THE REPLY TO HAYNE.
Before going farther I must speak of a pestilent doctrine then
held in South Carolina, which underlay the whole controversy, and
was the animating cause of the antagonism of the Southern leaders
to the patriotic representatives of the North. This was known as
nullification, and Mr. Calhoun was its sponsor. To explain: South
Carolina claimed the right to overrule any law of the general
government which did not please her, or which her courts might judge to
be unconstitutional. If she did not see fit to pay customs, she claimed
that the government could not coerce her. All power was reposed in her
own executive, her own legislature, and her own judiciary, and the
national power was subordinate to them.
[Illustration: COL. ROBERT G. HAYNE.]
It will be easily seen that this was a most dangerous doctrine to hold,
one which if allowed would everywhere subject the national authority
to contempt. The United States never had an external foe half so
insidious or half so dangerous as this assumption which had grown up
within its own borders.
To return to the great debate. When Col. Hayne took his seat at the
close of his second speech his friends gathered round him in warm
congratulation. Mr. Webster’s friends were sober. Much as they admired
him, they did not see how he was going to answer that speech. They knew
that he would have little or no time for preparation, and it would not
do for him to make an ordinary or commonplace reply to such a dashing
harangue. So on the evening of Monday the friends of Mr. Webster
walked about the streets gloomy and preoccupied. They feared for their
champion.
But how was it with him? During Col. Hayne’s speech he calmly took
notes. Occasionally there was a flash from the depths of his dark eyes
as a hint or a suggestion occurred to him, but he seemed otherwise
indifferent and unmoved, He spent the evening as usual, and enjoyed a
refreshing night’s sleep.
In the morning of the eventful day three hours before the hour of
meeting crowds set their faces towards the Capitol. At twelve o’clock
the Senate Chamber—its galleries, floors and even lobbies—was filled to
overflowing. The Speaker retained his place unwillingly in the House,
but hardly enough members were present to transact business.
When the fitting time came Mr. Webster rose. He was in the full vigor
of a magnificent manhood, the embodiment of conscious strength. He
gazed around him, never more self-possessed than at that moment. He saw
his adversaries with their complacent faces already rejoicing in his
anticipated discomfiture; he looked in the faces of his friends, and he
noted their looks of anxious solicitude; but he had full confidence in
his own strength, and his deep cavernous eyes glowed with “that stern
joy which warriors feel in foemen worthy of their steel.”
There was a hush of expectation and a breathless silence as those
present waited for his first words.
He began thus: “Mr. President, when the mariner has been tossed for
many days, in thick weather, and on an unknown sea, he naturally avails
himself of the first pause in the storm, the earliest glance of the
sun, to take his latitude, and ascertain how far the elements have
driven him from his true course. Let us imitate this prudence, and
before we float further on the waves of this debate, refer to the point
from which we departed, that we may at least be able to form some
conjecture where we now are. I ask for the reading of the resolution.”
This was felt to be a happy exordium, and was sufficient to rivet the
attention of the vast audience.
After the resolution was read Mr. Webster continued: “We have thus
heard, sir, what the resolution is which is actually before us for
consideration; and it will readily occur to every one that it is almost
the only subject about which something has not been said in the speech,
running through two days, by which the Senate has been now entertained
by the gentleman from South Carolina. Every topic in the wide range of
our public affairs, whether past or present, everything, general or
local, whether belonging to national politics or party politics, seems
to have attracted more or less of the honorable members attention, save
only the resolution before the Senate. He has spoken of everything but
the public lands; they have escaped his notice. To that subject in
all his excursions he has not paid even the cold respect of a passing
glance.
“When this debate, sir, was to be resumed on Thursday morning, it so
happened that it would have been convenient for me to be elsewhere. The
honorable member, however, did not incline to put off the discussion
to another day. He had a shot, he said, to return, and he wished to
discharge it. That shot, which it was kind thus to inform us was
coming, that we might stand out of the way, or prepare ourselves to
fall before it and die with decency, has now been received. Under all
advantages, and with expectation awakened by the tone which preceded
it, it has been discharged and has spent its force. It may become me
to say no more of its effect than that, if nobody is found, after all,
either killed or wounded by it, it is not the first time in the history
of human affairs that the vigor and success of the war have not quite
come up to the lofty and sounding phrase of the manifesto.”
Referring to Col. Hayne’s statement that there was something rankling
here (indicating his heart) which he wished to relieve, Mr. Webster
said: “In this respect, sir, I have a great advantage over the
honorable gentleman. There is nothing _here_, sir, which gives me
the slightest uneasiness; neither fear nor anger, nor that which is
sometimes more troublesome than either, the consciousness of having
been in the wrong.... I must repeat, also, that nothing has been
received _here_ which _rankles_ or in any way gives me annoyance. I
will not accuse the honorable gentleman of violating the rules of
civilized war; I will not say he poisoned his arrows. But whether
his shafts were, or were not, dipped in that which would have caused
rankling if they had reached, there was not, as it happened, quite
strength enough in the bow to bring them to their mark. If he wishes
now to gather up these shafts he must look for them elsewhere; they
will not be found fixed and quivering in the object at which they were
aimed.”
Col. Hayne and his friends, as they listened to these words, breathing
a calm consciousness of power not unmixed with a grand disdain, must
have realized that they had exulted too soon. Indeed Hayne’s friends
had not all looked forward with confidence to his victory. Senator
Iredell, of North Carolina, to a friend of Hayne’s who was praising his
speech, had said the evening previous, “He has started the lion—but
wait till we hear his roar, or feel his claws.”
While I do not propose to give an abstract of this famous oration, I
shall quote some of the most brilliant and effective passages, well
known and familiar though they are, because they will be re-read with
fresh and added interest in this connection. There was not a son of
Massachusetts, nay, there was not a New Englander, whose heart was not
thrilled by the splendid tribute to Massachusetts.
“Mr. President, I shall enter upon no encomium on Massachusetts; she
needs none. There she is. Behold her and judge for yourselves. There
is her history; the world knows it by heart. The past, at least, is
secure. There is Boston, and Concord, and Lexington, and Bunker Hill;
and there they will remain forever. The bones of her sons, falling in
the great struggle for independence, now lie mingled with the soil
of every State from New England to Georgia, and there they will lie
forever. And, sir, where American liberty raised its first voice, and
where its youth was nurtured and sustained, there it still lives, in
the strength of its manhood and full of its original spirit. If discord
and disunion shall wound it, if party strife and blind ambition shall
hawk at and tear it, if folly and madness, if uneasiness under salutary
and necessary restraint, shall succeed in separating it from that union
by which alone its existence is made sure, it will stand, in the end,
by the side of that cradle in which its infancy was rocked; it will
stretch forth its arm with whatever of vigor it may still retain over
the friends who gather round it; and it will fall at last, if fall it
must, amidst the proudest monuments of its own glory, and on the very
spot of its origin.”
Mr. Webster shows his magnanimity by pronouncing, in like manner, an
eulogium upon his opponent’s native State, which is in bright contrast
with the mean and unjust attacks of Col. Hayne upon Massachusetts. This
is what he says:
“Let me observe that the eulogium pronounced on the character of South
Carolina by the honorable gentleman for her Revolutionary and other
merits meets my hearty concurrence. I shall not acknowledge that the
honorable member goes before me in regard for whatever of distinguished
talent, of distinguished character, South Carolina has produced. I
claim part of the honor. I partake in the pride of her great names. I
claim them for countrymen, one and all, the Laurenses, the Rutledges,
the Pinkneys, the Sumters, the Marions, Americans all, whose fame is no
more to be hemmed in by State lines than their talents and patriotism
were capable of being circumscribed within the same narrow limits. In
their day and generation they served and honored the country, and the
whole country; and their renown is one of the treasures of the whole
country. Him whose honored name the gentleman himself bears—does he
esteem me less capable of gratitude for his patriotism, or sympathy for
his sufferings, than if his eyes had first opened upon the light of
Massachusetts instead of South Carolina? Sir, does he suppose it in
his power to exhibit a Carolina name so bright as to produce envy in my
bosom? No, sir; increased gratification rather. I thank God that, if
I am gifted with little of the spirit which is able to raise mortals
to the skies, I have yet none, as I trust, of that other spirit which
would drag angels down. When I shall be found, sir, in my place here in
the Senate, or elsewhere, to sneer at public merit because it happens
to spring up beyond the little limits of my own State or neighborhood;
when I refuse, for any such cause, or for any cause, the homage due to
American talent, to elevated patriotism, to sincere devotion to liberty
and the country; or, if I see an uncommon endowment of Heaven, if I
see extraordinary capacity and virtue in any son of the South, and if,
moved by local prejudice or gangrened by State jealousy, I get up here
to abate the tithe of a hair from his just character and just fame, may
my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth!”
It must not be supposed that Mr. Webster’s speech was merely of a
personal character. In a sound and logical manner he discussed the
limits of constitutional authority, and combated the pernicious
doctrine of State supremacy, which thirty years later was to kindle
a civil war of vast proportions, the starting-point being South
Carolina. At the risk of quoting paragraphs which my young readers may
skip, I proceed to introduce an extract which may give an idea of this
part of the oration.
“We approach at length, sir, to a more important part of the honorable
gentleman’s observations. Since it does not accord with my views
of justice and policy to give away the public lands altogether, as
mere matter of gratuity, I am asked by the honorable gentleman on
what ground it is that I consent to vote them away in particular
instances. How, he inquires, do I reconcile with these profound
sentiments my support of measures appropriating portions of the land to
particular roads, particular canals, particular rivers, and particular
institutions of education in the West? This leads, sir, to the real and
wide difference in political opinion between the honorable gentleman
and myself. On my part, I look upon all these objects as connected with
the common good, fairly embraced in its object and terms; he, on the
contrary, deems them all, if good at all, only local good.
“This is our difference.
“The interrogatory which he proceeded to put at once explains this
difference. ‘What interest,’ asks he, ‘has South Carolina in a canal
in Ohio?’ Sir, this very question is full of significance. It develops
the gentleman’s whole political system, and its answer expounds mine.
Here we differ. I look upon a road over the Alleghanies, a canal
round the Falls of the Ohio, or a canal or railway from the Atlantic
to the Western waters, as being an object large and extensive enough
to be fairly said to be for the common benefit. The gentleman thinks
otherwise, and this is the key to his construction of the powers of
the government. He may well ask what interest has South Carolina in a
canal in Ohio. On his system, it is true, she has no interest. On that
system, Ohio and South Carolina are different governments and different
countries; connected here, it is true, by some slight and ill-defined
bond of union, but in all main respects separate and diverse. On that
system South Carolina has no more interest in a canal in Ohio than in
Mexico. The gentleman, therefore, only follows out his own principles;
he does no more than arrive at the natural conclusions of his own
doctrines; he only announces the true results of that creed which he
has adopted himself, and would persuade others to adopt, when he thus
declares that South Carolina has no interest in a public work in Ohio.
“Sir, we narrow-minded people of New England do not reason thus. Our
notion of things is entirely different. We look upon the States not
as separated but united. We love to dwell on that union, and on the
mutual happiness which it has so much promoted, and the common renown
which it has so greatly contributed to acquire. In our contemplation
South Carolina and Ohio are parts of the same country, States
united under the same general government, having interests common,
associated, intermingled. In whatever is within the proper sphere of
the constitutional power of this government we look upon the States as
one. We do not impose geographical limits to our patriotic feelings or
regard; we do not follow rivers and mountains and lines of latitude to
find boundaries beyond which public improvements do not benefit us.
“We who come here, as agents and representatives of these narrow-minded
and selfish men of New England, consider ourselves as bound to regard
with an equal eye the good of the whole in whatever is within our
power of legislation. Sir, if a railroad or canal, beginning in South
Carolina and ending in South Carolina, appeared to me to be of national
importance and national magnitude, believing, as I do, that the power
of government extends the encouragement of works of that description,
if I were to stand up here and ask, What interest has Massachusetts
in a railroad in South Carolina? I should not be willing to face my
constituents. These same narrow-minded men would tell me that they had
sent me to act for the whole country, and that one who possessed too
little comprehension either of intellect or feeling, one who was not
large enough both in mind and in heart to embrace the whole, was not
fit to be intrusted with the interests of our part.”
This will give an idea of the broad national sentiments entertained
and expressed by the senator from Massachusetts. It is certainly in
strong contrast to the narrow sectional views of Col. Hayne and John C.
Calhoun.
Towards the close of his speech Mr. Webster describes in an amusing way
a supposed conflict in South Carolina between the customs officers of
the government and a local force led by his opponent. It was playful,
but Col. Hayne was moved by the ridicule with which it covered him more
than by any of Mr. Webster’s arguments.
It need hardly be said that the entire address was listened to with
rapt attention. As it proceeded those friends of Mr. Webster who
doubted his ability to cope with the Southern champion, and who had
listened to his first words with feelings of anxious solicitude, became
cheerful and even jubilant. In fact they changed aspects with Hayne’s
friends who had awaited the opening of the speech with supercilious
disdain. The calm power, the humorous contempt, with which Mr. Webster
handled the doughty champion annoyed them not a little.
I do not mean to underrate the ability or eloquence of Col. Hayne.
Upon this point it is sufficient to quote the opinion of Mr. Everett,
the tried and intimate friend of Daniel Webster, who says: “It is
unnecessary to state, except to those who have come forward quite
recently, that Col. Hayne was a gentleman of ability very far above
the average, a highly accomplished debater, an experienced politician,
a person possessing the full confidence of his friends, and entirely
familiar with the argument on which the theory controverted in Mr.
Webster’s speech rests.”
Mr. March, in his “Reminiscences of Congress,” a book from which I have
received valuable help in the composition of this chapter, describes
Hayne’s oratory in these terms:
“Hayne dashed into debate like the Mameluke cavalry upon a charge.
There was a gallant air about him that could not but win admiration. He
never provided for retreat; he never imagined it. He had an invincible
confidence in himself, which arose partly from constitutional
temperament, partly from previous success. His was the Napoleonic
warfare: to strike at once for the capital of the enemy, heedless of
danger or cost to his own forces. Not doubting to overcome all odds, he
feared none, however seemingly superior. Of great fluency and no little
force of expression, his speech never halted, and seldom fatigued.”
Mr. Webster swept on to the close of his speech with power unabated.
Some of his friends had feared he could not sustain his elevated
flight, that he would mar the effect of his great passages by
dropping to the commonplace. They had no need to fear. He thoroughly
understood his own powers. At length he reached the peroration—that
famous peroration, so well known, yet, in spite of its familiarity, so
impossible to omit here.
“When my eyes shall be turned to behold for the last time the sun
in heaven, may I not see him shining on the broken and dishonored
fragments of a once glorious Union; on States dissevered, discordant,
belligerent; on a land rent with civil feuds, or drenched, it may
be, in fraternal blood! Let their last feeble and lingering glance
rather behold the gorgeous ensign of the republic, now known and
honored throughout the earth, still full high advanced, its arms and
trophies streaming in their original luster, not a stripe erased or
polluted, not a single star obscured, bearing for its motto no such
miserable interrogatory, ‘What is all this worth?’ nor those other
words of delusion and folly, ‘Liberty first and Union afterwards:’ but
everywhere, spread all over in characters of living light, blazing on
all its ample folds, as they float over the seas and over the land,
and in every wind under the whole heavens, that other sentiment, dear
to every American heart—Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and
inseparable!”
Hayne attempted a reply to this speech, but it had little effect. It
was followed by a telling _résumé_ of his positions by Mr. Webster, and
so far as these two speakers were concerned the discussion closed.
It is remarkable how little effort this famous oration cost it author.
The constitutional argument, to be sure, was familiar to him, and
he had but to state it, but for the great passages, including the
exordium, the peroration, the encomium upon Massachusetts, the speaker
was indebted to the inspiration of the moment; yet they are so compact,
so fitly expressed, so elegantly worded, that he would be a bold man
who should suggest even a verbal change.