CHAPTER V

THE 'PANDORA'

--O! I have suffer'd

With those that I saw suffer! a brave vessel,

Who had, no doubt, some noble creatures in her,

Dash'd all to pieces. O, the cry did knock

Against my very heart! Poor souls! they perish'd

Had I been any god of power, I would

Have sunk the sea within the earth, or e'er

It should the good ship so have swallow'd, and

The freighting souls within her.

The tide of public applause set as strongly in favour of Bligh, on

account of his sufferings and the successful issue of his daring

enterprise, as its indignation was launched against Christian and his

associates, for the audacious and criminal deed they had committed.

Bligh was promoted by the Admiralty to the rank of Commander, and

speedily sent out a second time to transport the bread-fruit to the West

Indies, which he without the least obstruction successfully

accomplished; and his Majesty's government were no sooner made

acquainted with the atrocious act of piracy and mutiny, than it

determined to adopt every possible means to apprehend and bring to

condign punishment the perpetrators of so foul a deed. For this

purpose, the _Pandora_ frigate, of twenty-four guns and one hundred and

sixty men, was despatched under the command of Captain Edward Edwards,

with orders to proceed, in the first instance, to Otaheite, and not

finding the mutineers there, to visit the different groups of the

Society and Friendly Islands, and others in the neighbouring parts of

the Pacific, using his best endeavours to seize and bring home in

confinement the whole or such part of the delinquents as he might be

able to discover.

This voyage was in the sequel almost as disastrous as that of the

_Bounty_, but from a different cause. The waste of human life was much

greater, occasioned by the wreck of the ship, and the distress

experienced by the crew not much less, owing to the famine and thirst

they had to suffer in a navigation of eleven hundred miles in open

boats; but the Captain succeeded in fulfilling a part of his

instructions, by taking fourteen of the mutineers, of whom ten were

brought safe to England, the other four being drowned when the ship was

wrecked.

The only published account of this voyage is contained in a small volume

by Mr. George Hamilton, the surgeon, who appears to have been a coarse,

vulgar, and illiterate man, more disposed to relate licentious scenes

and adventures, in which he and his companions were engaged, than to

give any information of proceedings and occurrences connected with the

main object of the voyage. From this book, therefore, much information

is not to be looked for. In a more modern publication, many abusive

epithets have been bestowed on Captain Edwards, and observations made on

the conduct of this officer highly injurious to his reputation, in

regard to his inhuman treatment of, and disgraceful acts of cruelty

towards, his prisoners, which it is to be feared have but too much

foundation in fact.

The account of his proceedings, rendered by himself to the Admiralty, is

vague and unsatisfactory; and had it not been for the journal of

Morrison, and a circumstantial letter of young Heywood to his mother, no

record would have remained of the unfeeling conduct of this officer

towards his unfortunate prisoners, who were treated with a rigour which

could not be justified on any ground of necessity or prudence.

The _Pandora_ anchored in Matavai Bay on the 23rd March 1791. Captain

Edwards, in his narrative, states that Joseph Coleman, the armourer of

the _Bounty_, attempted to come on board before the _Pandora_ had

anchored; that on reaching the ship, he began to make inquiries of him

after the _Bounty_ and her people, and that he seemed to be ready to

give him any information that was required; that the next who came on

board, just after the ship had anchored, were Mr. Peter Heywood and Mr.

Stewart, before any boat had been sent on shore; that they were brought

down to his cabin, when, after some conversation, Heywood asked if Mr.

Hayward (midshipman of the _Bounty_, but now lieutenant of the

_Pandora_) was on board, as he had heard that he was; that Lieutenant

Hayward, whom he sent for, treated Heywood. with a sort of contemptuous

look, and began to enter into conversation with him respecting the

_Bounty_; but Edwards ordered him to desist, and called in the sentinel

to take the prisoners into safe custody, and to put them in irons; that

four other mutineers soon made their appearance; and that, from them and

some of the natives, he learned that the rest of the _Bounty's_ people

had built a schooner, with which they had sailed the day before from

Matavai Bay to the north-west part of the island.

He goes on to say that, on this intelligence, he despatched the two

lieutenants, Corner and Hayward, with the pinnace and launch, to

endeavour to intercept her. They soon got sight of her and chased her

out to sea, but the schooner gained so much upon them, and night coming

on, they were compelled to give up the pursuit and return to the ship.

It was soon made known, however, that she had returned to Paparré, on

which they were again despatched in search of her. Lieutenant Corner had

taken three of the mutineers, and Hayward, on arriving at Paparré, found

the schooner there, but the mutineers had abandoned her and fled to the

mountains. He carried off the schooner, and returned next day, when he

learned they were not far off; and the following morning, on hearing

they were coming down, he drew up his party in order to receive them,

and when within hearing, called to them to lay down their arms and to go

on one side, which they did, when they were confined and brought as

prisoners to the ship.

The following were the persons received on Board the _Pandora_:

PETER HEYWOOD Midshipman.

GEORGE STEWART Ditto.

JAMES MORRISON Boatswain's mate.

CHARLES NORMAN Carpenter's mate.

THOMAS M'INTOSH Carpenter's crew.

JOSEPH COLEMAN Armourer.

RICHARD SKINNER }

THOMAS ELLISON }

HENRY HILLBRANT }

THOMAS BURKITT } Seamen.

JOHN MILLWARD }

JOHN SUMNER }

WILLIAM MUSPRATT }

MICHAEL BYRNE }

In all fourteen. The other two, which made up the sixteen that had been

left on the island, were murdered, as will appear presently.

Captain Edwards will himself explain how he disposed of his prisoners.

'I put the pirates,' he says, 'into a round-house which I built on the

after part of the quarter-deck, for their more effectual security in

this airy and healthy situation, and to separate them from, and to

prevent their having communication with, or to crowd and incommode, the

ship's company.' Dr. Hamilton calls it the most desirable place in the

ship, and adds, that 'orders were given that the prisoners should be

victualled, in every respect, the same as the ship's company, both in

meat, liquor, and all the extra indulgences with which they were so

liberally supplied, notwithstanding the established laws of the service,

which restrict prisoners to two-thirds allowance; but Captain Edwards

very humanely commiserated their unhappy and inevitable length of

confinement.' Mr. Morrison, one of the prisoners, gives a very different

account of their treatment from that of Edwards or Hamilton. He says

that Captain Edwards put both legs of the two midshipmen in irons, and

that he branded them with the opprobrious epithet of 'piratical

villains': that they, with the rest, being strongly handcuffed, were put

into a kind of round-house only eleven feet long, built as a prison, and

aptly named '_Pandora's_ Box,' which was entered by a scuttle in the

roof, about eighteen inches square. This was done in order that they

might be kept separate from the crew, and also the more effectually to

prevent them from having any communication with the natives; that such

of those friendly creatures as ventured to look pitifully towards them

were instantly turned out of the ship, and never again allowed to come

on board. But two sentinels were kept constantly upon the roof of the

prison, with orders to shoot the first of its inmates who should attempt

to address another in the Otaheitan dialect.

That Captain Edwards took every precaution to keep his prisoners in safe

custody, and place them in confinement, as by his instructions he was

directed to do, may be well imagined,[14] but Mr. Morrison will

probably be thought to go somewhat beyond credibility in stating that

orders were given 'to _shoot_ any of the prisoners,' when confined in

irons. Captain Edwards must have known that such an act would have cost

him his commission or something more. The fact is, that information was

given to Edwards, at least he so asserts, by the brother of the King of

Otaheite, an intelligent chief, that a conspiracy was formed among the

natives to cut the ship's cables the first strong wind that should blow

on the shore, which was considered to be the more probable, as many of

the prisoners were said to be married to the most respectable chiefs'

daughters in the district opposite to the anchorage; that the midshipman

Stewart, in particular, had married the daughter of a man of great

landed property near Matavai Bay. This intelligence, no doubt, weighed

with the Captain in giving his orders for the close confinement of the

prisoners; and particularly in restricting the visits of the natives;

but so far is it from being true that all communication between the

mutineers and the natives was cut off, that we are distinctly told by

Mr. Hamilton, that 'the prisoners' wives visited the ship daily, and

brought their children, who were permitted to be carried to their

unhappy fathers. To see the poor captives in irons,' he says, 'weeping

over their tender offspring, was too moving a scene for any feeling

heart, Their wives brought them ample supplies of every delicacy that

the country afforded, while we lay there, and behaved with the greatest

fidelity and affection to them.'[15]

Of the fidelity and attachment of these simple-minded creatures an

instance is afforded in the affecting story which is told, in the first

_Missionary Voyage of the Duff_, of the unfortunate wife of the reputed

mutineer Mr. Stewart. It would seem also to exonerate Edwards from some

part of the charges which have been brought against him.

'The history of Peggy Stewart marks a tenderness of heart that never

will be heard without emotion: she was the daughter of a chief, and

taken for his wife by Mr. Stewart, one of the unhappy mutineers. They

had lived with the old chief in the most tender state of endearment; a

beautiful little girl had been the fruit of their union, and was at the

breast when the _Pandora_ arrived, seized the criminals, and secured

them in irons on board the ship. Frantic with grief, the unhappy Peggy

(for so he had named her) flew with her infant in a canoe to the arms of

her husband. The interview was so affecting and afflicting, that the

officers on board were overwhelmed with anguish, and Stewart himself,

unable to bear the heartrending scene, begged she might not be admitted

again on board. She was separated from him by violence, and conveyed on

shore in a state of despair and grief too big for utterance. Withheld

from him, and forbidden to come any more on board, she sunk into the

deepest dejection; it preyed on her vitals; she lost all relish for food

and life, rejoiced no more, pined under a rapid decay of two months, and

fell a victim to her feelings, dying literally of a broken heart. Her

child is yet alive, and the tender object of our care, having been

brought up by a sister, who nursed it as her own, and has discharged all

the duties of an affectionate mother to the orphan infant.'[16]

It does not appear that young Heywood formed any matrimonial engagement

during his abode in Otaheite. He was not, however, insensible to the

amiable and good qualities of these people. In some laudatory verses

which he wrote while on the island, their numerous good qualities are

spoken of in terms of the highest commendation.

All the mutineers that were left on the island being received on board

the _Pandora_, that ship proceeded in search of those who had gone away

in the _Bounty_. It may be mentioned, however, that two of the most

active in the mutiny, Churchill and Thompson, had perished on the island

before her arrival, by violent deaths. These two men had accompanied a

chief, who was the _tayo_, or sworn friend, of Churchill, and having

died without children, this mutineer succeeded to his property and

dignity, according to the custom of the country. Thompson, for some real

or fancied insult, took an opportunity of shooting his companion. The

natives assembled, and came to a resolution to avenge the murder, and

literally stoned Thompson to death, and his skull was brought on board

the _Pandora_. This horrible wretch had some time before slain a man and

a child through mere wantonness, but escaped punishment by a mistake

that had nearly proved fatal to young Heywood. It seems that the

description of a person in Otaheite is usually given by some

distinguishing figure of the _tattoo_, and Heywood, having the same

marks as Thompson, was taken for him; and just as the club was raised to

dash out his brains, the interposition of an old chief, with whom he was

travelling round the island, was just in time to avert the blow.

Captain Edwards had no clue to guide him as to the route taken by the

_Bounty_, but he learnt from different people and from journals kept on

board that ship, which were found in the chests of the mutineers at

Otaheite, the proceedings of Christian and his associates after

Lieutenant Bligh and his companions had been turned adrift in the

launch. From these it appears that the pirates proceeded in the first

instance to the island of Toobouai, in lat. 20° 13' S., long. 149° 35'

W., where they anchored on the 25th May, 1789. They had thrown overboard

the greater part of the bread-fruit plants, and divided among themselves

the property of the officers and men who had been so inhumanly turned

adrift. At this island they intended to form a settlement, but the

opposition of the natives, the want of many necessary materials, and

quarrels among themselves, determined them to go to Otaheite to procure

what might be required to effect their purpose, provided they should

agree to prosecute their original intention. They accordingly sailed

from Toobouai about the latter end of the month, and arrived at Otaheite

on the 6th June. The Otoo, or reigning sovereign, and other principal

natives, were very inquisitive and anxious to know what had become of

Lieutenant Bligh and the rest of the crew, and also what had been done

with the bread-fruit plants? They were told they had most unexpectedly

fallen in with Captain Cook at an island he had just discovered, called

Whytootakee, where he intended to form a settlement, and where the

plants had been landed; and that Lieutenant Bligh and the others were

stopping there to assist Captain Cook in the business he had in hand,

and that he had appointed Mr. Christian commander of the _Bounty_; and

that he was now come by his orders for an additional supply of hogs,

goats, fowls, bread-fruit, and various other articles which Otaheite

could supply.

This artful story was quite sufficient to impose on the credulity of

these humane and simple-minded islanders; and so overcome with joy were

they to hear that their old friend Captain Cook was alive, and about to

settle so near them, that every possible means were forthwith made use

of to procure the things that were wanted; so that in the course of a

very few days the _Bounty_ received on board three hundred and twelve

hogs, thirty-eight goats, eight dozen of fowls, a bull and a cow, and a

large quantity of bread-fruit, plantains, bananas, and other fruits.

They also took with them eight men, nine women, and seven boys. With

these supplies they left Otaheite on the 19th June, and arrived a second

time at Toobouai on the 26th. They warped the ship up the harbour,

landed the live stock, and set about building a fort of fifty yards

square.

While this work was carrying on, quarrels and disagreements were daily

happening among them, and continual disputes and skirmishes were taking

place with the natives, generally brought on by the violent conduct of

the invaders, and by depredations committed on their property.

Retaliations were attempted by the natives without success, numbers of

whom being pursued with fire-arms were put to death. Still the situation

of the mutineers became so disagreeable and unsafe, the work went on so

slowly and reluctantly, that the building of the fort was agreed to be

discontinued. Christian, in fact, had very soon perceived that his

authority was on the wane, and that no peaceful establishment was likely

to be accomplished at Toobouai; he therefore held a consultation as to

what would be the most advisable step to take. After much angry

discussion, it was at length determined that Toobouai should be

abandoned; that the ship should once more be taken to Otaheite; and that

those who might choose to go on shore there might do so, and those who

preferred to remain in the ship might proceed in her to whatever place

they should agree upon among themselves.

In consequence of this determination they sailed from Toobouai on the

15th, and arrived at Matavai Bay on the 20th September, 1789. Here

sixteen of the mutineers were put on shore, at their own request,

fourteen of whom were received on board the _Pandora_, and two of them,

as before mentioned, were murdered on the island. The remaining nine

agreed to continue in the _Bounty_. The small arms, powder, canvas, and

the small stores belonging to the ship, were equally divided among the

whole crew. The _Bounty_ sailed finally from Otaheite on the night of

the 21st September, and was last seen the following morning to the

north-west of Point Venus. They took with them seven Otaheitan men and

twelve women. It was not even conjectured whither they meant to go; but

Christian had frequently been heard to say, that his object was to

discover some unknown or uninhabited island, in which there was no

harbour for shipping; that he would run the _Bounty_ on shore, and make

use of her materials to form a settlement; but this was the only

account, vague as it was, that could be procured to direct Captain

Edwards in his intended search.

It appears that when the schooner, of which we have spoken, had been

finished, six of the fourteen mutineers that were left on Otaheite

embarked in her, with the intention of proceeding to the East Indies,

and actually put to sea; but meeting with bad weather, and suspecting

the nautical abilities of Morrison, whom they had elected as commanding

officer, to conduct her in safety, they resolved on returning to

Otaheite. Morrison, it seems, first undertook the construction of this

schooner, being himself a tolerable mechanic, in which he was assisted

by the two carpenters, the cooper, and some others. To this little band

of architects, we are told, Morrison acted both as director and

chaplain, distinguishing the Sabbath day by reading to them the Church

Liturgy, and hoisting the British colours on a flagstaff erected near

the scene of their operations. Conscious of his innocence, his object is

stated to have been that of reaching Batavia in time to secure a passage

home in the next fleet bound to Holland; but that their return was

occasioned, not by any distrust of Morrison's talents, but by a refusal,

on the part of the natives, to give them a sufficient quantity of

matting and other necessaries for so long a voyage, being, in fact,

desirous of retaining them on the island. Stewart and young Heywood took

no part in this transaction, having made up their minds to remain at

Otaheite, and there to await the arrival of a king's ship, it being

morally certain that ere long one would be sent out thither to search

for them, whatever might have been the fate of Bligh and his companions;

and that this was really their intention is evident by the alacrity they

displayed in getting on board the _Pandora_, the moment of her arrival.

On the 8th of May, this frigate left Otaheite, accompanied by the little

schooner which the mutineers had built, and the history of which is

somewhat remarkable. In point of size she was not a great deal larger

than Lieutenant Bligh's launch, her dimensions being thirty feet length

of keel; thirty-five feet length on deck; nine feet and a half extreme

breadth; five feet depth of the hold. She parted from the _Pandora_ near

the Palmerston Islands, when searching for the _Bounty_, and was not

heard of till the arrival of the _Pandora's_ crew at Samarang, in Java,

where they found her lying at anchor, the crew having suffered so

dreadfully from famine and the want of water, that one of the young

gentlemen belonging to her became delirious. She was a remarkably swift

sailer, and, being afterwards employed in the sea-otter trade, is stated

to have made one of the quickest passages ever known from China to the

Sandwich Islands. This memorable little vessel was purchased at Canton

by the late Captain Broughton, to assist him in surveying the coast of

Tartary, and became the means of preserving the crew of his Majesty's

ship _Providence_, amounting to one hundred and twelve men, when wrecked

to the eastward of Formosa, in the year 1797.

The _Pandora_ called at numerous islands without success, but on

Lieutenant Corner having landed on one of the Palmerston's group, he

found a yard and some spars with the broad arrow upon them, and marked

_Bounty_. This induced the captain to cause a very minute search to be

made in all these islands, in the course of which the _Pandora_, being

driven out to sea by blowing weather, and very thick and hazy, lost

sight of the little tender and a jolly boat, the latter of which was

never more heard of. This gives occasion to a little splenetic effusion

from a writer in a periodical journal,[17] which was hardly called for,

'When this boat,' says the writer, 'with a midshipman and several men

(four), had been inhumanly ordered from alongside, it was known that

there was nothing in her but one piece of salt-beef, compassionately

thrown in by a seaman; and horrid as must have been their fate, the

flippant surgeon, after detailing the disgraceful fact, adds--"that this

is the way the world was peopled"--or words to that effect, for we quote

only from memory.' The following is quoted from the book:--

'It may be difficult to surmise,' says the surgeon, 'what has been the

fate of those unfortunate men. They had a piece of salt-beef thrown into

the boat to them on leaving the ship; and it rained a good deal that

night and the following day, which might satiate their thirst. It is by

these accidents the Divine Ruler of the universe has peopled the

southern hemisphere.' This is no more than asserting an acknowledged

fact that can hardly admit of a dispute, and there appears nothing in

the paragraph which at all affects the character of Captain Edwards,

against whom it is levelled.

After a fruitless search of three months, the _Pandora_ arrived, on the

29th August, on the coast of New Holland, and close to that

extraordinary reef of coral rocks called the 'Barrier Reef,' which runs

along the greater part of the eastern coast, but at a considerable

distance from it. The boat had been sent out to look for an opening,

which was soon discovered, but in the course of the night the ship had

drifted past it. 'On getting soundings,' says Captain Edwards, in his

narrative laid before the court-martial, 'the topsails were filled; but

before the tacks were hauled on board and other sail made and trimmed,

the ship struck upon a reef; we had a quarter less two fathoms on the

larboard side, and three fathoms on the starboard side; the sails were

braced about different ways to endeavour to get her off, but to no

purpose; they were then clewed up and afterwards furled, the top-gallant

yards got down and the top-gallant masts struck. Boats were hoisted out

with a view to carry out an anchor, but before that could be effected

the ship struck so violently on the reef, that the carpenter reported

she made eighteen inches of water in five minutes; and in five minutes

after this, that there were four feet of water in the hold. Finding the

leak increasing so fast, it was thought necessary to turn the hands to

the pumps, and to bail at the different hatchways; but she still

continued to gain upon us so fast, that in little more than an hour and

a half after she struck, there were eight feet and a half of water in

the hold. About ten we perceived that the ship had beaten over the reef,

and was in ten fathoms water; we therefore let go the small bower

anchor, cleared away a cable, and let go the best bower anchor in

fifteen and a half fathoms water under foot, to steady the ship. Some

of her guns were thrown overboard, and the water gained upon us only in

a small degree, and we flattered ourselves that by the assistance of a

thrummed topsail, which we were preparing to haul under the ship's

bottom, we might be able to lessen the leak, and to free her of water:

but these flattering hopes did not continue long; for, as she settled in

the water, the leak increased again, and in so great a degree, that

there was reason to apprehend she would sink before daylight. During the

night two of the pumps were unfortunately for some time rendered

useless; one of them, however, was repaired, and we continued baling and

pumping the remainder of the night; and every effort that was thought of

was made to keep afloat and preserve the ship. Daylight fortunately

appeared, and gave us the opportunity of seeing our situation and the

surrounding danger, and it was evident the ship had been carried to the

northward by a tide or current.

'The officers, whom I had consulted on the subject of our situation,

gave it as their opinion that nothing more could be done for the

preservation of the ship; it then became necessary to endeavour to

provide and to find means for the preservation of the people. Our four

boats, which consisted of one launch, one eight-oared pinnace, and two

six-oared yawls, with careful hands in them, were kept astern of the

ship; a small quantity of bread, water, and other necessary articles,

were put into them; two canoes, which we had on board, were lashed

together and put into the water; rafts were made, and all floating

things upon deck were unlashed.

'About half-past six in the morning of the 29th the hold was full, and

the water was between decks, and it also washed in at the upper deck

ports, and there were strong indications that the ship was on the very

point of sinking, and we began to leap overboard and take to the boats,

and before everybody could get out of her she actually sunk. The boats

continued astern of the ship in the direction of the drift of the tide

from her, and took up the people that had hold of rafts and other

floating things that had been cast loose, for the purpose of supporting

them on the water. The double canoe, that was able to support a

considerable number of men, broke adrift with only one man, and was

bulged upon a reef, and afforded us no assistance when she was so much

wanted on this trying and melancholy occasion. Two of the boats were

laden with men and sent to a small sandy island (or key) about four

miles from the wreck; and I remained near the ship for some time with

the other two boats, and picked up all the people that could be seen,

and then followed the two first boats to the key; and having landed the

men and cleared the boats, they were immediately despatched again to

look about the wreck and the adjoining reef for any that might be

missing, but they returned without having found a single person. On

mustering the people that were saved, it appeared that eighty-nine of

the ship's company, and ten of the mutineers that had been prisoners on

board, answered to their names; but thirty-one of the ship's company,

and four mutineers, were lost with the ship.'

It is remarkable enough that so little notice is taken of the mutineers

in this narrative of the captain; and as the following statement is

supposed to come from the late Lieutenant Corner, who was second

lieutenant of the _Pandora_, it is entitled to be considered as

authentic, and if so, Captain Edwards must have deserved the character,

ascribed to him, of being altogether destitute of the common feelings of

humanity.

'Three of the _Bounty's_ people, Coleman, Norman, and M'Intosh, were now

let out of irons, and sent to work at the pumps. The others offered

their assistance, and begged to be allowed a chance of saving their

lives; instead of which, two additional sentinels were placed over them,

with orders to shoot any who should attempt to get rid of their fetters.

Seeing no prospect of escape, they betook themselves to prayer, and

prepared to meet their fate, every one expecting that the ship would

soon go to pieces, her rudder and part of the stern-post being already

beat away.'

When the ship was actually sinking, and every effort making for the

preservation of the crew, it is asserted that 'no notice was taken of

the prisoners, as is falsely stated by the author of the _Pandora's

Voyage_, although Captain Edwards was entreated by Mr. Heywood to have

mercy upon them, when he passed over their prison, to make his own

escape, the ship then lying on her broadside, with the larboard bow

completely under water. Fortunately the master-at-arms, either by

accident or design, when slipping from the roof of "_Pandora's_ Box"

into the sea, let the keys of the irons fall through the scuttle or

entrance, which he had just before opened, and thus enabled them to

commence their own liberation, in which they were generously assisted,

at the imminent risk of his own life, by William Moulter, a boatswain's

mate, who clung to the coamings, and pulled the long bars through the

shackles, saying he would set them free, or go to the bottom with them.

'Scarcely was this effected when the ship went down, leaving nothing

visible but the top-mast cross-trees. The master-at-arms and all the

sentinels sunk to rise no more. The cries of them and the other drowning

men were awful in the extreme; and more than half an hour had elapsed

before the survivors could be taken up by the boats. Among the former

were Mr. Stewart, John Sumner, Richard Skinner, and Henry Hillbrant, the

whole of whom perished with their hands still in manacles.

'On this melancholy occasion Mr. Heywood was the last person but three

who escaped from the prison, into which the water had already found its

way through the bulk-head scuttles. Jumping overboard, he seized a

plank, and was swimming towards a small sandy quay (key) about three

miles distant, when a boat picked him up, and conveyed him thither in a

state of nudity. It is worthy of remark, that James Morrison

endeavoured to follow his young companion's example, and, although

handcuffed, managed to keep afloat until a boat came to his assistance.'

This account would appear almost incredible. It is true men are

sometimes found to act the part of inhuman monsters, but then they are

generally actuated by some motive or extraordinary excitement; here,

however, there was neither; but on the contrary, the condition of the

poor prisoners appealed most forcibly to the mercy and humanity of their

jailor. The surgeon of the ship states, in his account of her loss, that

as soon as the spars, booms, hen-coops, and other buoyant articles were

cut loose, 'the prisoners were ordered to be let out of irons.' One

would imagine, indeed, that the officers on this dreadful emergency

would not be witness to such inhumanity, without remonstrating

effectually against keeping these unfortunate men confined a moment

beyond the period when it became evident that the ship must sink. It

will be seen, however, presently, from Mr. Heywood's own statement, that

they were so kept, and that the brutal and unfeeling conduct which has

been imputed to Captain Edwards is but too true.

It is an awful moment when a ship takes her last heel, just before going

down. When the _Pandora_ sunk, the surgeon says, 'the crew had just time

to leap overboard, accompanying it with a most dreadful yell. The cries

of the men drowning in the water was at first awful in the extreme; but

as they sunk and became faint, they died away by degrees.' How

accurately has Byron described the whole progress of a shipwreck to the

final catastrophe! He might have been a spectator of the _Pandora_, at

the moment of her foundering, when

She gave a heel, and then a lurch to port,

And, going down head foremost--sunk....

Then rose from sea to sky the wild farewell--

Then shriek'd the timid and stood still the brave--

Then some leap'd overboard with dreadful yell,

As eager to anticipate their grave;

And the sea yawn'd around her like a hell,

And down she suck'd with her the whirling wave,

Like one who grapples with his enemy,

And strives to strangle him before he die.

And first one universal shriek there rush'd,

Louder than the loud ocean, like a crash

Of echoing thunder; and then all was hush'd,

Save the wild wind and the remorseless dash

Of billows; but at intervals there gush'd,

Accompanied with a convulsive splash,

A solitary shriek, the bubbling cry

Of some strong swimmer in his agony.

On the sandy key which fortunately presented itself, the shipwrecked

seamen hauled up the boats, to repair those that were damaged, and to

stretch canvas round the gunwales, the better to keep out the sea from

breaking into them. The heat of the sun and the reflection from the sand

are described as excruciating, and the thirst of the men was rendered

intolerable, from their stomachs being filled with salt water in the

length of time they had to swim before being picked up. Mr. Hamilton

says they were greatly disturbed in the night, by the irregular

behaviour of one of the seamen, named Connell, which made them suspect

he had got drunk with some wine that had been saved; but it turned out

that the excruciating torture he suffered from thirst had induced him to

drink salt water; 'by which means he went mad, and died in the sequel of

the voyage.' It seems, a small keg of water, and some biscuits, had been

thrown into one of the boats, which they found, by calculation, would be

sufficient to last sixteen days, on an allowance of two wine-glasses of

water per day to each man, and a very small quantity of bread, the

weight of which was accurately ascertained by a musket-ball, and a pair

of wooden scales made for each boat.

The crew and the prisoners were now distributed among the four boats. At

Bligh's 'Mountainous Island,' they entered a bay where swarms of natives

came down and made signs for their landing; but this they declined to

do; on which an arrow was discharged and struck one of the boats; and as

the savages were seen to be collecting their bows and arrows, a volley

of muskets, a few of which happened to be in the boats, was discharged,

which put them to flight. While sailing among the islands and near the

shore, they now and then stopped to pick up a few oysters, and procure a

little fresh water. On the 2nd September, they passed the north-west

point of New Holland, and launched into the great Indian Ocean, having a

voyage of about a thousand miles still to perform.

It will be recollected that Captain Bligh's people received warmth and

comfort by wringing out their clothes in salt-water. The same practice

was adopted by the crews of the _Pandora's_ boats; but the doctor

observes, that 'this wetting their bodies with salt water is not

advisable, if protracted beyond three or four days, as, after that time,

the great absorption from the skin that takes place, taints the fluids

with the bitter part of salt water, so that the saliva becomes

intolerable in the mouth.' Their mouths, indeed, he says, became so

parched, that few attempted to eat the slender allowance of bread. He

also remarks, that as the sufferings of the people continued, their

temper became cross and savage. In the captain's boat, it is stated, one

of the mutineers took to praying; but that 'the captain, suspecting the

purity of his doctrines, and unwilling that he should have a monopoly of

the business, gave prayers himself.'

On the 13th, they saw the island of Timor, and the next morning landed

and got some water, and a few small fish from the natives; and on the

night of the 15th, anchored opposite the fort of Coupang. Nothing could

exceed the kindness and hospitality of the governor and other Dutch

officers of this settlement, in affording every possible assistance and

relief in their distressed condition. Having remained here three weeks,

they embarked on the 6th October, on board the _Rembang_ Dutch Indiaman,

and on the 30th, anchored at Samarang, where they were agreeably

surprised to find their little Tender, which they had so long given up

for lost. On the 7th November they arrived at Batavia, where Captain

Edwards agreed with the Dutch East India Company, to divide the whole

of the ship's company and prisoners among four of their ships proceeding

to Europe. The latter the captain took with him in the _Vreedenburgh_;

but finding his Majesty's ship _Gorgon_ at the Cape, he transhipped

himself and prisoners, and proceeded in her to Spithead, where he

arrived on the 19th June, 1792.

Captain Edwards, in his meagre narrative, takes no more notice of his

prisoners with regard to the mode in which they were disposed of at

Coupang and Batavia, than he does when the _Pandora_ went down. In fact,

he suppresses all information respecting them, from the day in which

they were consigned to '_Pandora's_ Box.' From this total indifference

towards these unfortunate men, and their almost unparalleled sufferings,

Captain Edwards must be set down as a man, whose only feeling was to

stick to the letter of his instructions, and rigidly to adhere to what

he considered the strict line of his duty; that he was a man of a cold

phlegmatic disposition, whom no distress could move, and whose feelings

were not easily disturbed by the sufferings of his fellow-creatures. He

appears to have been one of those mortals, who might say, with Manfred--

My spirit walk'd not with the souls of men;

* * * * *

My joys, my griefs, my passions, and my powers,

Made me a stranger; though I wore the form,

I had no sympathy with breathing flesh!

There seems to have been a general feeling at and before the

court-martial, that Captain Edwards had exercised a harsh, unnecessary,

and undue degree of severity on his prisoners. It is the custom,

sanctioned no doubt by long usage, to place in irons all such as may

have been guilty of mutiny in a ship of war, and the necessity of so

doing is obvious enough--to prevent, in the most effectual manner,

communication with the rest of the ship's company, who might be

contaminated by their intercourse with such mischievous and designing

men; men whose crime is of that dye, that, if found guilty, they have

little hope to escape the punishment of death, to which a mutineer must,

by the naval articles of war, be sentenced; no alternative being left to

a court-martial, in such a case, but to pronounce a sentence of

acquittal or of death.

In the present case, however, most of the prisoners had surrendered

themselves; many of them had taken no active part in the mutiny; and

others had been forcibly compelled to remain in the ship. It was not

likely, therefore, that any danger could arise from indulging them

occasionally, and in turns, with a few hours of fresh air on deck. As

little danger was there of their escaping; where indeed could they

escape to--especially when the ship was going down, at a great distance

from any shore, and the nearest one known to be inhabited by savages?

All or most of them were desirous of getting home, and throwing

themselves on God and their country. The captain, however, had no

'compunctious visitings of nature' to shake his purpose, which seems to

have been, to keep them strictly in irons during the whole passage, and

to deliver them over in that state on his arrival in England.

Perhaps the circumstance of the crime of piracy, being superadded to

that of mutiny, may have operated on his stern nature, and induced him

to inflict a greater severity of punishment than he might otherwise have

done, and which he certainly did far beyond the letter and spirit of his

instructions. He might have considered that, in all ages and among all

nations, with the exception of some of the Greek states,[18] piracy has

been held in the utmost abhorrence, and those guilty of it treated with

singular and barbarous severity; and that the most sanguinary laws were

established for the protection of person and property in maritime

adventure. The laws of Oleron, which were composed under the immediate

direction of our Richard I., and became the common usage among maritime

states, whose vessels passed through British seas, are conceived in a

spirit of the most barbarous cruelty.[19] Thus, if a poor pilot, through

ignorance, lost the vessel, he was either required to make full

satisfaction to the merchant for damages sustained, or to lose his head.

In the case of wrecks, where the lord of the coast (something like our

present vice-admiral) should be found to be in league with the pilots,

and run the ships on rocks, in order to get salvage, the said lord, the

salvers, and all concerned, are declared to be accursed and

excommunicated, and punished as thieves and robbers; and the pilot

condemned to be hanged upon a high gibbet, which is to abide and remain

to succeeding ages, on the place where erected, as a visible caution to

other ships sailing thereby. Nor was the fate of the lord of the coast

less severe,--his property was to be confiscated, and himself fastened

to a post in the midst of his own mansion, which being fired at the four

corners, were all to be burned together; the walls thereof demolished;

and the spot on which it stood be converted into a market-place, for the

sale only of hogs and swine, to all posterity.

These and many other barbarous usages were transferred into the

institutions of Wisbuy, which formed the _jus mercatorum_ for a long

period, and in which great care was taken for the security of ships

against their crews. Among other articles are the following.--Whoever

draws a sword upon the master of a vessel, or wilfully falsifies the

compass, shall have his right hand nailed to the mast.--Whoever behaves

riotously shall be punished by being keel-hauled.--Whoever is guilty of

rebellion (or mutiny) shall be thrown overboard.

For the suppression of piracy, the Portuguese, in their early

intercourse with India, had a summary punishment, and accompanied it

with a terrible example to deter others from the commission of the

crime. Whenever they took a pirate ship, they instantly hanged every

man, carried away the sails, rudder, and everything that was valuable in

the ship, and left her to be buffeted about by the winds and the waves,

with the carcasses of the criminals dangling from the yards, a horrid

object of terror to all who might chance to fall in with her. Even to

this day, a spice of the laws of Oleron still remains in the maritime

code of European nations, as far as regards mutiny and piracy; and a

feeling of this kind may have operated on the mind of Captain Edwards,

especially as a tendency even to mutiny, or mutinous expressions, are

considered, by the usage of the service, as justifying the commander of

a ship of war to put the offenders in irons. Besides, the treatment of

Bligh, whose admirable conduct under the unparalleled sufferings of

himself and all who accompanied him in the open boat, had roused the

people of England to the highest pitch of indignation against Christian

and his associates, in which Edwards no doubt participated.

The following letter of Mr. Peter Heywood to his mother removes all

doubt as to the character and conduct of this officer. It is an artless

and pathetic tale, and, as his amiable sister says, 'breathes not a

syllable inconsistent with truth and honour.'

'_Batavia, November 20th_, 1791.

'MY EVER-HONOURED AND DEAREST MOTHER,--At length the time has

arrived when you are once more to hear from your ill-fated

son, whose conduct at the capture of that ship, in which it

was my fortune to embark, has, I fear, from what has since

happened to me, been grossly misrepresented to you by

Lieutenant Bligh, who, by not knowing the real cause of my

remaining on board, naturally suspected me, unhappily for me,

to be a coadjutor in the mutiny; but I never, to my knowledge,

whilst under his command, behaved myself in a manner

unbecoming the station I occupied, nor so much as even

entertained a thought derogatory to his honour, so as to give

him the least grounds for entertaining an opinion of me so

ungenerous and undeserved; for I flatter myself he cannot give

a character of my conduct, whilst I was under his tuition,

that could merit the slightest scrutiny. Oh! my dearest

mother, I hope you have not so easily credited such an account

of me; do but let me vindicate my conduct, and declare to you

the true cause of my remaining in the ship, and you will then

see how little I deserve censure, and how I have been injured

by so gross an aspersion. I shall then give you a short and

cursory account of what has happened to me since; but I am

afraid to say a hundredth part of what I have got in store,

for I am not allowed the use of writing materials, if known,

so that this is done by stealth; but if it should ever come to

your hands, it will, I hope, have the desired effect of

removing your uneasiness on my account, when I assure you,

before the face of God, of my innocence of what is laid to my

charge. How I came to remain on board was thus:--

'The morning the ship was taken, it being my watch below,

happening to awake just after daylight, and looking out of my

hammock, I saw a man sitting upon the arm-chest in the main

hatchway, with a drawn cutlass in his hand, the reason of

which I could not divine; so I got out of bed and inquired of

him what was the cause of it. He told me that Mr. Christian,

assisted by some of the ship's company had seized the captain

and put him in confinement; had taken the command of the ship

and meant to carry Bligh home a prisoner, in order to try him

by court-martial, for his long tyrannical and oppressive

conduct to his people. I was quite thunderstruck; and hurrying

into my berth again, told one of my messmates, whom I awakened

out of his sleep, what had happened. Then dressing myself, I

went up the fore-hatchway, and saw what he had told me was but

too true; and again, I asked some of the people, who were

under arms, what was going to be done with the captain, who

was then on the larboard side of the quarter-deck, with his

hands tied behind his back, and Mr. Christian alongside him

with a pistol and drawn bayonet. I now heard a very different

story, and that the captain was to be sent ashore to Tofoa in

the launch, and that those who would not join Mr. Christian

might either accompany the captain, or would be taken in irons

to Otaheite and left there. The relation of two stories so

different, left me unable to judge which could be the true

one; but seeing them hoisting the boats out, it seemed to

prove the latter.

'In this trying situation, young and inexperienced as I was,

and without an adviser (every person being as it were

infatuated, and not knowing what to do), I remained for awhile

a silent spectator of what was going on; and after revolving

the matter in my mind, I determined to choose what I thought

the lesser of two evils and stay by the ship; for I had no

doubt that those who went on shore, in the launch, would be

put to death by the savage natives, whereas the Otaheitans

being a humane and generous race, one might have a hope of

being kindly received, and remain there until the arrival of

some ship, which seemed, to silly me, the most consistent with

reason and rectitude.

'While this resolution possessed my mind, at the same time

lending my assistance to hoist out the boats, the hurry and

confusion affairs were in, and thinking my intention just, I

never thought of going to Mr. Bligh for advice; besides, what

confirmed me in it was, my seeing two experienced officers,

when ordered into the boat by Mr. Christian, desire his

permission to remain in the ship (one of whom, my own

messmate, Mr. Hayward), and I being assisting to clear the

launch of yams, he asked me what I intended to do? I told

him, to remain in the ship. Now this answer, I imagine, he has

told Mr, Bligh I made to him; from which, together with my not

speaking to him that morning, his suspicions of me have

arisen, construing my conduct into what is foreign to my

nature.

'Thus, my dearest mother, it was all owing to my youth and

unadvised inexperience, but has been interpreted into villany

and disregard of my country's laws, the ill effects of which I

at present, and still am to, labour under for some months

longer. And now, after what I have asserted, I may still once

more retrieve my injured reputation, be again reinstated in

the affection and favour of the most tender of mothers, and be

still considered as her ever dutiful son.

'I was not undeceived in my erroneous decision till too late,

which was after the captain was in the launch; for while I was

talking to the master-at-arms, one of the ringleaders in the

affair, my other messmate whom I had left in his hammock in

the berth (Mr. Stewart), came up to me, and asked me, if I was

not going in the launch? I replied, No--upon which he told me

not to think of such a thing as remaining behind, but take his

advice and go down below with him to get a few necessary

things, and make haste to go with him into the launch; adding

that, by remaining in the ship, I should incur an equal share

of guilt with the mutineers themselves. I reluctantly followed

his advice--I say _reluctantly_, because I knew no better, and

was foolish; and the boat swimming very deep in the

water--the land being far distant--the thoughts of being

sacrificed by the natives--and the self-consciousness of my

first intention being just--all these considerations almost

staggered my resolution; however, I preferred my companion's

judgement to my own, and we both jumped down the main-hatchway

to prepare ourselves for the boat--but, no sooner were we in

the berth, than the master-at-arms ordered the sentry to keep

us both in the berth till he should receive orders to release

us. We desired the master-at-arms to acquaint Mr. Bligh of our

intention, which we had reason to think he never did, nor were

we permitted to come on deck until the launch was a long way

astern. I now, when too late, saw my error.

'At the latter end of May, we got to an island to the

southward of Taheité, called Tooboui, where they intended to

make a settlement, but finding no stock there of any kind,

they agreed to go to Taheité, and, after procuring hogs and

fowls, to return to Tooboui and remain. So, on the 6th June,

we arrived at Taheité, where I was in hopes I might find an

opportunity of running away, and remaining on shore, but I

could not effect it, as there was always too good a look-out

kept to prevent any such steps being taken. And besides, they

had all sworn that should any one make his escape, they would

force the natives to restore him, and would then shoot him as

an example to the rest; well knowing, that any one by

remaining there might be the means (should a ship arrive) of

discovering their intended place of abode. Finding it

therefore impracticable, I saw no other alternative but to

rest as content as possible and return to Tooboui, and there

wait till the masts of the _Bounty_ should be taken out, and

then take the boat which might carry me to Taheité, and

disable those remaining from pursuit.[20] But Providence so

ordered it, that we had no occasion to try our fortune at such

a hazard, for, upon returning there and remaining till the

latter end of August, in which time a fort was almost built,

but nothing could be effected; and as the natives could not be

brought to friendly terms, and with whom we had many

skirmishes, and narrow escapes from being cut off by them,

and, what was still worse, internal broils and

discontent,--these things determined part of the people to

leave the island and go to Taheité, which was carried by a

majority of votes.

'This being carried into execution on the 22nd September, and

having anchored in Matavai bay, the next morning my messmate

(Mr. Stewart) and I went on shore, to the house of an old

landed proprietor, our former friend; and being now set free

from a lawless crew, determined to remain as much apart from

them as possible, and wait patiently for the arrival of a

ship. Fourteen more of the _Bounty's_ people came likewise on

shore, and Mr. Christian and eight men went away with the

ship, but God knows whither. Whilst we remained here, we were

treated by our kind and friendly natives with a generosity and

humanity almost unparalleled, and such as we could hardly have

expected from the most civilized people.

'To be brief--having remained here till the latter end of

March, 1791, on the 26th of that month, his Majesty's ship

_Pandora_ arrived, and had scarcely anchored, when my messmate

and I went on board and made ourselves known; and having

learnt from one of the natives who had been off in a canoe,

that our former messmate Mr. Hayward, now promoted to the rank

of lieutenant, was on board, we asked for him, supposing he

might prove the assertions of our innocence. But he (like all

worldlings when raised a little in life) received us very

coolly, and pretended ignorance of our affairs; yet formerly,

he and I were bound in brotherly love and friendship.

Appearances being so much against us, we were ordered to be

put in irons, and looked upon--oh, infernal words!--as

_piratical villains_. A rebuff so severe as this was, to a

person unused to troubles, would perhaps have been

insupportable, but to me, who had now been long inured to the

frowns of fortune, and feeling myself supported by an inward

consciousness of not deserving it, it was received with the

greatest composure, and a full determination to bear it with

patience.

'My sufferings, however, I have not power to describe; but

though they are great, yet I thank God for enabling me to bear

them without repining. I endeavour to qualify my affliction

with these three considerations, first, my innocence not

deserving them; secondly, that they cannot last long; and

thirdly, that the change may be for the better. The first

improves my hopes; the second, my patience; and the third, my

courage. I am young in years, but old in what the world calls

adversity; and it has had such an effect, as to make me

consider it the most beneficial incident that could have

occurred at my age. It has made me acquainted with three

things which are little known, and as little believed by any

but those who have felt their effects: first, the villany and

censoriousness of mankind; secondly, the futility of all human

hopes; and thirdly, the happiness of being content in whatever

station it may please Providence to place me. In short, it has

made me more of a philosopher, than many years of a life spent

in ease and pleasure would have done.

'As they will no doubt proceed to the greatest lengths against

me, I being the only surviving officer, and they most inclined

to believe a prior story, all that can be said to confute it

will probably be looked upon as mere falsity and invention.

Should that be my unhappy case, and they resolved upon my

destruction as an example to futurity, may God enable me to

bear my fate with the fortitude of a man, conscious that

misfortune, not any misconduct, is the cause, and that the

Almighty can attest my innocence. Yet why should I despond? I

have, I hope, still a friend in that Providence which hath

preserved me amidst many greater dangers, and upon whom alone

I now depend for safety. God will always protect those who

deserve it. These are the sole considerations which have

enabled me to make myself easy and content under my past

misfortunes.

'Twelve more of the people who were at Otaheite having

delivered themselves up, there was a sort of prison built on

the after-part of the quarter-deck, into which we were all put

in close confinement with both legs and both hands in irons,

and were treated with great rigour, not being allowed ever to

get out of this den; and, being obliged to eat, drink, sleep,

and obey the calls of nature here, you may form some idea of

the disagreeable situation I must have been in, unable as I

was to help myself (being deprived of the use of both my legs

and hands), but by no means adequate to the reality.

'On the 9th May we left Otaheite, and proceeded to the

Friendly Islands, and about the beginning of August, got in

among the reefs of New Holland, to endeavour to discover a

passage through them; but it was not effected, for the

_Pandora_, ever unlucky, and as if devoted by heaven to

destruction, was driven by a current upon the patch of a reef,

and on which, there being a heavy surf, she was soon almost

bulged to pieces; but having thrown all the guns on one side

overboard, and the tide flowing at the same time, she beat

over the reef into a basin and brought up in fourteen or

fifteen fathoms; but she was so much damaged while on the

reef, that imagining she would go to pieces every moment, we

had contrived to wrench ourselves out of our irons, and

applied to the captain to have mercy on us, and suffer us to

take our chance for the preservation of our lives; but it was

all in vain--he was even so inhuman as to order us all to be

put in irons again, though the ship was expected to go down

every moment, being scarcely able to keep her under with all

the pumps at work.

'In this miserable situation, with an expected death before

our eyes, without the least hope of relief, and in the most

trying state of suspense, we spent the night, the ship being

by the hand of Providence kept up till the morning. The boats

by this time had all been prepared; and as the captain and

officers were coming upon the poop or roof of our prison, to

abandon the ship, the water being then up to the coamings of

the hatchways, we again implored his mercy; upon which he sent

the corporal and an armourer down to let some of us out of

irons, but three only were suffered to go up, and the scuttle

being then clapped on, and the master-at-arms upon it, the

armourer had only time to let two persons out of irons, the

rest, except three, letting themselves out; two of these three

went down with them on their hands, and the third was picked

up. She now began to heel over to port so very much, that the

master-at-arms, sliding overboard, and leaving the scuttle

vacant, we all tried to get up, and I was the last out but

three. The water was then pouring in at the bulk-head

scuttles, yet I succeeded in getting out, and was scarcely in

the sea when I could see nothing above it but the cross-trees,

and nothing around me but a scene of the greatest distress. I

took a plank (being stark-naked) and swam towards an island

about three miles off, but was picked up on my passage by one

of the boats. When we got ashore to the small sandy key, we

found there were thirty-four men drowned, four of whom were

prisoners, and among these was my unfortunate messmate (Mr.

Stewart); ten of us, and eighty-nine of the _Pandora's_ crew,

were saved.

'When a survey was made of what provisions had been saved,

they were found to consist of two or three bags of bread, two

or three breakers of water, and a little wine; so we subsisted

three days upon two wine-glasses of water, and two ounces of

bread per day. On the 1st September we left the island, and on

the 16th, arrived at Coupang in the island of Timor, having

been on short allowance eighteen days. We were put in

confinement in the castle, where we remained till October, and

on the 5th of that month were sent on board a Dutch ship bound

for Batavia.

'Though I have been eight months in close confinement in a hot

climate, I have kept my health in a most surprising manner,

without the least indisposition, and am still perfectly well

in every respect, in mind as well as body; but without a

friend, and only a shirt and pair of trousers to put on, and

carry me home. Yet with all this I have a contented mind,

entirely resigned to the will of Providence, which conduct

alone enables me to soar above the reach of unhappiness.'

In a subsequent letter to his sister he says,

'I send you two little sketches of the manner in which his Majesty's

ship _Pandora_ went down on the 29th August, and of the appearance

which we who survived made on the small sandy key within the reef,

about ninety yards long and sixty broad, in all ninety-nine souls;

here we remained three days, subsisting on a single wine-glass of

wine or water, and two ounces of bread a day, with no shelter from

the meridian and then vertical sun. Captain Edwards had tents

erected for himself and his people, and we prisoners petitioned him

for an old sail which was lying useless, part of the wreck, but he

refused it; and the only shelter we had was to bury ourselves up to

the neck in the burning sand, which scorched the skin entirely off

our bodies, for we were quite naked, and we appeared as if dipped

in large tubs of boiling water. We were nineteen days in the same

miserable situation before we landed at Coupang. I was in the ship,

in irons, hands and feet, much longer than till the position you

now see her in, the poop alone being above water (and that knee

deep), when a kind Providence assisted me to get out of irons and

escape from her.'

The treatment of these unhappy men was almost as bad at Batavia as in

the _Pandora_, being closely confined in irons in the castle, and fed on

very bad provisions; and the hardships they endured on their passage to

England, in Dutch ships, were very severe, having, as he says, slept on

nothing but hard boards on wet canvas, without any bed, for seventeen

months, always subsisting on short allowance of execrable provisions,

and without any clothes for some time, except such as the charity of two

young men in the ship supplied him with. He had during his confinement

at Batavia learned to make straw hats, and finished several with both

his hands in fetters, which he sold for half-a-crown a-piece; and with

the produce of these he procured a suit of coarse clothes, in which,

with a cheerful and light heart, notwithstanding all his sufferings, he

arrived at Portsmouth. How he preserved his health under the dreadful

sufferings he endured, and in eight months' close confinement in a hot

climate, is quite wonderful.

On the second day after the arrival of the _Gorgon_ at Spithead the

prisoners were transferred to the _Hector_, commanded by Captain (the

late Admiral Sir George) Montague, where they were treated with the

greatest humanity, and every indulgence allowed that could with

propriety be extended to men in their unhappy situation, until the

period when they were to be arraigned before the competent authority,

and put on their trials for mutiny and piracy, which did not take place

until the month of September.

In this period of anxious and awful suspense, a most interesting

correspondence was carried on between this unfortunate youth and his

numerous friends, which exhibits the character of himself and the whole

family in the most amiable and affectionate colours, and in a more

particular manner, of that adorable creature, his sister Nessy, who, in

one of her letters, accounts for the peculiar warmth of her attachment

and expressions by their being nearly of the same age, and engaged in

the same pursuits, whether of study or amusement in their juvenile

years. The poor mother, on hearing of his arrival, thus addresses her

unfortunate son:--

'_Isle of Man, June 29th,_ 1792.

'Oh! my ever dearly-beloved and long-lost son, with what

anxiety have I waited for this period! I have counted the

days, hours, and even minutes, since I first heard of the

horrid and unfortunate mutiny which has so long deprived me of

my dearest boy: but now the happy time is come when, though I

cannot have the unspeakable pleasure of seeing and embracing

you, yet I hope we may be allowed to correspond; surely there

can be nothing improper in a liberty of this sort between an

affectionate mother and her dutiful and beloved son, who, I am

perfectly convinced, was never guilty of the crime he has been

suspected of by those who did not know his worth and truth. I

have not the least doubt but that the all-gracious God, who of

his good providence has protected you so long, and brought you

safe through so many dangers and difficulties, will still

protect you, and at your trial make your innocence appear as

clear as the light. All your letters have come safe to me, and

to my very dear good Nessy. Ah! Peter, with what real joy did

we all receive them, and how happy are we that you are now

safe in England! I will endeavour, my dearest lad, to make

your present situation as comfortable as possible, for so

affectionate and good a son deserves my utmost attention.

Nessy has written to our faithful and kind friend, Mr.

Heywood, of Plymouth, for his advice, whether it would be

proper for her to come up to you; if he consents to her so

doing, not a moment shall be lost, and how happy shall I be

when she is with you! Such a sister as she is! Oh! Peter, she

is a most valuable girl,' etc.

On the same day this 'most valuable girl' thus writes:--[21]

'MY DEAREST AND MOST BELOVED BROTHER--Thanks to that Almighty

Providence which has so miraculously preserved you, your fond,

anxious, and, till now, miserable Nessy, is at last permitted

to address the object of her tenderest affection in England!

Oh! my admirable, my heroic boy, what have we felt on your

account! yet how small, how infinitely trifling was the misery

of our situation when compared with the horror of yours! Let

me now, however, with confidence hope that the God of all

mercies has not so long protected you in vain, but will at

length crown your fortitude and pious resignation to His will

with that peace and happiness you so richly merit. How blest

did your delightful and yet dreadful letter from Batavia make

us all! Surely, my beloved boy, you could not for a moment

imagine we ever supposed you guilty of the crime of mutiny.

No, no; believe me, no earthly power could have persuaded us

that it was possible for you to do anything inconsistent with

strict honour and duty. So well did we know your amiable,

steady principles, that we were assured your reasons for

staying behind would turn out such as you represent them; and

I firmly trust that Providence will at length restore you to

those dear and affectionate friends, who can know no happiness

until they are blest with your loved society. Take care of

your precious health, my angelic boy. I shall soon be with

you; I have written to Mr. Heywood (your and our excellent

friend and protector) for his permission to go to you

immediately, which my uncle Heywood, without first obtaining

it, would not allow, fearing lest any precipitate step might

injure you at present; and I only wait the arrival of his next

letter to fly into your arms. Oh! my best beloved Peter, how I

anticipate the rapture of that moment!--for alas! I have no

joy, no happiness, but in your beloved society, and no hopes,

no fears, no wishes, but for you.'

Mr. Heywood's sisters all address their unfortunate brother in

the same affectionate, but less impassioned strain; and a

little trait of good feeling is mentioned, on the part of an

old female servant, that shows what a happy and attached

family the Heywoods were, previous to the melancholy affair in

which their boy became entangled. Mrs. Heywood says, 'my good

honest Birket is very well, and says your safe return has made

her more happy than she has been for these two and forty years

she has been in our family.' And Miss Nessy tells him, 'Poor

Birket, the most faithful and worthiest of servants, desires

me to tell you that she almost dies with joy at the thought of

your safe arrival in England. What agony, my dear boy, has she

felt on your account! her affection for you knows no bounds,

and her misery has indeed been extreme; but she still lives to

bless your virtues.'

The poor prisoner thus replies, from his Majesty's ship _Hector_, to his

'beloved sisters all':--

'This day I had the supreme happiness of your long-expected

letters, and I am not able to express the pleasure and joy

they afforded me; at the sight of them my spirits, low and

dejected, were at once exhilarated; my heart had long and

greatly suffered from my impatience to hear of those most dear

to me, and was tossed and tormented by the storms of fearful

conjecture--but they are now subsided, and my bosom has at

length attained that long-lost serenity and calmness it once

enjoyed: for you may believe me when I say it never yet has

suffered any disquiet from my own misfortunes, but from a

truly anxious solicitude for, and desire to hear of, your

welfare. God be thanked, you still entertain such an opinion

of me as I will flatter myself I have deserved; but why do I

say so? can I make myself too worthy the affectionate praises

of such amiable sisters? Oh! my Nessy, it grieves me to think

I must be under the necessity, however heart-breaking to

myself, of desiring you will relinquish your most affectionate

design of coming to see me; it is too long and tedious a

journey, and even on your arrival, you would not be allowed

the wished-for happiness, both to you and myself, of seeing,

much less conversing with, your unfortunate brother: the rules

of the service are so strict, that prisoners are not

permitted to have any communication with female relations;

thus even the sight of, and conversation with, so truly

affectionate a sister is for the present denied me! The

happiness of such an interview let us defer till a time

(which, please God, will arrive) when it can be enjoyed with

more freedom, and unobserved by the gazing eyes of an

inquisitive world, which in my present place of confinement

would of course not be the case.

'I am very happy to hear that poor old Birket is still alive;

remember me to her, and tell her not to _heave aback_, until

God grants me the pleasure of seeing her.

'And now, my dear Nessy, cease to anticipate the happiness of

personal communication with your poor, but resigned brother,

until wished-for freedom removes the indignant shackles I now

bear, from the feet of your fond and most affectionate

brother, P.H.'

In a subsequent letter to his sister, he says, 'Let us at present be

resigned to our fate, contented with this sort of communication, and be

thankful to God for having even allowed us that happiness--for be

assured the present confinement is _liberty_, compared with what it has

been for the fifteen months last past.' On the 15th July, Commodore

Pasley addresses the following business-like letter to Miss Heywood.

'I received your letter, my dearest Nessy, with the enclosure

[her brother's narrative], but did not choose to answer it

until I had made a thorough investigation; that is, seen

personally all the principal evidences, which has ever since

occupied my whole thoughts and time. I have also had some

letters from himself; and notwithstanding he must still

continue in confinement, every attention and indulgence

possible is granted him by Captain Montague of the _Hector_,

who is my particular friend. I have no doubt of the truth of

your brother's narrative; the master, boatswain, gunner, and

carpenter, late of the _Bounty_, I have seen, and have the

pleasure to assure you that they are all favourable, and

corroborate what he says. That _fellow_, Captain Edwards,

whose inhuman rigour of confinement I shall never forget, I

have likewise seen; he cannot deny that Peter avowed himself

late of the _Bounty_ when he came voluntarily aboard; this is

a favourable circumstance. I have been at the Admiralty, and

read over all the depositions taken and sent home by Bligh and

his officers from Batavia, likewise the court-martial on

himself; in none of which appears anything against Peter. As

soon as Lieutenant Hayward arrives with the remainder of the

_Pandora's_ crew, the court-martial is to take place. I shall

certainly attend, and we must have an able counsellor to

assist, for I will not deceive you, my dear Nessy, however

favourable circumstances may appear, our martial law is

severe; by the tenor of it, the man who stands neuter is

equally guilty with him who lifts his arm against his captain

in such cases. His extreme youth and his delivering himself

up, are the strong points of his defence. Adieu! my dearest

Nessy; present my love to your mother and sisters, and rest

assured of my utmost exertions to extricate your

brother.--Your affectionate uncle, T. PASLEY.'

This excellent man did not stop here: knowing that sea-officers have a

great aversion from counsel, he writes to say, 'A friend of mine, Mr.

Graham, who has been secretary to the different Admirals on the

Newfoundland station for these twelve years, and consequently has acted

as judge-advocate at courts-martial all that time, has offered me to

attend you; he has a thorough knowledge of the service, uncommon

abilities, and is a very good lawyer. He has already had most of the

evidences with him. Adieu! my young friend; keep up your spirits, and

rest assured I shall be watchful for your good. My heart will be more at

ease, if I can get my friend Graham to go down, than if you were

attended by the first counsel in England.'[22] Mr. Graham accordingly

attended, and was of the greatest service at the trial.

Nessy Heywood[23] having in one of her letters inquired of her brother

how tall he was, and having received information on this point,

expressed some surprise that he was not taller. 'And so,' he replies,

'you are surprised I am not taller!--Ah, Nessy! let me ask you

this--suppose the two last years of _your_ growth had been retarded by

close confinement--nearly deprived of all kinds of necessary

aliment--shut up from the all-cheering light of the sun for the space of

five months, and never suffered to breathe the fresh air (an enjoyment

which Providence denies to none of His creatures) during all that

time--and without any kind of exercise to stretch and supple your

limbs--besides many other inconveniences which I will not pain you by

mentioning--how tall should you have been, my dear sister?--answer, four

feet nothing: but enough of nonsense.'

Nessy Heywood had expressed a strong desire to see her brother, but was

told the rules of the service would not allow it; also, that it would

agitate him, when he ought to be cool and collected, to meet his

approaching trial. This was quite enough:--'But as for myself,' she

says, 'no danger, no fatigue, no difficulties, would deter me--I have

youth, and health, and excellent natural spirits--these and the strength

of my affection would support me through it all; if I were not allowed

to see you, yet being in the same place which contains you, would be joy

inexpressible! I will not, however, any longer desire it, but will learn

to imitate your fortitude and patience.'

Mr. Heywood of Maristow, and his daughter, Mrs. Bertie, had intimated

the same thing. These excellent people, from the moment of young

Heywood's arrival, had shown him every kindness, supplied him with

money, and what was better, with friends, who could give him the best

advice. To this worthy lady, Miss Nessy Heywood thus addresses herself.

'Overwhelmed with sensations of gratitude and pleasure, which

she is too much agitated to express, permit me, dearest Madam,

at my mamma's request, to offer you hers and our most sincere

acknowledgements for your invaluable letter, which, from the

detention of the packet, she did not receive till yesterday.

By a letter from my beloved brother, of the same date, we are

informed that Mr. Larkham (whom I suppose to be the gentleman

you mention having sent to see him) has been on board the

_Hector_, and has kindly offered him the most salutary advice

relative to his present situation, for which allow me to

request you will present him our best thanks. He also speaks

with every expression a grateful heart can dictate of your

excellent father's goodness in providing for all his wants,

even before he could have received any letters from us to that

purpose.

'Ah! my dear Madam, how truly characteristic is this of the

kind friendship with which he has ever honoured our family!

But my beloved Peter does not know that Mr. Heywood has a

daughter, whose generosity is equal to his own, and whose

amiable compassion for his sufferings it will be as impossible

for us to forget, as it is to express the admiration and

gratitude it has inspired. It would, I am convinced, be

unnecessary, as well as a very bad compliment to you, Madam,

were I to presume to point out anything particular to be done

for our poor boy, as I have not the least doubt your goodness

and kind intention have long ago rendered every care of that

sort on our part unnecessary. I shall only add, that my mamma

begs every wish he forms may be granted, and sure I am, he

will not desire a single gratification that can be deemed in

the smallest degree improper.

'In one of my brother's letters, dated the 23rd, he hints that

he shall not be permitted to see any of his relations till his

trial is over, and that he therefore does not expect us. I

have, however, written to Mr. Heywood (without whose

approbation I would by no means take any step) for permission

to go to him. If it is absolutely impossible for me to see him

(though in the presence of witnesses), yet even that

prohibition, cruel as it is, I could bear with patience,

provided I might be near him, to see the ship in which he at

present exists--to behold those objects, which, perhaps, at

the same moment, attract his notice--to breathe the same air

which he breathes.--Ah! my dearest Madam, these are

inestimable gratifications, and would convey sensations of

rapture and delight to the fond bosom of a sister, which it

is far, very far beyond my power to describe. Besides, the

anxiety and impatience produced by the immense distance which

now separates us from him, and the uncertainty attending the

packet, render it difficult and sometimes impossible to hear

of him so often as we would wish--and, may I not add (though

Heaven in its mercy forbid it--for alas! the bare idea is too

dreadful, yet it is in the scale of possibility), that some

accident might happen to deprive us of my dearest brother: how

insupportably bitter would then be our reflections, for having

omitted the opportunity, when it was in our power, of

administering comfort and consolation to him in person. For

these reasons, I earnestly hope Mr. Heywood will not judge it

improper to comply with my request, and shall wait with eager

impatience the arrival of his next letter. Think not, my dear

Madam, that it is want of confidence in your care and

attention which makes me solicitous to be with my beloved

brother. Be assured we are all as perfectly easy in that

respect as if we were on the spot; but I am convinced you will

pardon the dictates of an affection which an absence of five

years, rendered still more painful by his sufferings, has

heightened almost to a degree of adoration. I shall, with your

permission, take the liberty of enclosing a letter to my

brother, which I leave open for perusal, and at the same time

request your pardon for mentioning you to him in such terms as

I am apprehensive will wound the delicacy which ever

accompanies generosity like yours; but indeed, my dearest

Madam, I cannot, must not, suffer my beloved boy to remain in

ignorance of that worth and excellence which has prompted you

to become his kind protectress.

'I have the honour to be, with every sentiment of gratitude,

&c., &c, &c,

'NESSY HEYWOOD.'

Among the numerous friends that interested themselves in the fate of

this unhappy youth, was his uncle, Colonel Holwell. The testimony he

bears to his excellent character is corroborated by all who knew him

while a boy at home. About a fortnight before the trial he writes to him

thus:--

'_21st August_, 1792.

'MY VERY DEAR PETER,--I have this day received yours of the

18th, and am happy to find by its contents that,

notwithstanding your long and cruel confinement, you still

preserve your health, and write in good spirits. Preserve it,

my dear boy, awful as the approaching period must be, even to

the most innocent, but from which all who know you have not a

doubt of your rising as immaculate as a new-born infant. I

have known you from your cradle, and have often marked with

pleasure and surprise the many assiduous instances (far beyond

your years) you have given of filial duty and paternal

affection to the best of parents, and to brothers and sisters

who doated on you. Your education has been the best; and from

these considerations alone, without the very clear evidence of

your own testimony, I would as soon believe the Archbishop of

Canterbury would set fire to the city of London as suppose you

could, directly or indirectly, join in such a d----d absurd

piece of business. Truly sorry am I that my state of health

will not permit me to go down to Portsmouth to give this

testimony publicly before that respectable tribunal where your

country's laws have justly ordained you must appear; but

consider this as the _touchstone_, my dear boy, by which your

worth must be known. Six years in the navy myself, and

twenty-eight years a soldier, I flatter myself my judgement

will not prove erroneous. That Power, my dear Peter, of whose

grace and mercy you seem to have so just a sense, will not now

forsake you. Your dear aunt is as must be expected in such a

trying situation, but more from your present sufferings than

any apprehension of what is to follow,' &c.

With similar testimonies and most favourable auguries from

Commodore Pasley, the Rev. Dr. Scott, of the Isle of Man, and

others, young Heywood went to his long and anxiously expected

trial, which took place on the 12th September, and continued

to the 18th of that month. Mrs. Heywood had been anxious that

Erskine and Mingay should be employed as counsel, but Mr.

Graham, whom Commodore Pasley had so highly recommended, gave

his best assistance; as did also Mr. Const, who had been

retained, for which the Commodore expresses his sorrow, as sea

officers, he says, have a great aversion to lawyers. Mr. Peter

Heywood assigns a better reason; in a letter to his sister

Mary he says, that 'Counsel to a naval prisoner is of no

effect, and as they are not allowed to speak, their eloquence

is not of the least efficacy; I request, therefore, you will

desire my dear mother to revoke the letter she has been so

good to write to retain Mr. Erskine and Mr. Mingay, and to

forbear putting herself to so great and needless an expense,

from which no good can accrue. No, no! Mary--it is not the

same as a trial on shore; it would then be highly requisite;

but, in this case, _I_ alone must fight my own battle; and I

think my telling the truth undisguised, in a plain, short, and

concise manner, is as likely to be deserving the victory, as

the most elaborate eloquence of a Cicero upon the same

subject.'

At this anxious moment many painfully interesting letters

passed to and from the family in the Isle of Man: the last

letter from his beloved Nessy previous to the awful event thus

concludes:--May that Almighty Providence whose tender care has

hitherto preserved you be still your powerful protector! may

He instil into the hearts of your judges every sentiment of

justice, generosity, and compassion! may hope, innocence, and

integrity be your firm support! and liberty, glory, and honour

your just reward! may all good angels guard you from even the

appearance of danger! and may you at length be restored to us,

the delight, the pride of your adoring friends, and the sole

happiness and felicity of that fond heart which animates the

bosom of my dear Peter's most faithful and truly affectionate

sister,

N.H.'