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Transcriber's note:
Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).
THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1848-9.
Es reden und traeumen die Menschen viel
Von bessern kuenftigen Tagen:
Nach einem gluecklichen, goldenen Ziel
Sieht man sie rennen und jagen.
Die Welt wird alt, und wird wieder jung;
Doch der Mensch hofft immer Verbesserung.
* * * * *
Es ist kein leerer schmeichelnder Wahn,
Erzeugt im Gehirne des Thoren.
Im Herzen kuendet es laut sich an:
Zu was Besserm sind wir geboren;
Und was die innere Stimme spricht,
Das taeuscht die hoffende Seele nicht.
SCHILLER.
[Illustration: _Giuseppe Mazzini._]
THE REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT OF 1848-9 IN ITALY, AUSTRIA-HUNGARY,
AND GERMANY.
With Some Examination of the Previous Thirty-three Years.
by
C. EDMUND MAURICE,
Author of "The Lives of English Popular Leaders in the Middle Ages."
With an Engraved Frontispiece and Other Illustrations.
New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons
London: George Bell and Sons
1887.
[The right of translation is reserved.]
Chiswick Press:--C. Whittingham and Co., Tooks Court,
Chancery Lane.
PREFACE.
The following book is the result of many years' work. It aims at
showing the links which connected together the various movements in
Germany, Italy, and the Austrian Empire in 1848-9. Many as are the
books which have been written on the various parts of that struggle, I
do not know of any attempt to link them together. How adventurous this
effort is I am most painfully aware, and none the less so because I
happen to know that the task was undertaken and abandoned by at least
one writer who has many qualifications for it to which I can lay
no claim. I allude to my friend Dr. Eugene Oswald, who has most
generously assisted me in carrying out the work for which he was
unable to spare the time. But I may say without arrogance that however
deficient my history may be in the learning and ability which Dr.
Oswald's would have shown, as well as in that lifelikeness which his
personal share in the important rising in Baden would have enabled him
to give to the descriptions; yet I shall at least have no temptation
to any one-sided estimate of the merits of the various races concerned
in the struggle, a temptation from which the most candid German could
hardly escape. My only danger in that matter would be that I might be
tempted to speak too favourably of _all_ the movements of those
various races; seeing that during my investigations in the cities
affected by these movements, I received the most extreme courtesy and
kindness from German and Bohemian, Magyar and Szekler, Saxon and
Roumanian, Serb, Croat, and Italian; and I feel nothing but pain at
any word of criticism I have uttered in these pages that may jar on
the susceptibilities of any of those races.
It will be noticed, of course, that I have omitted from this history
any account of the French Revolution. My reasons for this have been
given at the beginning of the seventh chapter. But I may add to what I
have said there that I had long felt the disproportionate importance
which many people attached to the French Revolution of 1848, in regard
to its immediate influence on Europe. From Palermo, not from Paris,
came the first revolutionary outburst. From Presburg, not from Paris,
came the word that shook Metternich from power, and secured a European
character to the Revolution. Under these circumstances, I conceived
the idea of telling the story of the European Revolution, without
touching on the French part of it, except in the most incidental
manner; so that the students of this period may be able fairly to
estimate the other influences which produced these great results,
unblinded by the splendour which anything done in Paris seems always
to have for the student of revolution.
One other peculiarity in my book also needs some explanation. I have,
as far as possible, avoided references to authorities in notes. Such
references only worry the general reader, while the student will, I
think, be more helped by the list of authorities which I append to
this preface.
It now only remains for me to thank those friends who have helped me
in my work.--For the German part of the Revolution, I have received
much help from the kind loan of the "Neue Rheinische Zeitung" by the
late Dr. Karl Marx. For the special Baden part of it I received help
not only from Dr. Oswald but also from Dr. Karl Blind, who lent me
pamphlets not otherwise accessible. For the Bohemian part of the
narrative I owe much to the kind help of Dr. Gabler, Mr. Naprstek,
Count Leo Thun the younger, and Dr. Rieger. For hints about the
Viennese struggle I owe thanks to Dr. von Frankl, the well-known poet
of the revolution, and also to Dr. Friedjung. For some general hints
on the Slavonic question I am much indebted to Baron Helfert; and my
obligation to Dr. Herbst I have acknowledged in a note. For general
Hungarian information I owe thanks to Mr. Pulszky, to Miss Toulmin
Smith, to General Klapka, to my kind friend Professor Felmeri of
Klausenburg, to Dr. Lindner, Mr. Kovacs, Mr. Kovary, Mr. Boros, of the
same town, and to Mr. Szabo, now Librarian of Klausenburg University,
formerly a distinguished officer in General Bem's army; also to
Mr. Fekete, Mr. Sandor, and Professor Koncz of Maros Vasarhely;
and last but not least to Mr. Paget, the author of "Hungary and
Transylvania." For special hints about the Saxon question I am indebted,
amongst others, to Dr. Teutsch, to Professor Senz, and to the late
"Obergespan" of Hermannstadt, Herr von Brennerberg, whose loss to the
district I can well understand, since the acquaintance of a week
enabled me to appreciate the singular justice of his mind, as well as
his uniform kindness; while for information from the Roumanian point
of view I owe thanks to Mr. Barritzu. For information on Serb
questions I am indebted principally to Mr. Polit, and Mr. Hadjic of
Neusatz, and Mr. Boscovic of Belgrade, for whose acquaintance I have
to thank the late Servian Minister in England, Mr. Mijatovic. The
same introducer I have to thank for the kindness shown me by Mr.
Matkovicu of Agram. In the last mentioned town I also received useful
information and help from Mr. Subek, and from the Librarian of the
South Slavonic Academy.
For help in Italian work I have to thank my old friend Madame Venturi,
Signor Ernesto Nathan, Signor Cardinali, Signor Berti, Professor
Villari, Signor Guastalla, Professor Aurelio Saffi (the Ex-Triumvir of
Rome), Signor Galli, Dr. Sacchi, the Syndic of Goito, the Librarian of
the Biblioteca di Brera at Milan, and my friend Signor Pizzi.--For
help of various kinds I have to thank Miss Wedgwood, Miss Irby, Dr.
Brandl and Mr. Garnett of the British Museum.
I have also to acknowledge the kindness of Mr. Dioesy in allowing a
copy to be taken of his picture of Kossuth, for insertion in my book.
This favour, with other help, I owe to my friend Mr. B. Gunszt.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
AUTHORITIES CONSULTED xi
CHIEF RACES OF AUSTRIAN EMPIRE xvii
TABLE OF DATES xix
CHAPTER I. THE TRIUMPH OF DESPOTISM 1
" II. FIRST EFFORTS OF CONSTITUTIONALISM 19
" III. FAITH AND LAW AGAINST DESPOTISM 52
" IV. LANGUAGE AND LEARNING AGAINST DESPOTISM 88
" V. DESPOTISM RETIRING BEFORE CONSTITUTIONALISM 117
" VI. FIRST MUTTERINGS OF THE STORM 168
" VII. THE DOWNFALL OF DESPOTISM 216
" VIII. THE STRUGGLE OF THE RACES 275
" IX. THE REVOLUTION BREAKS INTO SEPARATE PARTS 334
" X. LAST EFFORTS OF CONSTITUTIONALISM 401
" XI. THE DEATH STRUGGLE OF FREEDOM 431
INDEX 497
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
GIUSEPPE MAZZINI _Frontispiece._
KOSSUTH LAJOS _to face page_ 84
ROBERT BLUM " 224
IL VASCELLO, ROME " 483
AUTHORITIES CONSULTED.
GENERAL HISTORY.
Metternich's Memoirs.
Menzel's Geschichte der letzten vierzig Jahre.
GERMANY.
GENERAL GERMAN HISTORY.
Arndt, Life of.
Blum, Life of.
Goerres, Life of.
Marx, Neue Rheinische Zeitung.
Perthes, Life of.
Stein, Life of, by Professor Seeley.
Stenographischer Bericht des deutschen Vor Parlaments zu Frankfort.
---- des Fuenfziger Ausschuesses.
---- der deutschen Constituirenden Versammlung.
Zimmermann Deutsche Revolution.
PRUSSIA.
Humboldt Brief-Wechsel mit einem Jungen Freunde.
---- Letters to Varnhagen von Ense.
Schmalz Berichtigung einer Stelle in der Bredow-Venturinischen
Chronik fuer das Jahr 1808.
BADEN.
Goegg (Amand) Rueckblick auf die Badische Revolution (from La Ligue
des Peuples).
La Liberte de Penser (a journal containing pamphlets, &c., on the
Baden Revolution).
Morel Der Maerz-Aufstand und Die Badische Revolution.
Struve (Gustav) Geschichte der Volks Erhebungen in Baden.
" (Amalie) Erinnerungen, &c.
SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN.
Adressen an eine hohe deutsche Versammlung, &c., von Kiel.
Bunsen. Memoir on Constitutional Rights of the Duchies.
Droysen. The Policy of Denmark towards the Duchies.
SWITZERLAND.
Der Untergang des Sonderbundes.
AUSTRIA.
GENERAL HISTORY.
Helfert. Geschichte Oesterreichs.
Springer. Geschichte Oesterreichs seit der Wiener Frieden, 1809.
Pillersdorf. Rueckblick auf die politische Bewegung in Oesterreich.
VIENNA.
Dunder. Denkschrift ueber die Wiener October Revolution.
Gruener. Geschichte der October Revolution.
Reschauer. Das Jahr 1848.
Reichstag's Gallerie, &c.
Verhandlungen des Oesterreichischen Landtages 1848.
Violand. Die Sociale Geschichte der Revolution in Oesterreich.
Wiener Boten.
BOHEMIA.
Mueller. Die merkwuerdigsten Tage Prags in der Pfingst-Woche des
Jahres 1848.
Pameti (Pamphlets and proclamations, &c., in the Archives of
Prague).
Schoepf. Volks Bewegung in Prag.
Staendische Verhaeltnisse des Konigreichs Boehmen.
Stiles. Austria in 1848-9.
Tomain. Das Boehmische Staatsrecht.
GALICIA.
Ausschluesse ueber die jungsten Ereignisse in Polen.
Krasinski. Panslavismus und Germanismus.
Krolikowski. Memoire sur l'Etat de Cracovie, 1840.
Zaleski. Die Poelnische Frage.
HUNGARY.
GENERAL HISTORY.
Beschwerden and Klagen der Slaven in Ungarn, 1843.
Boehmisch-Slavische Helden in der Panslavismus.
Deak, Life of.
Goergei. My Life and Acts in Hungary.
Irby (Miss). Across the Carpathians.
Klapka. Memoirs of the War of Independence in Hungary.
Kossuth, Memoir of in a History of Hungary by E. O. S.
Kovari (Laslo) Okmanytar az 1848-9. (This book, though written in
Hungarian, contains some important documents in German, of
which alone I have been able to make use.)
Mailath (Count Johann) Geschichte von Oesterreich.
" Der Ungarische Reichstag in 1830.
Paget. Hungary and Transylvania.
Pulszky. Meine Zeit mein Leben.
" (Madame). Memoirs of a Hungarian Lady.
Smith (Toulmin). Parallels between Constitution and Constitutional
History of England and Hungary.
Szechenyi (Vortrag ueber) Ludwig Fezstory.
Zur Geschichte des Ungarischen Freiheits-Kampfes Autentische
Berichte.
CROATIA AND SLAVONIA.
Aktenstuecke zur Geschichte des Croatisch Slavonischen Landtages, by
Pejakovic.
Agramer Zeitung, 1843-8.
Deutsche Viertels-Jahr-Schrift (article called Mittheilungen aus
Serbien).
Le Duc. La Croatie et la Confederation Italienne.
Serbes de Hongrie, &c.
Verhandlungen des Agramer Landtags in October, 1845.
Other pamphlets on the Croatian question.
TRANSYLVANIA.
Bem. Feldzug in Siebenbuergen, by Czetz.
Bonar. Transylvania, its Products and People.
Deutsche Worte, a magazine.
Friedenfels, Joseph Bedeus von Scharberg.
Klausenburg, Collection of documents in Library of.
Lauriani. Die Romaenen der Oesterreichischer Monarchie.
Maros Vasarhely, Collection of Baron Apor at.
Roth. Der Sprach-Kampf in Siebenbuergen.
Scharberg. Die Verfassung Siebenbuergens.
Unterhaltungen aus der Gegenwart.
Vereinigung Siebenbuergens mit Ungarn vom Standpunkte der Sachsischen
Nation beleuchtet.
Zieglauer. Die Reform-Bewegung in Siebenbuergen.
ITALY
GENERAL HISTORY.
Alfieri. Opere. Autobiography.
Bianchi (Nicomede), Storia della politica Austriaca rispetto ai
Sovrani ed ai Governi Italiani dell'anno 1791, al Maggio
del 1857.
Coppi. Annali d'Italia.
D'Amato. Panteon dei Martiri della liberta Italiana.
Farini. Lo Stato Romano (really including much of other parts).
Foscolo (Ugo) Scritte politici inediti. Jacopo Ortis.
---- Lettera a Conte Verri.
---- Lettera a Conte di Ficquelmont.
---- (Vita di). Pecchio.
Gallenga. Italy in 1848.
Gioberti Vincenzo (biography by V. G. in I Contemporanei Italiani).
Del Primato Morale e Civile degli Italiani.
Gualterio. Gli Ultimi Rivolgimenti Italiani.
---- Delle Negative date dal Conte Solaro della Margherita.
La Concordia (paper published at Genoa).
La Farina. Storia dell Italia dopo il Settembre del 1847.
Manzoni (Alessandro). Cenni Sulla vita Sua.
Miscellanee politiche Genovesi (pamphlets, songs, &c., published at
Genoa, and bearing on the revolution).
Mazzini, Life and Writings of (translated by E. A. V.).
Panizzi, Lettere ad, di uomini illustri, &c.
Ranalli. Istorie Italiane dal 1846 al 1853.
LOMBARDY AND VENETIA.
Andryane. Memoires d'un prisonnier d'Etat.
Anfossi (Francesco). Memorie sulla campagna di Lombardia del 1848.
Biblioteca di Brera (Milan), Collections of Caricatures, Pamphlets,
and Proclamations in.
Cantu (Cesare). Editions and Lives of Monti and Parini.
Casati. Nuove rivelazioni su i fatti di Milano nel 1847-8.
Cattaneo. Dell'Insurrezione di Milano.
" Archivio Triennale.
Dandolo. Italian Volunteers and Lombard Rifle Brigade.
Gazzetta di Milano, 1848.
Manin, Documents et pieces autentiques laissees par.
Quadro politico di Milano (collection of pamphlets, &c.).
Vedovi (Timoleone). I martiri di san Georgio e di Belfiore.
NAPLES AND SICILY.
Colletta. History of Naples (translated).
Ruggiero Settimo. Per Gabriele Colonna.
PIEDMONT.
Balbo (Cesare) autobiography.
" Speranze d'ltalia.
Brofferio. Storia di Piemonte.
" I miei Tempi.
Solaro della Margherita, Vita di per Biginelli.
" Memorandum Storico-Politico.
" Avvedimenti Politici.
ROMAN STATES.
Artaud. Vie de Pie 7.
" Vie de Pie 8.
Balleydier. Storia della Revoluzione di Roma.
Beghelli. La Republica Romana del 1849.
Brasini. L'8 Agosto 1848, Bologna.
" La Resistenza di Bologna nelle otto Giornate di Maggio,
1849.
D'Azeglio (Massimo) Degli ultimi casi di Romagna.
" Correspondance Politique.
Monitorio Romano, 1848 and 1849.
Orsini. Memoirs.
Pasolini (Memoir of), by his son, translated.
Protocollo della Republica Romana.
Republica Italiana del 1849 (anonymous clerical).
Rossi (Pellegrino). Vita di per Raggi (including other notices of
him).
Torre (Federico). Memorie Storiche sull'intervento Francese
(unfinished).
TUSCANY.
Guerrazzi (Domenico) Apologia della Vita Politica. (His novels
should also be read to estimate his influence.)
CHIEF RACES OF AUSTRIAN EMPIRE.
HUNGARY.
_Magyars_, ruling race; found in most parts of the Kingdom, but
most largely in the Northern parts. Semi-Turkish race (non-Aryan).
Various creeds; Calvinism the most distinctive (_i.e._, the one
that has most connected itself with the race-struggles). Chief
town, Buda-Pesth.
_Croats_, chiefly found in Croatia, but sometimes in Slavonia and
Dalmatia. Creed, Roman Catholic; Slavonic race; chief town, Agram.
_Saxons_, found in S.E. of Transylvania. Creed, mainly Lutheran;
race, German; chief town, Hermannstadt.
_Serbs_, found chiefly in Slavonia, but also in Banat, Bacska, and
in smaller numbers in other parts of Hungary. Creed, Greek Church;
race, Slavonic; chief towns, Neusatz and Carlowitz.
_Slovaks_, found in North Hungary. Creed, Lutheran; race, Slavonic.
_Szekler_, found in N.E. of Transylvania. Creeds, various; race,
same as Magyars; chief town, Maros Vasarhely.
_Roumanian_, or _Wallack_, in all parts of Transylvania, and a few
in the Banat. Creed, Greek Church; race, mixed Dacian and Italian;
chief town, Blasendorf.
_Italians_, found in Dalmatia and Istria.
WESTERN AUSTRIA.
_Germans_, found everywhere, but chiefly in Archduchy. Creed,
mainly Roman Catholic; chief town, Vienna.
_Slovenes_, found in Krain, Carinthia, and Styria. Race, Slavonic.
_Czechs_, in Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia. Creed, chiefly Roman
Catholic; race, Slavonic; chief town, Prague.
GALICIA.
_Poles_, found in all parts. Creed, Roman Catholic; race, Slavonic;
chief town, Lemberg.
_Ruthenians._ Creed, Greek Church; race, Slavonic.
TABLE OF DATES.
1846. April 25. Charles Albert defies Austria about the
salt-tax.
June 15. Election of Pius IX.
July 8. King of Denmark asserts his right to absorb
Schleswig-Holstein.
" 16. Pius IX's. amnesty.
1847. Jan. 3. Landtag summoned to Berlin.
July 5. Pope grants Civic Guard to Rome.
" 14. Clerical conspiracy suppressed in Rome.
" 16. Austrian occupation of Ferrara.
" 20. Swiss Diet resolves to dissolve Sonderbund.
Sept. 1. Unsuccessful rising in Messina.
" 12. Meeting of South German Liberals at Offenburg.
" 29. Metternich formally expresses his approval of
the Sonderbund.
Nov. 4. Motion carried at Pesth for taxation of nobles.
" 24. Troops of the Swiss Diet occupy Luzern.
Dec. 9. Nazari makes his motion for reform in Milan.
" 16. Agreement for Austrian troops to evacuate
Ferrara.
" 27. Ciceruacchio asks the Pope to join the Italian
League.
1848. Jan. 2 and 3. Smoking riots at Milan.
" 12. Sicilian rising begins.
" 19. Arrest of Manin and Tommaseo at Venice.
" 29. Neapolitan Constitution granted.
Feb. 4. Leopold of Tuscany promises Constitution.
" 12. Pope appoints first lay Ministers.
" 22. Martial law proclaimed in Lombardy.
" 27. Meeting at Mannheim to demand German Parliament.
Mar. 2. Second Chamber of Baden demands repeal of
Carlsbad Decrees. Downfall of Ministry in
Bavaria.
" 3. Kossuth's speech at Presburg.
" 11. First meeting at the Wenzelsbad in Prague.
" 13. Rising in Vienna. Workmen's petition in Berlin.
Granting of Liberal Ministry by King of
Saxony.
" 15. Abdication of Metternich.
" 16. Students' rising in Pesth. Rising in Berlin.
Granting of Constitution by Pope.
" 17. Serb meeting at Pesth.
" 18 to 22. Five days of Milan.
" 22. Rising in Venice.
" 23. Manin chosen President of Venetian Republic.
Jellacic made Ban of Croatia. Charles Albert
declares war on Austria.
" 25. Prussian Assembly opens.
" 26. King of Naples deposed by Sicilians.
" 31. Meeting of Vor-Parlament at Frankfort.
April 2. Bundestag repeals Carlsbad Decrees.
" 4. Bundestag authorises Prussia to act for Germany
in Schleswig-Holstein.
" 8. First battle of Goito.
" 11. Palacky refuses to join the Committee of Fifty
at Frankfort.
" 16. First Baden insurrection.
" 29. Papal allocution against the Italian war.
May 1. Slavs summoned to meet in Prague.
" 3. Mamiani Ministry formed.
" 13. Meeting of Serbs at Carlowitz. Provisional
Government at Milan declare for fusion.
" 15. Coup d'etat in Naples. Second rising in Vienna.
Meeting of Roumanians at Blasendorf.
" 18. First meeting of Constituent Assembly at
Frankfort. Flight of Emperor of Austria to
Innspruck.
" 28. Battle of Curtatone.
" 29. Unsuccessful riot in Milan. Completion of vote
of fusion.
" 30. Slavonic Congress in Prague. Abolition of
Transylvanian Parliament. Surrender of
Peschierato Charles Albert.
June 2. First encounter between Magyars and Roumanians.
" 3. Separate Provisional Government formed in
Bohemia.
" 11. Hrabowsky's attack on Carlowitz. Fall of
Vicenza.
" 12 to 18. Rising in Prague.
" 19. Ferdinand declares Jellacic a traitor.
" 29. Jellacic made Dictator by Croatians. Archduke
John chosen Administrator of the German
Empire.
July 4. Venice accepts the fusion with Piedmont.
" 22. Kossuth supports vote for sending troops against
Italians.
Aug. 5. Capitulation of Milan.
" 8. Expulsion of Austrians from Bologna.
" 11. Restoration of Manin's dictatorship in Venice.
" 26. Truce of Malmo signed.
" 31. Abolition of feudal dues in Vienna.
Sept. 5. Frankfort Assembly condemns the Truce of Malmo.
" 9. Jellacic crosses the Drave.
" 11. Meeting of Roumanians to protest against
Hungarian conscription.
" 16. Frankfort Assembly rescinds its vote about the
Truce of Malmo.
" 18. Emeute in Frankfort.
" 21. The "Struve Putsch."
" 25. Official appointment of Lamberg at Buda-Pesth.
" 28. Murder of Lamberg.
Oct. 3. Jellacic declared Dictator of Hungary.
" 6. Murder of Latour.
" 7. Croat army surrenders to the Hungarians.
Ferdinand flies to Innspruck.
" 8. Kossuth threatens death to those who won't hang
out the Hungarian flag.
" 10. Auersperg and Jellacic join forces.
" 11. Bohemian deputies meet in Prague.
" 18. Puchner's appeal to the Transylvanians.
" 21. Hungarian troops cross the Austrian frontier.
" 22. First meeting of Kremsier Parliament.
" 30. Battle of Schwechat.
Nov. 1. Windischgraetz enters Vienna.
" 9. Blum shot.
" 15. Murder of Rossi. Prussian Assembly votes that no
more taxes be paid.
" 24. Flight of Pope.
" 28. Prussian Assembly decide to leave Berlin.
Cavaignac announces intended expedition
to Rome.
Dec. 2. Abdication of Ferdinand.
" 5. Final dissolution of Prussian Parliament.
" 13. Address from Forli asking for Constituent
Assembly.
" 18. Frankfort Parliament abolishes feudal dues.
" 31. Hungarian Committee of Defence retreats to
Debreczin.
1849. Jan. 11. Frankfort Parliament votes for exclusion of
Austria from Germany.
" 22. Goergei sends Waizen Declaration to
Windischgraetz.
Feb. 1. Saxons apply for help to Russians.
" 6. Re-occupation of Ferrara by Austrian troops.
" 8. Flight of Grand Duke from Tuscany.
" 9. Proclamation of Roman Republic.
" 19. Goergei superseded by Dembinski.
" 21. Announcement that the Austrians have crossed
the Po.
" 26. Opening of Prussian Parliament.
Mar. 7. Dissolution of the Kremsier Parliament.
" 11. Capture of Hermannstadt by Bem.
" 12. Charles Albert declares war on Austria.
" 20. Formal announcement of new Austrian
Constitution.
" 23. Battle of Novara. Abdication of Charles Albert.
" 28. Frankfort Parliament decides to offer Crown of
Germany to King of Prussia.
" 29. Mazzini, Saffi, and Armellini made Triumvirs.
April 1. Capture of Brescia by Haynan.
" 3. King of Prussia refuses the Crown of Germany.
" 14. Declaration of Hungarian Independence.
" 17. Final meeting of Sicilian Parliament.
" 24. French arrive before Civita Vecchia.
" 25. Re-occupation of Pesth by the Hungarians.
" 27. Dissolution of Prussian Parliament.
May 14. Beginning of third Baden insurrection. King of
Prussia recalls Prussian members from
Frankfort Parliament.
" 15. Neapolitans capture Palermo.
" 20. Bologna captured by Austrians.
" 26. Proposals of Lesseps accepted by Triumvirs.
" 30. Frankfort Parliament resolves to adjourn to
Stuttgart.
" 31. Oudinot rejects Lesseps' Convention.
June 4. Russian proclamation of intended invasion of
Hungary.
" 13. Ledru Rollin's insurrection in Paris.
" 17. First Russian victory in Transylvania.
" 18. Final dissolution of German Parliament.
" 19. Austrians capture Ancona.
" 30. Roman Assembly decides to yield. Prussians
surround Rastatt, which is centre of Baden
movement.
July 3. French enter Rome.
" 15. Papal Government restored.
" 28. Death of Charles Albert. Hungarian Diet
dissolves itself.
Aug. 5. Capture of Hermannstadt by Russians.
11. Goergei made Dictator. Kossuth flies from
Hungary.
" 13. Goergei surrenders at Vilagos.
" 28. Austrians enter Venice.
Sept. 26. Klapka surrenders Komorn.
CHAPTER I.
THE TRIUMPH OF DESPOTISM. 1815-1819.
Condition of Europe in 1815.--Metternich's position.--Character of
Alexander of Russia.--Metternich's attitude towards
religion.--Madame de Kruedener.--The Holy Alliance.--Aspirations of
the Germans.--Stein _v._ Metternich.--Schmalz's pamphlet.--The
Rhine Province.--Arndt and Goerres.--The Small States of
Germany.--Wuertemberg.--Weimar.--The Jena demonstration.--The
Burschenschaft.--The Wartburg demonstration.--The Murder of
Kotzebue.--The Carlsbad decrees.--The Final Act of
Vienna.--Metternich's triumph.
In the year 1814 Napoleon Buonaparte ceased to reign over Europe, and,
after a very short interregnum, Clement Metternich reigned in his
stead. Ever since the fall of Stadion, and the collapse of Austria in
1809, this statesman had exercised the chief influence in Austrian
affairs; and, by his skilful diplomacy, the Emperor had been enabled
to play a part in Europe which, though neither honourable nor
dignified, was eminently calculated to enable that Prince to take a
leading position in politics, when the other Powers were exhausted by
war, and uncertain of what was to follow. But Francis of Austria,
though in agreement with Metternich, was really his hand rather than
his head; and thus the crafty Minister easily assumed the real
headship of Europe, while professing to be the humble servant of the
Emperor of Austria.
The system of the new ruler resembled that of Napoleon in its contempt
for the rights of men and of nations; but it was to be varnished over
with an appearance of legality, a seeming respect for the rights of
kings, and a determination to preserve peace and avoid dramatic
sensations, which made it welcome to Europe, after eighteen years of
almost incessant wars or rumours of wars. As he looked round upon the
countries that had fallen under his rule, the contemplation of the
existing state of Europe seemed to promise the new monarch a fairly
successful reign. France had been satisfied by the preservation of
Alsace and Lorraine, and by the sense that, from having been the focus
of revolution, she had now become the corner-stone of legitimacy.
England had at first seemed to give pledges to the cause of liberty by
her promise of independence to Genoa, and her guarantee of the
Sicilian Constitution; but with the help of Castlereagh, whom
Metternich described as "that upright and enlightened statesman," the
Austrian Government had succeeded in persuading the English to consent
to look on quietly while Genoa was absorbed in the Kingdom of
Sardinia, and while the Anglo-Sicilian Constitution was destroyed by
Ferdinand of Naples; and the English zeal for independence had been
happily diverted from the support of constitutions and civic liberties
to the championship of the most contemptible of Napoleon's puppets,
the King of Saxony.
The King of Prussia, who in 1813 had seemed in danger of becoming the
champion of popular rights and German freedom, was now, with his usual
feebleness, swaying towards the side of despotism; and any irritation
which he may have felt at the opposition to his claim upon Saxony,
had been removed by the concession of the Rhine Province.
Among the smaller sovereigns of Europe, the King of Sardinia and the
Pope alone showed any signs of rebellion against the new ruler of
Europe. The former had objected to the continued occupation of
Alessandria by Austrian forces; while the representatives of the Pope
had even entered a protest against that vague and dangerous clause in
the Treaty of Vienna which gave Austria a right to occupy Ferrara.
But, on the other hand, the King of Sardinia had shown more zeal than
any other ruler of Italy in restoring the old feudal and absolutist
regime which the French had overthrown. And though Cardinal Consalvi,
the chief adviser of the Pope, was following for the present a
semi-Liberal policy, he might as yet be considered as only having
established a workable Government in Rome. And a Pope who had been
kidnapped by Napoleon was hardly likely to offer much opposition to
the man who, in his own opinion, was the overthrower of Napoleon.
Yet there were two difficulties which seemed likely to hinder the
prosperity of Metternich's reign. These were the character of
Alexander I. of Russia, and the aspirations of the German nation.
Alexander, indeed, if occasionally irritating Metternich, evidently
afforded him considerable amusement, and the sort of pleasure which
every man finds in a suitable subject for the exercise of his
peculiar talents. For Alexander was eminently a man to be managed.
Enthusiastic, dreamy, and vain; now bent on schemes of conquest, now
on the development of some ideal of liberty, now filled with some
confused religious mysticism; at one time eager to divide the world
with Napoleon, then anxious to restore Poland to its independence; now
listening to the appeals of Metternich to his fears, at another time
to the nobler and more liberal suggestions of Stein and Pozzo di
Borgo;[1] only consistent in the one desire to play an impressive and
melodramatic part in European affairs.
But, amusing as Alexander was to Metternich, there were circumstances
connected with the condition of Europe which might make his weak love
of display as dangerous to Metternich's policy as a more determined
opponent could be. There were still scattered over Europe traces of
the old aspirations after liberty which had been first kindled by the
French Revolution, and again awakened by the rising against Napoleon.
Setting aside, for the moment, the leaders of German thought, there
were men who had hoped that even Napoleon might give liberty to
Poland; there were Spanish popular leaders who had risen for the
independence of their country; Lombards who had sat in the Assembly of
the Cis-Alpine Republic; Carbonari in Naples, who had fought under
Murat, and who had at one time received some little encouragement,
even from their present King. If the Czar of Russia should put himself
at the head of such a combination as this, the consequences to Europe
might indeed be serious.
But the stars in their courses fought for Metternich; and a force,
which he had considered almost as dangerous as the character of
Alexander, proved the means of securing the Czar to the side of
despotism.
Nothing is more characteristic of Metternich and his system than his
attitude towards any kind of religious feeling. It might have been
supposed that the anti-religious spirit which had shown itself in the
fiercest period of the French Revolution, and, to a large extent, also
in the career of Napoleon, would have induced the restorers of the old
system to appeal both to clerical feeling and religious sentiment, as
the most hopeful bulwark of legitimate despotism. Metternich was far
wiser. He knew, in spite of the accidental circumstances which had
connected Atheism with the fiercer forms of Jacobinism, that, from the
time of Moses to the time of George Washington, religious feeling had
constantly been a tremendous force on the side of liberty; and
although he might try to believe that to himself alone was due the
fall of Napoleon, yet he could not but be aware that there were many
who still fancied that the popular risings in Spain and Germany had
contributed to that end, and that in both these cases the element of
religious feeling had helped to strengthen the popular enthusiasm. He
felt, too, that however much the clergy might at times have been made
the tools of despotism, they did represent a spiritual force which
might become dangerous to those who relied on the power of armies, the
traditions of earthly kings, or the tricks of diplomatists. Much,
therefore, as he may have disliked the levelling and liberating part
of the policy of Joseph II., Metternich shared the hostility of that
Prince to the power of the clergy.
Nor was it purely from calculations of policy that Metternich was
disposed to check religious enthusiasm. Like so many of the nobles of
his time, he had come under the influence of the French philosophers
of the eighteenth century; his hard and cynical spirit had easily
caught the impress of their teaching; and he found it no difficult
matter to flavour Voltairianism with a slight tincture of respectable
orthodox Toryism.
The method by which he achieved this end should be given in his own
words: "I read every day one or two chapters of the Bible. I discover
new beauties daily, and prostrate myself before this admirable book;
while at the age of twenty I found it difficult not to think the
family of Lot unworthy to be saved, Noah unworthy to have lived, Saul
a great criminal, and David a terrible man. At twenty I tried to
understand the Apocalypse; now I am sure that I never shall understand
it. At the age of twenty a deep and long-continued search in the Holy
Books made me an Atheist after the fashion of Alembert and Lalande; or
a Christian after that of Chateaubriand. Now I believe and do not
criticize. Accustomed to occupy myself with great moral questions,
what have I not accomplished or allowed to be wrought out, before
arriving at the point where the Pope and my Cure begged me to accept
from them the most portable edition of the Bible? Is it bold in me to
take for certain that among a thousand individuals chosen from the men
of which the people are composed, there will be found, owing to their
intellectual faculties, their education, or their age, very few who
have arrived at the point where I find myself?"
This statement of his attitude of mind is taken from a letter written
to remonstrate with the Russian Ambassador on the patronage afforded
by the Emperor Alexander to the Bible Societies. But how much more
would such an attitude of mind lead him to look with repugnance on the
religious excitement which was displaying itself even in the Arch
Duchy of Austria!
And, to say the truth, men of far deeper religious feeling than
Metternich might well be dissatisfied with the influence of the person
who was the chief mover in this excitement.
The Baroness de Kruedener, formerly one of the gayest of Parisian
ladies of fashion, and at least suspected of not having been too
scrupulous in her conduct, had gone through the process which Carlyle
so forcibly describes in his sketch of Ignatius Loyola. She had
changed the excitements of the world for the excitements of religion,
and was now preaching and prophesying a millennium of good things to
come in another world, to those who would abandon some of the more
commonplace amusements of the present. The disturbance which she was
producing in men's minds specially alarmed Metternich; and, under what
influence it may be difficult to prove, she was induced to retire to
Russia, and there came in contact with the excitable Czar.
Under her influence Alexander drew up a manifesto, from which it
appeared that, while all men were brothers, kings were the fathers of
their peoples; Russia, Austria, and Prussia were different branches of
one Christian people, who recognized no ruler save the Highest; and
they were to combine to enforce Christian principles on the peoples of
Europe. When the draft of this proclamation was first placed before
Metternich it was so alien from his modes of thought that he could
only treat it with scorn; and Frederick William of Prussia was the
only ruler who regarded it with even modified approval. But with all
his scorn Metternich had the wit to see that the pietism of Alexander
of Russia had now been turned into a direction which might be made use
of for the enforcement of Metternich's own system of government; and
thus, after having induced Alexander, much against his will, to modify
and alter the original draft, Metternich laid the foundation of the
Holy Alliance.
But there still remained the troublesome question of the aspirations
of the German nation; and these seemed likely at first to centre in a
man of far higher type and far more steady resolution than Alexander.
This was Baron von Stein, who, driven from office by Napoleon, had
been in exile the point of attraction to all those who laboured for
the liberty of Germany. He had declared, at an early period, in favour
of a German Parliament. But Metternich had ingeniously succeeded in
pitting against him the local feeling of the smaller German States;
and instead of the real Parliament which Stein desired, there arose
that curious device for hindering national development called the
German Bund.
This was composed of thirty-nine members, the representatives
of all the different German Governments. Its object was said to
be to preserve the outward and inward safety of Germany, and the
independence and inviolability of her separate States. If any change
were to be made in fundamental laws, it could only be done by a
unanimous vote. Some form of Constitution was to be introduced in each
State of the Bund; arrangements were to be made with regard to the
freedom of the press, and the Bund was also to take into consideration
the question of trade and intercourse between the different States.
All the members of the Bundestag were to protect Germany, and each
individual State, against every attack. The vagueness and looseness of
these provisions enabled Metternich so to manage the Bundestag as to
defeat the objects of Stein and his friends, and gradually to use this
weakly-constituted Assembly as an effective engine of despotism.
But in fact Stein was ill fitted to represent the popular feeling in
any efficient manner. His position is one that is not altogether easy
to explain. He believed, to some extent, in the People, especially the
_German_ People. That is to say, he believed in the power of that
people to _feel_ justly and honourably; and, as long as that feeling
was expressed in the form of a cry to their rulers to guide and lead
justly, he was as anxious as anyone that that cry should be heard. He
liked, too, the sense of the compact embodiment of this feeling in
some institution representing the unity of the nation. But, with the
ideas connected with popular representation in the English sense, he
had little sympathy. That the People or their representatives should
_reason_ or act, independently of their sovereigns, was a political
conception which was utterly abhorrent to him.
In short, Stein's antagonism to Metternich was as intense as that of
the most advanced democrat; but it was not so much the opposition of a
champion of freedom to a champion of despotism, as the opposition of
an honest man to a rogue. Metternich wrote in his Memoirs, when he was
taking office for the first time in 1809, "From the day when peace
is signed we must confine our system to tacking and turning and
flattering. Thus alone may we possibly preserve our existence till the
day of general deliverance." This policy had been consistently
followed. The abandonment of Andrew Hofer after the Tyrolese rising of
1809, the adulterous marriage of Maria Louisa, the alliance with
Napoleon, the discouragement of all popular effort to throw off the
French yoke, the timely desertion of Napoleon's cause, just soon
enough to give importance to the alliance of Austria with Prussia and
Russia and England, just late enough to prevent any danger of defeat
and misfortune; these acts marked the character of Metternich's policy
and excited the loathing of Stein.
As he had been repelled from Metternich by arts like these, so Stein
had been drawn to Arndt, Schleiermacher, and Steffens by a common love
of honesty and by a common power of self-sacrifice; but he looked upon
them none the less as, to a large extent, dreamers and theorists; and
this want of sympathy with them grew, as the popular movement took a
more independent form, until at last the champion of Parliamentary
Government, the liberator of the Prussian peasant, the leader of the
German people in the struggle against Napoleon, drifted entirely out
of political life from want of sympathy with all parties.
But it was not to Stein alone that the Germans of 1813 had looked for
help and encouragement in their struggle against Napoleon. The People
had found other noble leaders at that period, and it remembered them.
The King of Prussia remembered them too, to his shame. He was
perfectly aware that he had played a very sorry part in the beginning
of the struggle, and that, instead of leading his people, he had been
forced by them most unwillingly into the position of a champion of
liberty. It was not, therefore, merely from a fear of the political
effects of the Constitutional movement, but from a more personal
feeling, that Frederick William III. was eager to forget the events of
1813.
But if the King wished to put aside uncomfortable facts, his
flatterers were disposed to go much further, and to deny them. A man
named Schmalz, who had been accused, rightly or wrongly, of having
acted in 1808 with Scharnhorst in promoting the Tugendbund,[2] and of
writing in a democratic sense about popular assemblies, now wrote a
pamphlet to vindicate himself against these charges.
Starting from this personal standpoint, he went on to maintain that
all which was useful in the movement of 1813 came directly from the
King; that enterprises like that by which Schill endeavoured to rouse
the Prussians to a really popular struggle against the French were an
entire mistake; that the political unions did nothing to stir up the
people; that the alliance between Prussia and France in 1812 had saved
Europe; and that it was not till the King gave the word in February,
1813, that the German people had shown any wish to throw off the yoke
of Napoleon.
This pamphlet at once called forth a storm of indignation. Niebuhr and
Schleiermacher both wrote answers to it, and the remaining popularity
of the King received a heavy blow when it was found that he was
checking the opposition, and had even singled out Schmalz for special
honour. The great centre of discontent was in the newly-acquired Rhine
province. The King of Prussia, indeed, had hoped that by founding a
University at Bonn, by appointing Arndt Professor of History, and
Goerres, the former editor of the "Rhenish Mercury," Director of Public
Instruction, he might have secured the popular feeling in the province
to his side.
But Arndt and Goerres were not men to be silenced by favour, any
more than by fear. Goerres remonstrated with the King for giving a
decoration to Schmalz, and organized petitions for enforcing the
clause in the Treaty of Vienna which enabled the Bund to summon the
Staende of the different provinces. Arndt renewed his demand for the
abolition of serfdom in his own province of Ruegen, advocated peasant
proprietorship, and, above all, Parliamentary Government for Germany.
The feeling of discontent, which these pamphlets helped to keep alive,
was further strengthened in the Rhine Province by a growing feeling
that Frederick William was trying to crush out local traditions and
local independence by the help of Prussian officials.
So bitter was the anti-Prussian feeling produced by this conduct, that
a temporary liking was excited for the Emperor of Austria, as an
opponent of the Prussianizing of Germany; and Metternich, travelling
in 1817 through this province, remarked that it is "no doubt the part
of Europe where the Emperor is most loved, _more even than in our own
country_."
But it was but a passing satisfaction that the ruler of Europe could
derive from this accidental result of German discontent. He had
already begun to perceive that his opposition to the unity of Germany,
and his consequent attempt to pose as the champion of the separate
States, had not tended to secure the despotic system which his soul
loved.
Stein had opposed the admission of the smaller German States to the
Vienna Congress, no doubt holding that the unity of Germany would be
better accomplished in this manner, and very likely distrusting
Bavaria and Wuertemberg, as former allies of Napoleon. Metternich, by
the help of Talleyrand, had defeated this attempt at exclusion, and
had secured the admission of Bavaria and Wuertemberg to the Congress.
But he now found that these very States were thorns in his side.
They resented the attempts of Metternich to dictate to them in their
internal affairs; and, though the King of Bavaria might confine
himself to vague phrases about liberty, the King of Wuertemberg
actually went the length of granting a Constitution. Had this King
lived much longer, Metternich might have been able to revive against
him the remembrance of his former alliance with Napoleon. But when,
after his death in 1816, the new King of Wuertemberg, a genuine German
patriot, continued, in defiance of his nobles, to uphold his father's
Constitution, this hope was taken away, and the South German States
remained to the last, with more or less consistency, a hindrance to
the completeness of Metternich's system.
But the summary of Metternich's difficulties in Germany is not yet
complete. The ruler of another small principality, the Duke of Weimar,
had taken advantage, like the King of Wuertemberg, of the permission to
grant a Constitution to his people; and had been more prominent than
even the King of Wuertemberg in encouraging freedom of discussion in
his dominions. This love of freedom, in Weimar as in most countries of
Europe, connected itself with University life, and thus found its
centre in the celebrated University of Jena; and on June 18th, 1816,
the students of the University met to celebrate the anniversary of the
Battle of Leipzig. There, to the great alarm of the authorities, they
publicly burnt the pamphlet of Schmalz, and another written by the
play-writer Kotzebue, who was believed to have turned away Alexander
of Russia from the cause of liberty, and now to be acting as his tool
and spy.
The head of the Rhine police, conscious, no doubt, of the ferment in
his own province, remonstrated with the Duke of Weimar on permitting
such disturbances.
This opposition increased the movement which it was designed to check.
Jahn, who had founded the gymnastic schools which had speedily become
places of military exercise for patriotic Germans during the war, now
came forward to organize a Burschenschaft, a society which was to
include all the patriotic students of Germany. Metternich and his
friends had become thoroughly alarmed at the progress of the opposition,
but again events seemed to work for him; and the enthusiasm of the
students, ill-regulated, and ill-guided, was soon to give an excuse for
the blow which would secure the victory for a time to the champions of
absolutism.
The desire for liberty seems always to connect itself with love of
symbolism; and the movement for reform, naturally led to the revival
of sympathy with earlier reformers. Actuated by these feelings, the
students of Leipzig and other German Universities gathered at the
Wartburg, in 1817, to revive the memory of Luther's testimony for
liberty of thought; and they seized the opportunity for protesting
against the tyranny of their own time.
Apparently the enthusiasm for the Emperor of Austria had not extended
to Saxony; for an Austrian corporal's staff was one of the first
objects cast into the bonfire, which was lighted by the students;
while the dislike to Prussia was symbolized by the burning of a pair
of Prussian military stays, and the hatred of the tyranny which
prevailed in the smaller States, found vent in the burning of a
Hessian pig-tail. The demonstration excited much disapproval among the
stricter followers of Metternich; but Stein and others protested
against any attempt to hinder the students in their meeting.
In the following year the Burschenschaft, which Jahn desired to form,
began to take shape, and to increase the alarm of the lovers of peace
at all costs. Metternich rose to the occasion; and boasted that he had
become a moral power in Europe, which would leave a void when it
disappeared. In March, 1819, the event took place which at last gave
this "moral power" a success that seemed for the moment likely to be
lasting.
Ludwig Sand, a young man who had studied first at Erlangen and
afterwards at Jena, went, on March 23rd, 1819, to the house of
Kotzebue at Mannheim, and stabbed him to the heart.
It was said, truly or falsely, that a paper was found with Sand,
declaring that he acted with the authority of the University of ----.
It was said also that Sand had played a prominent part in the Wartburg
celebration. With the logic usual with panic-mongers, Metternich was
easily able to deduce from these facts the conclusion that the
Universities must, if left to themselves, become schools of sedition
and murder.
The Duke of Weimar, with more courage, perhaps, than tact, had
anticipated the designs of Metternich by a proclamation in favour of
freedom of thought and teaching at the Universities, as the best
security for attaining truth.
This proclamation strengthened still further the hands of Metternich.
Abandoning the position which he had assumed at the Congress of
Vienna, of champion of the smaller States of Germany, he appealed to
the King of Prussia for help to coerce the Duke of Weimar, and the
German Universities.
Frederick William, in spite of his support of Schmalz, was still
troubled by some scruples of conscience. In May, 1815, he had made a
public promise of a Constitution to Prussia; Stein and Humboldt were
eager that he should fulfil this promise, and even the less scrupulous
Hardenberg held that it ought to be fulfilled sooner or later.
But Metternich urged upon the King that he had allowed dangerous
principles to grow in Prussia; that his kingdom was the centre of
conspiracy against the peace and order of Germany, and that, if he
once conceded representative government, the other Powers would be
obliged to leave him to his fate.
The King, already alarmed by the course which events were taking, was
easily persuaded by Metternich to abandon a proposal which seemed to
have nothing in its favour except the duty of keeping his word. Arndt
was deprived of his professorship, and tried by commission on the
charge of taking part in a Republican conspiracy; Jahn was arrested,
and Goerres fled from the country, to reappear at a later time in
Bavaria as a champion of Ultramontanism against the hateful influence
of Prussia.
Then Metternich proceeded to his master stroke. He called a conference
at Carlsbad to crush the revolutionary spirit of the Universities. A
commission of five members was appointed, under whose superintendence
an official was to be placed over every University, to direct the
minds and studies of students to sound political conclusions. Each
Government of Germany was to pledge itself to remove any teacher
pronounced dangerous by this commission; and if any Government
resisted, the commission would compel it. No Government was ever to
accept a teacher so expelled from any other University. No newspaper
of less than twenty pages was to appear without leave of a Board,
appointed for the purpose, and every state of Germany was to be
answerable to the Bund for the contents of its newspapers. The editor
of a suppressed paper was to be, _ipso facto_, prohibited from
starting another paper for five years in any state of the Bund; and a
central Board was to be founded for inquiry into demagogic plots.
These decrees seem a sufficiently crushing engine of despotism; but
there still remained a slight obstacle to be removed from Metternich's
path. The 13th Article of the Treaty of Vienna had suggested the
granting of Constitutions by different rulers of Germany; and, vaguely
as it had been drawn, both Metternich and Francis felt this clause an
obstacle in their path.
As soon, therefore, as the Carlsbad Decrees had been passed,
Metternich summoned anew the different States of Germany, to
discuss the improvement of this clause. The representatives of
Bavaria and Wuertemberg protested against this interference with the
independence of the separate States; and, although the representative of
Prussia steadily supported Metternich, it was necessary to make some
concession in form to the opponents of his policy.
It was, therefore, decided that the Princes of Germany should not be
hindered in the exercise of their power, nor in their duty as members
of the Bund, by any Constitutions. By this easy device Metternich was
able to assume, without resistance, the Imperial tone, which suited
his position. The entry in his memoirs naturally marks this supreme
moment of triumph. "I told my five-and-twenty friends," he says, "what
we want, and what we do not want; on this avowal there was a general
declaration of approval, and each one asserted he had never wanted
more or less, nor indeed anything different."
Thus was Metternich recognized as the undisputed ruler of Germany,
and, for the moment, of Europe.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] A Corsican of noble birth who left his country after it fell under
the rule of France, and whose influence was used with Alexander to
encourage him in a Liberal policy.
[2] A popular and patriotic society, for training the Germans in
resistance to the French yoke.