I apprehend, of the Moorish fashion, (which no doubt would
continue longer in this place than others, it being immediately opposite
to and in sight of Africa.) The Spanish women all wear what they term a
mantilla, that is, a kind of scarf made of cloth, generally black, which
they throw over their heads lengthwise, letting the two ends come over
their shoulders, and meeting and crossing on the breast, it forms a sort
of head-dress which shows only the face, and keeps them close and snug
about the head; but here, they bring it so far forward as to completely
cover the face, leaving nothing but a very small hole in front of their
left eye (I think it is), at which they peep out, without showing any
part of the face. Colonel Brown of the 28th, who was then a most wild
and eccentric character, although now I understand completely altered,
could not relish this hiding of their beauty by the modest dames of
Tarifa. All, therefore, that he met in the streets he stopped, and made
them open the mantilla, that he might have a fair peep at them, to the
great scandal of the good ladies of this still Moorish town, and which,
had it been on any other occasion, might have been attended with
unpleasant consequences to himself.
When every thing was ready we moved forward from Tarifa, and halted for
the night on a height about twelve miles distant. The next day we
reached Casas Vejas, or "Old Houses," where we bivouacked on a scrubby
hill, the weather being very bitter, which we felt in all its force,
having no covering whatever. Next day we had to cross a considerable
lake of fresh water, by a sort of ford which crossed it about the
middle. We had started before daylight, and, through some mismanagement,
did not reach this lake till near mid-day, although it was only a few
miles distant from our last night's quarters. One division of the
Spaniards led the column, and another was behind us, we being thus in
the centre, as being the least thought of probably by our Spanish
Commander-in-Chief; for indeed we had often heard it said in and about
Isla, "what fine-looking and well-disciplined soldiers the British
are!--what a pity they cannot fight!" So thought La Pena, probably; but
by two o'clock the first division of Spaniards had not near got over the
lake, at which the patience of our General was so completely exhausted,
that he requested the Spanish General to allow him to bring forward the
British troops, to show him the way how he and they would act. My
battalion led the van, and were ordered to march straight through it
without any picking of steps, and to go forward in regular sections, one
man supporting another. They went in and marched right through it, as if
it had been plain ground, the water taking them generally about
mid-deep. The rest of the British army followed, and were all through in
less than half an hour; a one-horse cart, indeed, stuck fast in the
middle of it, from the wheels having got entangled between the large
stones at the bottom. General Graham seeing this, instantly dismounted,
and, plunging in, set his shoulder to the wheel, and fairly lifted it
clear of the obstruction.
La Pena, and those about him, after witnessing the example set them by
our General and his troops, seemed really ashamed of their former
conduct, and, setting to in good earnest, they contrived to urge their
soldiers and officers to take the water with more freedom, and before
dark the whole army had got over. While we were so long detained by the
first division of Spaniards getting across, I, with several other
mounted people, rode forward to the ford, to ascertain the cause of our
stoppage for so long a time. The Spaniards were going into the water one
at a time,--here one, and there one,--while the creatures of officers
were making the men carry them on their backs. Had the whole army acted
thus, we should not have got over before daylight next morning.
When all were across, and the columns formed, we moved forward, and
reached the neighbourhood of Veger, which stands on a high hill not far
distant from the memorable Cape Trafalgar. We halted in an olive-grove
below the town, and bivouacked for the night; it was bitter cold, and
the troops could find but little wood for firing, which they much
needed, from having got so completely wet in crossing the lake.
We remained at Veger all the next day, and a little after dark commenced
our march. We being now in the neighbourhood of the enemy, it became
necessary to conceal our movements as much as possible. During the night
we passed the fishing town of Conil, and, keeping near the coast, we
arrived the next morning on the plain of Chiclana. I quote from our
General's dispatch, as it states the thing in a much more clear and
satisfactory manner than I could do. He says,--"After a night march of
sixteen hours from the camp (bivouack) near Veger, we arrived on the
morning of the 5th on the low ridge of Barossa, about four miles from
the Santi Petri river. This height extends inland about a mile and a
half, continuing on the north the extensive heathy plain of Chiclana. A
great pine-forest skirts the plain, and circles round the height at some
distance, terminating down towards Santi Petri, the intermediate space
between the north side of the height and the forest being uneven and
broken."
The two Spanish divisions had preceded us, who, after having rested a
while on the plain, moved down towards the Santi Petri, where a bridge
was to be thrown over by the troops in the Isla de Leon, and thus open a
communication between the two armies, that is, between those inside the
island and us.
The General goes on to say,--"A well-conducted and successful attack on
the rear of the enemy's lines, near Santi Petri, by the vanguard of the
Spanish army under Brigadier-general Ladrizabel, having opened the
communication with the Isla de Leon, I received General La Pena's
directions to move down from the position of Barossa to that of the
Torre de Bermesa, about half-way to the Santi Petri river, over which a
bridge had been lately established. This latter position occupies a
narrow woody ridge, the right on the sea-cliff, and the left falling
down to the Almanza creek, on the edge of the marsh; a hard sandy beach
gives an easy communication between the western points of these two
positions.
"My division being halted on the eastern slope of the Barossa height,
was marched about twelve o'clock through the wood towards Bermesa,
(cavalry patrols having previously been sent towards Chiclana, without
meeting with the enemy.) On the march I received notice that the enemy
had appeared in force on the plain, and was advancing towards the
heights of Barossa. As I considered that position as the key of Santi
Petri, I immediately countermarched, in order to support the troops left
for its defence; and the alacrity with which this manoeuvre was
executed, served as a favourable omen. It was, however, impossible, in
such intricate and difficult ground, to preserve order in the columns,
and there never was time to restore it entirely. But before we could get
ourselves quite disentangled from the wood, the troops on the Barossa
hill were seen returning from it, while the enemy's left wing was
rapidly ascending. At the same time his right wing stood on the plain,
on the edge of the wood, within cannon-shot. A retreat in the face of
such an enemy, already within reach of the easy communication by the
sea-beach, must have involved the whole allied army in all the danger of
being attacked during the unavoidable confusion of the different corps
arriving on the narrow ridge of Bermesa nearly at the same time.
"Trusting to the known heroism of British troops, regardless of the
numbers and position of the enemy, an immediate attack was determined
on. Major Duncan soon opened a powerful battery of ten guns in the
centre. Brigadier-general Dilkes, with the brigade of Guards,
Lieutenant-colonel Brown's (of the 28th) flank battalion,
Lieutenant-colonel Norcott's two companies of the 2d rifle corps, and
Major Acheson, with a part of the 67th, (separated from the regiment in
the wood,) formed on the right.
"Colonel Wheately's brigade, (consisting of the 28th, 67th, and 87th,)
with three companies of the Coldstream Guards, under Lieutenant-colonel
Jackson (separated likewise from his battalion in the wood), and
Lieutenant-colonel Barnard's flank battalion (being two companies 47th,
two ditto 20th Portuguese, and four of third battalion 95th) formed on
the left. As soon as the infantry was thus hastily got together, the
guns advanced to a more favourable position, and kept up a destructive
fire. The right wing proceeded to the attack of General Ruffin's
division on the hill, while Lieutenant-colonel Barnard's flank
battalion, and Lieutenant-colonel Bush's detachment of the 20th
Portuguese, were warmly engaged with the enemy's tirailleurs on our
left.
"General Laval's division, notwithstanding the havoc made by Major
Duncan's battery, continued to advance in very imposing masses, opening
his fire of musketry, and was only checked by that of the left wing. The
left wing now advanced firing. A most destructive charge, by the three
companies of the Guards and the 87th regiment, supported by all the
remainder of the wing, decided the defeat of General Laval's division.
"The eagle of the 8th regiment of light infantry, which suffered
immensely, and a howitzer, rewarded this charge, and remained in
possession of Major Gough of the 87th regiment. These attacks were
zealously supported by Colonel Bilson with the 28th regiment, and
Lieutenant-colonel Prevost with a part of the 67th. A reserve, formed
beyond the narrow valley, across which the enemy was closely pursued,
next shared the same fate, and was routed by the same means.
"Meanwhile, the right wing was not less successful. The enemy, confident
of success, met General Dilkes on the ascent of the hill, and the
contest was sanguinary; but the undaunted perseverance of the brigade of
Guards, of Lieutenant-colonel Brown's battalion, and of
Lieutenant-colonel Norcott's and Major Acheson's detachments, overcame
every obstacle, and General Ruffin's division was driven from the
heights in confusion, leaving two pieces of cannon.
"No expressions of mine could do justice to the conduct of the troops
throughout--nothing less than the almost unparalleled exertions of every
officer, the invincible bravery of every soldier, and the most
determined devotion of the honour of his Majesty's arms in all, could
have achieved this brilliant success against such a formidable enemy, so
posted. In less than an hour and a half from the commencement of the
action, the enemy was in full retreat. The retiring divisions met,
halted, and seemed inclined to form; a new and more advanced position of
our artillery quickly dispersed them. The exhausted state of the troops
made pursuit impossible. A position was taken up on the eastern side of
the hill; and we were strengthened on our right by the return of two
Spanish regiments, that had been attached before to my division, but
which I had left on the hill, and which had been ordered to retire.
"An eagle, six pieces of cannon, the General of Division Ruffin, and the
General of Brigade Rousseau, wounded and taken; the Chief of the Staff,
General Bellegarde, and aide-de-camp of Marshal Victor, and the colonel
of the 8th regiment, with many other officers killed, and several
wounded and taken prisoners, the field covered with the dead bodies of
the enemy, attest that my confidence in this division was nobly repaid.
The animated charges of the 87th regiment were most conspicuous.
Lieutenant-colonel Barnard, (twice wounded,) and the officers of his
flank-battalion, executed the duty of skirmishing in advance with the
enemy in a masterly manner; and were ably seconded by Lieutenant-Colonel
Bush, of the 20th Portuguese, who (likewise twice wounded) fell into
the enemy's hands, but was afterwards rescued."
The dispatch contains many more acknowledgments, which, as they have no
connexion with my narrative, I have omitted.
I beg now to make such remarks and observations as may tend to throw
light upon the different parts of the foregoing dispatch.
The two Spanish battalions attached to our division, together with
Lieutenant-colonel Brown's flank-battalion, were left upon the height of
Barossa, when we moved down into the wood, in order to secure that
position till we had possessed ourselves of the height of Bermesa; but
we had not left the plain more than half an hour, I think, and descended
into the wood, till an officer came galloping after us, saying the
French had debouched from the wood, and were moving on to the high
ground in our rear, and had attacked the troops left there for its
defence. Orders were instantly given us to countermarch, and to get on
to the plain and into action as soon as possible. In coming about, one
of the guns got entangled with a pine-tree; there was no time to
disengage it, and setting to with the whip, they pushed the horses
forward, and tore up the tree completely by the roots, although one of
considerable size. I thought (as our General says) it appeared a good
omen, and that a trifling obstacle would not be allowed to impede their
career.
When we reached the plain, and perceived the enemy, never did a finer
sight present itself. They were manoeuvring on the high ground before
us; and as Home says,
"The hill they gained, and moving on its top,
Of more than mortal size, towering, they seemed
An host angelic, clad in burning arms."
Those immediately in front of my battalion were the famed 8th regiment,
and consisted of two battalions of 700 men each; one was composed of
grenadiers, and the other of voltigeurs, or light infantry. The
grenadiers had long waving red plumes in their caps, at least a foot in
length; while the light infantry had feathers of the same length and
make, but green, with yellow tops. The whole of the French army had on
their best or holyday suits of clothing, with their arms as bright as
silver, and glancing in the sun as they moved in column, gave them
really a noble and martial appearance. We had no sooner cleared the wood
than we inclined to our left, and went immediately at them. Major
Duncan's guns commenced playing upon their column the moment he could
get a clear piece of ground. The two companies of the 47th, attached to
my battalion, were taken to cover and remain with the guns. Our people
extended as we went up the hill, the Portuguese supporting us in the
rear; and in a very short time we were hotly engaged with the fellows
with the beautiful green feathers, many of which fell on the ground in a
short time. As we advanced, the battalions to our right and in rear of
us got formed in line, and moving forward in fine style, took up
stronger ground in advance; the guns in the centre also moving onward,
and causing dreadful havoc in the enemy's ranks.
Early in the action my horse was killed, being shot in the head, which
ball, had his head not stopped it, would in all probability have entered
my body. He fell like a stone. I then went on and joined the ranks, and
finding a rifle of a man that had just fallen, (poor little Croudace's
servant, who afterwards fell himself,) I took a few shots at them in
revenge for my horse. At this time the grenadier battalion of the 8th,
with their waving red plumes, began to advance in close column, the
drums beating all the time the _pas de charge_. They were supported by
other columns in their rear, together with one, the French 54th, which
they sent into the wood to try to turn our left. The 8th advanced,
notwithstanding the galling fire kept up by our people and the
Portuguese, every shot almost of which must have told, as they were in a
solid body, not more than from 100 to 150 yards' distance. Our people
were of course compelled to give way to this imposing column, when the
regiments on our right and in our rear, opening out upon them a
destructive fire, and the 87th and Guards immediately after attacking
them with the bayonet, their rout and discomfiture was complete. The
8th, which suffered most, and from whom the eagle was taken, never yet
got into line--nor did they intend, I believe--but advanced as a solid
body, (occasionally firing from their front,) till, coming in contact
with the regiments above mentioned, and in this state receiving the
charge, their loss was excessive, for they could not get away. I
understand, when the 87th charged, Ensign Keogh of that regiment made
the first attempt to wrench the eagle from the officer who carried it;
but in so doing he was run through by several of those who supported it,
and fell lifeless to the ground. Sergeant Masterson of that regiment
then dashed at it, and was more fortunate, he succeeding in securing it.
I understand there was some dispute between them and the Guards, who
charged at the same time with the 87th, to whom it properly belonged;
but I imagine the 87th must have been the captors, for Sergeant
Masterson soon after received a commission for his gallantry, and is now
a captain in that regiment.
The 54th, the French regiment, which had been sent into the wood to turn
our left flank, by some means got entangled; for, except their light
company, no part of the regiment ever got into action again; and when
their columns were routed, they found some difficulty in effecting their
retreat. There is something rather extraordinary and very interesting in
the story of the eagle and the 8th regiment, if it be true, and which I
see no reason to doubt. They were one of the regiments, it is said,
which were engaged at Talavera, and were particularly distinguished; and
it is further said, that the 87th was one of the regiments opposed to
them, and over which they gained some advantage; that is, the French
troops caused the British brigade, in which the 87th was serving, to
retire with considerable loss; and that it was for their conduct in this
action that Bonaparte had placed a golden wreath of laurel round the
neck of the regimental eagle with his own hand. If such was the case, it
is most remarkable that the very regiment by whom they should have
obtained this honour, should be the regiment that deprived them of their
eagle, which had been so highly honoured. But here, poor fellows,
although they did not lose their honour, they lost very nearly the whole
regiment; for out of 1400 which entered the field, not more than 200 of
them entered Chiclana after the action. Indeed I never witnessed any
field so thickly strewed with dead as this plain was after the action;
and I feel confident, and all accounts agree in confirming the opinion,
that the loss of the French on this occasion was little short of 3000
men; ours was about 1250. Here then we have a loss of 4000 men in about
an hour and a half, out of about 12,000 which composed the two armies.
In this action, Colonel Bush was almost absurdly brave and conspicuous.
As soon as he got his Portuguese fairly into action, he rode slowly
backward and forward among them, with his spectacles on, crying out as
the balls whistled past him, "Que bella musica!" what delightful music!
Poor fellow, he did not ride there many minutes; for, being within a
very short distance of the enemy's tirailleurs so conspicuous an object,
it was not to be expected he could escape. He died a few days after the
action.
Colonel Barnard, my commandant, (now Sir Andrew,) about the middle of
the action, received a severe wound, and was borne away to the rear.
Whilst the surgeon was dressing him, another shot struck him, and
inflicted, I believe, a worse wound than the former. The horses of my
battalion suffered greatly in proportion to their numbers. We had only
four in the field, two of which, Major Ross's and my own, were killed,
and Colonel Barnard's wounded; only the adjutant's escaped with a whole
skin. Indeed there was scarcely an officer or soldier in the action that
had not marks of shot about him. The caps of the tall guardsmen were
riddled as it were; while the greater part of the enemy's shot passed
over our little fellows, who were both too near them, and too low for
their fire. I may remark on this subject that the French generally fire
high, but here I think unusually so; for, after a considerable quantity
of ammunition had been expended by my battalion, it became my duty to
look out for a fresh supply. I accordingly posted off to the rear, where
I expected to have found some mules which had been attached to us, with
ammunition on their backs; but on my way thither, the ground was
actually ploughing up on all sides by the enemy's large shot, and their
musket-balls falling very thick; so much so, that some of our mules far
to the rear had been wounded, and the others had dispersed. Hence also
the second wound which my gallant commander received, where he ought to
have been completely out of danger. Some ammunition for our rifles was,
however, found in a one-horse cart belonging to the artillery, and out
of it those whose ammunition was expended were replenished. But during
my absence to the rear, the gallant and decisive charge had been made;
and when I again reached the front, I perceived the enemy's columns in
full retreat, covered by the remainder of their light troops, closely
followed by some of my people. The retreat was accordingly sounded to
recall them from the pursuit, and our brave and victorious little army
cheered the enemy as his beaten and disheartened columns left the field.
Immediately after our army began to move off towards the Isla, our
General being, as I understood, so much exasperated with the apathy
evinced by the Spanish General, that he would no longer co-operate with
him, and consequently drew off our troops into the Isle of Leon. My
battalion, however, was destined to remain on the field all night to
protect the numerous wounded from any marauders, or small parties and
cavalry patrols of the enemy, which might happen to return. However, not
a Frenchman made his appearance there again that night. When it was
determined to withdraw the British army, Major Duncan, with great
humanity, (approved of course by our excellent General,) cast off from
the artillery-carriages all the spare ammunition, in order to make room
for as many of our wounded officers and soldiers as those carriages
could accommodate, and thus a considerable number of them were carried
from the field immediately.
After they had left us, and my battalion was still standing in front of
the position last occupied by our troops, all having retired but
ourselves, and it now began to draw towards night, and we were preparing
to move off, an unfortunate French sergeant attracted our notice. Poor
fellow, he had been shot in the small of the back, and (on our surgeon
examining him) pronounced to be mortally. He appeared to be a man above
forty, and apparently a veteran, who had fought many a hard field; and
was, I think, one of the most respectable-looking men of his class that
I have seen. When he saw us preparing to leave him to his fate, the
expression of his countenance became the most piteous and beseeching
imaginable; imploring us in French not to leave him there to perish. My
heart bled for him; but unhappily we had no means of removing him, had
there even been a hope of his recovery. When he saw that his fate was
inevitable, he crawled in the best manner he was able to a broken
ammunition-box, and raising himself on his knees, supported by it,
besought that Being who never casts out the cry of the unfortunate, and
who, I sincerely hope, imparted to him that strength and comfort which
his unhappy circumstances so greatly required. I doubt not he was a
sincere Christian; never shall I forget the impression his unhappy fate
made on my mind. To be left in solitude and darkness on this
blood-stained heath, with the prospect of his own certain death before
his eyes, and without any to comfort him in his last agony, must indeed
have been a severe trial to his fortitude. Would to God I could have
relieved him! His case was not singular, it is true; but none ever
presented itself to my view under such truly affecting circumstances as
this unhappy veteran's did.
After dark, my battalion retired over the field where the thickest of
the dead and wounded were strewed, and many were the dying groans which
struck upon our ears, as we traversed this bloody field; but, except
these groans, no sound was heard, where lately the din of arms had been
loud and fierce, and where war had raged in all its fury; till coming to
the house upon the sea-beach, where many of the wounded had been
collected, we were formed into square on a sand-hill near it, and in
this position rested on our arms for the remainder of the night. On our
way from the front, we passed not far from where my horse had fallen;
and as saddlery was scarce at Cadiz, I thought it would be prudent to
try to recover that on which I had been riding. I found it; but my horse
having fallen with his back inclined to the front, it was perforated by
shot in five places, and the tree was broken. However, I disengaged it,
and giving it to one of the men, whose rifle I carried in return, I got
it safely into Isla.
About twelve at night, poor General Rousseau died, a cannon-shot having
carried away the greater part of the flesh of one of his thighs; and as
no other troops were near, the task of paying him the last sad duty
devolved upon me. I went to the house aforesaid, and procured a shovel
or a spade, and digging a hole in the sand by the light of the moon, his
body was deposited, where it in all probability will remain till the
last trumpet shall summon it to rise. Poor drunken Gilles, one of the
men I had employed on the occasion, pronounced the only service as he
was committed to the dust, which was, "God rest his soul!" I indeed
sincerely hope so. Poor Rousseau had been a noble soldier; in his pocket
was found a leave which he had obtained to return to France on account
of ill health; but in the prospect of the approaching action he had
delayed his departure, and thus fell a victim as it were to his
patriotism and his sense of honour. He was military governor of Xeres de
la Frontera, from whence we have our wine called Sherry, a corruption of
Xeres. He was a small slender person, and apparently had suffered
greatly from ill health. During the night some Spaniards were sent into
the field to look for and bring off the guns we had taken, which they
did.
As it approached towards morning, Major Ross, seeing all was quiet,
moved us off by the beach towards our former quarters; and passing over
the position of Bermesa, which the Spaniards still occupied, and
crossing the Santi Petri by the lately erected bridge, we returned weary
and hungry to La Isla, and where our friends received us once again with
great cordiality. If my reader is not tired of the subject, I would just
beg to draw his attention for a moment to the circumstances attending
this action. The French troops were at least 7500 (some say 8000)
strong, well clothed and appointed, and apparently well fed, and fresh
from their cantonments, none of them probably having marched more than
four miles. They were some of the best in the French service, and
commanded by one of Bonaparte's ablest generals, a marshal of France,
Victor, Duke of Belluno. They occupied a fine position, having the
ground completely at their choice; while we did not muster more than
4500 at most. We had been marching for sixteen hours successively
through the night over bad roads; and being taken in a manner by
surprise, we came out of the wood _beneath_ the enemy, broken and
disjointed, and were instantly hurried into action.
The French fought desperately; for when their marauding columns came
down upon us with an intrepidity seldom seen in the French army, and
opening out their heavy and destructive fire, my heart quaked within me
for the safety of our little army, and the honour of our country, for I
thought it would be impossible to resist them. However, the steady
valour of our troops repelled the assailants, and, taking advantage of
their proximity, charged as before stated, and completely overthrew
them. It is certain, as General Graham says, that _all_ must have done
their duty on this occasion; notwithstanding, we may sing with great
propriety, "Non nobis, Domine"--"Not unto us, O Lord, but unto thy name
be the praise;" for it is certain we must have been specially favoured
by a kind Providence, or it is impossible we could have gained _such_ a
victory under so many and so great disadvantages; for never was victory
more complete. In less than three hours from the first glimpse we had of
them as we debouched from the wood, a Frenchman was not to be seen in
all the field, save the numerous killed and wounded.
Although our General did not say any thing in his public dispatch of the
abominable conduct of La Pena, no doubt he stated truly in his private
information how ill that General had behaved; for he and the 10,000 or
11,000 Spaniards he had with him remained within two miles of the field
of action, quiet and passive spectators of the scene, without making one
effort to support us had we been beaten, or to take advantage of the
victory should we gain it; and the consequence was, the French retained
their ground and works by which they invested Cadiz and La Isla,
whereas, had he made the slightest movement during or after the fight,
they would have all gone off, and the siege would have been raised, for
it is evident they contemplated and were prepared for this, the soldiers
having each three or four days' bread in his possession.
A considerable number of other officers besides Generals Ruffin and
Rousseau were taken. Ruffin was wounded in the neck by a rifle-shot,
which touched the spinal marrow, depriving him of the use of his limbs.
He was soon after embarked for England, but died as he came within sight
of the Isle of Wight. He was an immense and a fine-looking man, about
six feet two inches or six feet three inches high, and ate enormously.
He every day received a mess from our General's table. The other
officers also were treated with the greatest politeness and attention,
dining first at one regimental mess, and then at another. They were
fully sensible of the kindness shown them, and expressed themselves very
grateful. They were afterwards sent to England.
I cannot omit here noticing the high estimation in which General Graham
was held by every officer and soldier of this little army. I may truly
say, he lived in their affections; they not only looked up to him with
confidence as their commander, but they esteemed and respected him as
their firm friend and protector, which indeed he always showed himself
to be.
In all my fighting I never was in an action where the chances of death
were so numerous as in this; and I may say, I never was in an action
where I was less prepared to die. It is therefore of the Lord's mercies
that he spared me--I hope, for good at last.
FOOTNOTE:
[2] The distance to which the French threw these shells is truly
amazing. The longest range of heavy iron sea mortars is only about 4200
yards, whereas the distance from the French batteries on the Trocadero
to the nearest point of Cadiz was, I believe, 4500 or more; but they
exceeded this considerably, for, as I said above, some of their shells
fell in the sea beyond the town, near the lighthouse, a distance of at
least 500 or 600 yards farther. The shells were always half filled with
lead, to increase their flight, so that when they burst the mischief
they occasioned was never extensive; I believe not more than about
half-a-dozen individuals suffered from them in all.