_The Tragedy of the Generalissimo_
Any account of conditions in China today would be incomplete without
mentioning the Nationalist Government and what it attempted to
achieve.
The political and social revolution inside China has been in progress
many years, and these years have been turbulent ones. The Chinese,
largely illiterate, were for a long time completely isolated. Many
believed that China was the entire world and that a “foreigner” was a
Chinese from another province. Patriotism was felt by them only where
the home and family were concerned.
In 1911, Dr. Sun Yet-sen led a successful revolution and overthrew
the Manchu Dynasty. Desiring to make China a modern republic, he
proclaimed as his aim: “To dedicate the few score perishable years of
our life to the laying of an imperishable foundation for our Nation.”
To this end he gave his life.
The educated Chinese then began the creation of a modern, unified and
democratic country. Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, co-founder of the
revolution of 1911, became its second leader in 1925, on the death of
Dr. Sun. China knew no other leader until 1949.
In the beginning, the Chinese Communist and Nationalist Parties were
one and the same. They were _the_ Revolutionary Party. An admirer of
the United States and Great Britain, Dr. Sun first requested their
help in reorganizing and revitalizing his country, but they refused.
With no alternative, he was forced to accept the aid of Russian
revolutionaries who jumped at the chance to tie China up with their
own impending revolution. Working with the famous Communist, Adolph
Joffe, Dr. Sun drew up the policy of the new government. However,
not all the Chinese revolutionaries were radical. Some were moderate
liberals, and many were wealthy conservatives who desired only a
more modern setup than the Manchus had. Among the latter the Soong
family is certainly the best known. This family cleverly safeguarded
its future by marrying one of its charming daughters, Chingling, to
Dr. Sun Yat-sen; another, Meiling, to Chiang Kai-shek; and a third,
Eiling, to Dr. H. H. Kung, a 75th lineal descendant of Confucius.
This last was of definite psychological significance, as it united
the mighty Soong family with that of China’s most revered Saint.
When Chiang Kai-shek inherited the mantle of Sun Yat-sen, he
determined to carry out the policy of the revolution. His actions
followed his words. Enormous progress was made during the so-called
“Golden Decade,” between 1927 and 1937. China made a beginning toward
industrialization and economic stability and improved her educational
facilities.
This was the age of enormous industrial expansion. Railroads were
constructed, telephone lines built, and even radio was introduced.
Electricity and power plants were created, and merchants did a
flourishing business. Tourist trade was at its height, and Chinese
and American importers were cooperating harmoniously. Everyone
_seemed_ to be better off than before, the poor as well as the rich.
Chinese Communist Party Koumintang
1910 Period of +————————————+ 1910
1912 | | Dr. Sun Yat-Sen 1911
1914 Socialist | | Republican
1916 Activity | | Regime 1912
1918 |_Revolution_| Kuomintang
| _and_ | Government
1920 Birth of Chinese |_Warlordism_|
1922 Communist Party | | 1921
| | Period of
| | Cooperation
1924 Period of | | Death of Dr. Sun,
1926 | | Advent of
1928 Russian | | Chiang Kai-shek
1930 +————+ +—————+ 1927
1932 Interference |
1934 _Single | Party_ Hide and
1936 “Long March” | Seek Period
+————+ +—————+
|_Revolution_|
1938 Marco Polo | _and_ |
Bridge |_Civil War_ | Reconciliation 1937
+————+ +—————+ Period of Mixed
1940 “Yenan | | Civil War,
1942 Interlude” | | Cooperation and
1944 | | Anti-Japanese
| | Activities
| | 1945
1946 Period of | | End of
American +————+ +—————+ Japanese War
1948 Interference | |
|_Civil War_ | 1949
1950 USSR and British | | Retreat to
Recognition | | Formosa 1950
_Chart showing origins of the Chinese Communist Party and the
Nationalist Party, or Koumintang (KMT), as the latter frequently was
called_
Thousands of Chinese enthusiastically took part in helping to build
this New China, and every effort was made to instill a real spirit of
Nationalism in the hearts of the people. To quote the Generalissimo,
“If the National Revolution should fail, China, as a nation, would
have nothing to rely upon. Should this happen, not only would China
cease to rank as one of the Four Powers of the world, but she would
be at the mercy of other countries.”
The period of progress, unhappily, was short lived. It had become
obvious to the Japanese war lords that a patriotic, united China
might, on the one hand, prove an insurmountable obstacle to their
own plan to conquer and control all of Asia. On the other hand, it
would be too sweet a plum to pass up! Twice during the Thirties they
shelled Shanghai and in 1939 launched a full scale war of aggression.
All of the cities along the coast were captured, and the Chinese were
forced to move far inland.
Led by the Generalissimo, thousands of Chinese moved whole libraries,
printing presses, government records and valuables laboriously up
the Yangtse River to the city of Chungking. Every kind of river
craft was used from a few modern boats to small sampans, junks and
home-made rafts pushed by hand. All had to be either lifted out of
the water and carried around the rapids in the river or be abandoned.
Many families travelled on foot, each member carrying a bundle on
his back. Even children of four and five had their small belongings
wrapped in a large scarf and tied to the end of a stick slung over
their shoulders. The road along the river valley became lined with
food vendors and shoemakers who did a big business in woven straw
sandals. Professors, surrounded by their students carrying modern
books or ancient Chinese written scrolls, conducted classes during
their periods of rest. United with their leader against a foreign
enemy, the people of China revered and respected the Generalissimo.
At last the long procession of uprooted patriots reached its
destination, Chungking, and here Chiang set up his military
headquarters and conducted his affairs of State. The Japanese, unable
to reach the city by land, attacked almost nightly by air. Without
anti-aircraft guns or planes of their own, the Chinese suffered
terrible civilian casualties. A great part of the city was burned by
incendiary bombs.
On the ruins of the old city, Madame Chiang Kai-shek proceeded
to build a model village, with schools, nurseries, libraries and
churches such as she had known in America. The project proved a
wonderful morale builder. Everybody for miles around took part in the
construction of the unique little city, and it became the center of a
broader undertaking known as “The New Life Movement.”
In this new village, personal habits of cleanliness and sanitation
were taught and ways of being mutually helpful suggested. Concerts
and community singing were held almost nightly. The Generalissimo,
wishing to emphasize unselfish cooperation, expressed the philosophy
of the movement in four simple words: “Honesty, Industry, Sincerity
and Justice.” There developed, among these people at least, a feeling
of pride and unity that was well on the way to becoming national
patriotism. This new spirit of oneness in the face of common danger
was greater than at any time since Emperor Chin caused the Great Wall
to be built in 214 B. C. to keep the Huns from invading his Empire.
The Generalissimo’s gallant stand against the modern war machines
and trappings of the Japanese added shining pages to the history of
China. History will record a full realization of the importance of
his contributions to the United States in World War II. After Pearl
Harbor, while the Japanese won many military successes against the
Americans and the British, Chiang’s determination to stay in the
fight saved countless American lives. The Japanese were forced to
keep a million and a half of their best troops in China, although
these were needed desperately in the East Indies and the Islands of
the Pacific, where they were trying to stop the Allied advance under
General MacArthur and Admiral Nimitz. We in the United States, for
the first time, became dimly aware of what a capable and relentless
foe the Japanese could be and of the tremendous battle the Chinese
had long been fighting.
The Chinese have never been a warlike nation. Their industrial
development was comparable to that of Europe in the Middle Ages.
Therefore, their political and economic structures were totally
unable to meet the demands of a modern military struggle with
Japan. Regardless of how little they had, however, they fought
doggedly against increasing odds. When all surface communication
with the outside world was cut off, their resistance forces burrowed
underground.
Several times the Japanese offered the Generalissimo very attractive
peace terms, but he resolutely declined them. He had promised to
stick with his Allies to the end, to give them his _full_ assistance
to achieve a decisive victory. His confidence in Roosevelt was
complete, and, like a great many Americans, British and others,
Chiang believed Roosevelt incapable of injustice. He was undoubtedly
familiar with the discussions at the Cairo Conference when Roosevelt,
in mock seriousness, said to Churchill:
“I think all of the Chinese territory liberated from the Japanese
during the war should be returned to China, including Hong Kong.”
Churchill, jumping to his feet, said emphatically, “I will never
permit the return of Hong Kong to the Chinese!”
“Then I will take the matter up, personally, with your King!” said
Roosevelt.
“The King of England has no authority to give away Imperial
Territory,” shouted Churchill. “I alone hold that power!”
Roosevelt laughed heartily. He always enjoyed baiting Churchill,
because the latter was so hot tempered and quick to jump whenever he
was goaded.
Chiang took Roosevelt seriously.
During the years of the Japanese war, the Generalissimo also had to
contend with the Communists. The Chinese Red Armies, while giving lip
service to anti-Japanese activity, were in fact so placed militarily
as to be facing the Nationalist troops, rather than the Japanese!
It is true that the Communists made a number of raids on isolated
Japanese posts, but this they did with the purpose of capturing
soldiers whom they could then indoctrinate with Communist propaganda.
Naturally the Japanese resented these raids and retaliated.
Consequently, there were skirmishes now and then, but they were of
little importance. The fact still remains that the Japanese fought
their major war against the Generalissimo’s Armies. Wherever and
whenever possible, the Chinese Communist Armies helped the enemy by
attacking Nationalist-held towns and lines of communication.
The Japanese surrender, when it finally came, was received with great
jubilation throughout China and the world. It was indeed a triumphant
hour for the Generalissimo. Now, at long last, he was in a position
to undertake a peaceful rehabilitation of his country and to pick up
where he had left off when the Japanese struck. He could go forward
with his program of political and social reforms and establish, first
of all, a sound economy. The stage was set for his dreams to become
a reality—the dream that China would take her rightful place in the
world of democratic nations.
Although the American Ambassador, General Patrick J. Hurley, had told
Chiang of the decision at Yalta to give Manchuria to Russia as her
price for entering the war against Japan, the Generalissimo believed
so firmly in the good will and friendship of Roosevelt that he was
sure he would be supported in his effort to regain this important
Northern province. Therefore, as soon after the Japanese surrender as
possible, he sent troops to occupy and try to hold Manchuria. There
his army found itself confronted by the Russian Mongolian Army bent
on the same mission.
At home, likewise, the Generalissimo was faced with ever-increasing
problems. The Allied and Japanese bombing had caused great
destruction, not unlike that in Europe. Villages had to be rebuilt,
factories and lines of communication restored. Millions of displaced
Chinese were waiting patiently to be returned to their homes.
Approximately three and a half million Japanese soldiers and
civilians were ready for repatriation.
With great courage, inexhaustible patience and amazing wisdom, Chiang
Kai-shek began his program of reconstruction and rehabilitation. He
little realized that his three great Allies—Russia, England and the
United States—had plotted behind his back to snatch from his hands,
in his moment of victory, the one area that could change China from
a backward agricultural country into a modern and powerful nation.
Without Manchuria Chiang was lost. This was the juicy bone that first
the Japanese, then the Communists or the Generalissimo had to have
to complete their growth as a modern power. Without it each would be
rendered impotent.
Chiang Kai-shek had fought for eight years to prevent the spread of
Japanese totalitarianism in China. Now he was confronted with a much
more vicious brand, Communist totalitarianism. He commented, “The
Japanese were a disease of the skin. The Communists are a disease of
the bone.”
Many people wonder why the Nationalist Armies were so ineffective and
why so many of them went over to the Communists without even putting
up a fight. Certainly the bulk of the Chinese are not disposed to
Communism. They just want an opportunity to feed, clothe and shelter
their families. Most of them do not understand Communism or any other
political philosophy. Some accepted the new leadership through sheer
inertia. Some of them leaned toward it in protest against stupid and
oppressive government police measures, corrupt practices and bad
administration. Squeeze, or graft as we call it, was never a crime in
China. The Chinese people have no sense of political right or wrong,
no convictions about political truths as the Western world recognizes
them. As one Chinese General put it, “To take from the government is
no crime.” Indeed the principal weakness of the Generalissimo was the
very fact that he surrounded himself with men who did not hesitate to
take all they could get from the government.
Chiang showed the same loyalty to those who surrounded him and
supported him, including members of his own and his wife’s families,
as President Truman, for instance, has demonstrated in his loyalty
to the Pendergast machine and others who have done his bidding.
The Generalissimo’s honesty and personal integrity have never been
questioned by those who know him best, and who were in constant
association with him during the Japanese war. General Wedemeyer
has attested to this statement and he was the American Chief of
Staff to Chiang Kai-shek and knew him intimately. For us to say his
Nationalist Government was corrupt and deserved to fall, amounts to
the pot calling the kettle black. Such a situation exists today in
Washington, D. C.
Feeding the armies was Chiang’s greatest problem. The government at
first gave a lump sum to the army commanders, but many of these were
unscrupulous rascals who kept most of it for themselves, allocating
a small remainder to subordinates, who passed a still smaller
proportion on down through the lower levels to the unprotected
soldier. This was a century-old practice in China, and the hungry
soldier was reduced to stealing or appropriating his food from the
peasant merchants. Naturally there was always trouble between the
soldiers and the merchants, with no love lost between the two. The
latter lost their profits, and the soldiers reasoned that they were
at least entitled to food from the people they were fighting to
protect. It became increasingly easy for the Chinese Communists to
win converts. They went with those who offered them food.
In spite of this tragic situation, the Generalissimo, with the same
patience and strength that had made his war leadership outstanding,
continued to hold the loyalty of a great number of his people. Long
after his flight to Formosa, rich and poor, officer and soldier
continued to fight for his principles. For example, as the Communists
entered Peking, there was desperate street fighting. The commander
of a battalion told his men, “We are greatly outnumbered. I cannot
keep you from going over to the other side, but I have fought the
Communists for eight years and I will not give up now!” Inspired
by his brave stand, most of his men remained with him and formed an
obstacle to the Communist advance. Finally, after an hour of hopeless
fighting, and when all his men had been killed, the battalion
commander manned the last machine gun himself and turned it full
force on the solid front of Communist troops advancing toward him.
The Generalissimo had many such brave soldiers who fought to the
death in his armies. Not all those loyal to Chiang were soldiers. In
Canton, after the Communists took over, they held a great celebration
featuring a long victory parade. This stopped every few miles and put
on a little skit which showed the Generalissimo on his knees, with
his hands tied behind his back, confessing his sins to the Communist
leaders who laughed uproariously! The actor who impersonated Chiang
received numerous threatening letters. When he reported this to his
Soviet boss, he was told to disregard the threats and was ordered to
continue his role. A few days later the actor was shot. Even behind
the Red Curtain there are still snipers about. In fact there is every
reason to believe that active guerrilla bands are on the prowl.
In Kwangsi Province, the Southern Province of General Li Tsun-jen,
pronounced “Lee Tzun-ren,” the villagers found that if they did not
cooperate with the Communists, they would be shot. On the other hand,
if they did, they took the chance of meeting a similar fate at the
hands of Nationalist guerrillas for collaborating with the enemy.
Undoubtedly this situation existed in many other places.
Many of those who knew the Generalissimo best believed that despite
the corruption that surrounded him he would go down in history as a
man of integrity and high purpose. Tribute is paid him by General
Wedemeyer when he says, “There are few people who can speak more
authoritatively than I can concerning the sincerity and Christian
humility of the Generalissimo. I had frequent, almost daily, contacts
with him for nearly a year. I can vouch for his unselfish devotion to
the Chinese people and for his earnest desire to provide a democratic
way of life within China. Surely his loyalty and his faithful
cooperation during the war fully merit our lasting friendship.”
Our assistance was denied to Chiang, and the outcome of our most
grievous mistakes will be judged by future historians. Not only the
United States, but some of the Chinese themselves, selfishly withheld
the aid they could have given their leader and their country. In
1946, fifty of the wealthiest Chinese were called in and asked if
they would each donate a large portion of their enormous fortunes,
which together ran into the billions, to their government. Bowing and
nodding their heads, they listened politely, but not one of them was
willing to sacrifice his future security or even to jeopardize it
against such stupendous odds.
Support of the State still is a secondary consideration to the
Chinese. Their principal loyalty—financial, filial, and political—is
to their own family. As in the ancient days, the poor, the sick and
the destitute can claim the protection of their nearest relative.
No matter how distant the relationship, they are given food and
shelter. Be it said to their credit, there are very few asylums or
orphanages in China. The family takes care of its own.
Perhaps this idea was in Chiang’s mind when he refused the enticing
peace terms offered him by the Japanese at Hankow. A devout scholar,
he quoted Confucius: “The men of old, when they wished their virtues
to shine throughout the land, first had to govern their states
well. To govern their states well, they had to establish harmony in
their families. To establish harmony in their families, they had to
discipline themselves and set their minds in order. To set their
minds in order, they had to make their purpose sincere. To make their
purpose sincere, they had to extend their knowledge to the utmost.
Such knowledge is acquired through a careful investigation of things.
For, with things investigated, knowledge becomes complete. With
knowledge complete, the purpose becomes sincere. With the purpose
sincere, the mind is set in order, and there is real self-discipline.
With self-discipline, the family achieves harmony. With harmony in
the family, the state becomes well governed. With the state well
governed, there is peace throughout the land.”
With due respect for what the Generalissimo attempted to do in China
and what he has accomplished on Formosa, I would like to quote one
paragraph from a scholarly article entitled: “_What Americans Don’t
Know About Asia_,” appearing in the June 4, 1951, issue of _Life
Magazine_, written by James Michener, Pulitzer Prize author of
“_Tales of the South Pacific_”:
“To appreciate the greatness of our loss (of China) one must
visit Formosa. This island today is the bright spot of Asia. The
Nationalist government, shaken to its withers by the debacle on the
mainland, has matured astonishingly in the chastisement of defeat.
It has established an enlightened commonwealth. Nowhere in Asia is
the food problem more fairly handled. Nowhere are justice, human
safety and property—those universal measures of good government—so
respected and secured. The American cannot visit this island without
one lament filling his mind: _this_ might have been China today.”
Let us, in the United States, so _act_ in the moments left of the
immediate and perilous hours of this half-way-mark of the Twentieth
Century to preclude a similar “chastisement of defeat.” May it never
be said, by some lone survivor of an atomic attack, tossed upon a
distant isle, the beauty, dignity and grandeur of which is strangely
familiar, yet defies Paradise itself: “_This_ might have been
America.”