The General Assembly having come to the Resolutions inclosed, we hope

you will accept it as an instance of our sincere intentions to forward

so good a work; and of our attachment to a person who has at all times

so generously used his endeavors to relieve the poor, and deliver them

out of their distress; in which you have hitherto been so successful,

that we are persuaded this undertaking cannot fail under your prudent

conduct, which we most heartily wish for.

The rangers and scout-boats are ordered to attend you as soon as

possible.

Colonel Bull, a gentleman of this Board, and who we esteem most

capable to assist you in the settling of your new Colony, is desired

to deliver you this, and to accompany you, and render you the best

services he is capable of; and is one whose integrity you may very

much depend on.

We are, with the greatest respect and esteem, Sir, your most obedient

humble servants.

ROBERT JOHNSON,

THOMAS BROUGHTON,

AL. MIDDLETON,

A. SKEENE,

FRA. YOUNGE,

JAMES KINLOCK,

JOHN FENWICKE,

THOMAS WARING,

J. HAMMERTON.

_Council Chamber_, 26 January, 1733.

_Copy of the Assembly's Resolutions_.

The Committee of his Majesty's Honorable Council appointed to confer

with a Committee of the lower House on his Excellency's message

relating to the arrival of the Honorable James Oglethorpe, Esq.,

report--

That agreeable to his Majesty's instructions to his Excellency, sent

down together with the said message, we are unanimously of opinion

that all due countenance and encouragement ought to be given to the

settling of the Colony of Georgia.

And for that end your Committee apprehend it necessary that his

Excellency be desired to give orders and directions that Captain

McPherson, together with fifteen of the rangers, do forthwith repair

to the new settlement of Georgia, to cover and protect Mr. Oglethorpe,

and those under his care, from any insult that may be offered them

by the Indians, and that they continue and abide there till the new

settlers have enforted themselves, and for such further time as his

Excellency may think necessary.

That the Lieutenant and four men of the Apalachicola Garrison be

ordered to march to the fort on Cambahee, to join those of the rangers

that remain; and that the Commissary be ordered to find them with

provision as usual.

That his Excellency will please to give directions that the scout-boat

at Port Royal do attend the new settlers as often as his Excellency

shall see occasion.

That a present be given Mr. Oglethorpe for the new settlers of Georgia

forthwith, of an hundred head of breeding cattle and five bulls, as

also twenty breeding sows and four boars, with twenty barrels of good

and merchantable rice; the whole to be delivered at the charge of the

public, at such place in Georgia as Mr. Oglethorpe shall appoint.

That periauguas be provided at the charge of the public to attend Mr.

Oglethorpe at Port Royal, in order to carry the new settlers, arrived

in the ship Anne, to Georgia, with their effects, and the artillery

and ammunition now on board.

That Colonel Bull be desired to go to Georgia with the Honorable James

Oglethorpe, Esq., to aid him with his best advice and assistance in

settling the place.

_Extract of a Letter from His Excellency Robert Johnson, Esq.,

Governor of South Carolina, to Benjamin Martyn, Esq., Secretary to the

Trustees, &c_.

CHARLESTOWN, Feb. 12, 1733.

Sir--I have received the favor of yours, dated the 20th of October,

and the duplicate of the 24th. I beg you will assure the Honorable

Trustees of my humble respects, and that I will attach myself to

render them and their laudable undertaking all the service in my

power.

Mr. Oglethorpe arrived here with his people in good health the 13th of

January. I ordered him a pilot, and in ten hours he proceeded to Port

Royal, where he arrived safe the 19th, and I understand from thence,

that, after refreshing his people a little in our barracks, he, with

all expedition, proceeded to Yamacraw, upon Savannah River, about

twelve miles from the sea, where he designs to fix those he has

brought with him.

I do assure you, that upon the first news I had of this embarkation,

I was not wanting in giving the necessary orders for their reception;

and, being assisted at Port Royal, (although they were here almost as

soon as we heard of their design of coming,) not knowing whether Mr.

Oglethorpe designed directly there, or would touch here.

I am informed he is mighty well satisfied with his reception there,

and likes the country; and that he says things succeed beyond his

expectation; but I have not yet received a letter from him since his

being at Port Royal.

Our General Assembly meeting three days after his departure, I moved

to them their assisting this generous undertaking. Both Houses

immediately came to the following resolution; that Mr. Oglethorpe

should be furnished at the public expense, with one hundred and four

breeding cattle, twenty-five hogs, and twenty barrels of good rice;

that boats should also be provided at the public charge to transport

the people, provisions and goods, from Port Royal to the place where

he designed to settle; that the scout-boats, and fifteen of our

rangers, (who are horsemen, and always kept in pay to discover the

motions of the Indians,) should attend to Mr. Oglethorpe, and obey his

commands, in order to protect the new settlers from any insults, which

I think there is no danger of; and I have given the necessary advice

and instructions to our out garrisons, and the Indians in friendship

with us, that they may befriend and assist them.

I have likewise prevailed on Colonel Bull, a member of the Council,

and a gentleman of great probity and experience in the affairs of this

Province, the nature of land, and the method of settling, and who

is well acquainted with the manner of the Indians, to attend Mr.

Oglethorpe to Georgia with our compliments, and to offer him advice

and assistance; and, had not our Assembly been sitting, I would have

gone myself.

I received the Trustees commission; for the honor of which I beg you

will thank them. I heartily wish all imaginable success to this good

work; and am, Sir,

Your most humble Servant,

ROBERT JOHNSON.

P.S. Since writing the above, I have had the pleasure of hearing from

Mr. Oglethorpe, who gives me an account that his undertaking goes on

very successfully.

XII.

Creeks, so called by the English, because their country lies chiefly

among rivers, which the American English call "creeks;" but the real

name is Musogees. Their language is the softest and most copious of

all the Indians, and is looked upon to be the radical language; for

they can make themselves understood by almost all the other Indians on

the Continent. They are divided into three people, Upper, Lower, and

Middle Creeks. The two former governed by their respective chiefs,

whom they honor with a royal denomination; yet they are, in the most

material part of their government, subordinate to the Chief of the

latter, who bears an imperial title. Their country lies between

Spanish Florida and the Cherokee mountains, and from the Atlantic

Ocean to the Gulf of Mexico. They are a tall, well-limbed people, very

brave in war, and as much respected in the South, as the Iroquois are

in the North part of America.

[_History of the British Settlements in North America_, Lond. 1773,

4to, p. 156. ADAIR, 257. BARTON's Views, &c., Introduction XLIV. and

Appendix 9.]

XIII.

ACCOUNT OF THE INDIANS IN GEORGIA, BEING PART OF A LETTER FROM

OGLETHORPE, DATED 9TH JUNE, 1733.

There seems to be a door opened to our Colony towards the conversion

of the Indians. I have had many conversations with their chief men,

the whole tenor of which shews that there is nothing wanting to their

conversion but one who understands their language well, to explain

to them the _mysteries_ of religion; for, as to the _moral_ part of

Christianity, they understand it, and do assent to it. They abhor

_adultery_, and do not approve of _a plurality of wives_. _Theft_ is

a thing not known among the Creek Indians; though frequent, and even

honorable among the Uchees. _Murder_ they look on as a most abominable

crime: but do not esteem the killing of an _enemy_, or one that has

injured them, murder. The passion of _revenge_, which they call

_honor_, and _drunkenness_, which they learn from our traders, seem to

be the two greatest obstacles to their being truly Christians: but,

upon both these points they hear reason; and with respect to drinking

_rum_, I have weaned those near me a good deal from it. As for

_revenge_, they say, as they have no executive power of justice

amongst them, they are forced to kill the man who has injured them,

in order to prevent others doing the like; but they do not think any

injury, except _adultery_, or _murder_, deserves revenge. They hold

that if a man commits adultery, the injured husband is obliged to have

revenge, by cutting off the ears of the adulterer, which, if he is too

strong or sturdy to submit to, then the injured husband kills him the

first opportunity he has to do it with safety. In cases of murder, the

next in blood is obliged to kill the murderer, or else he is looked

on as infamous in the nation where he lives; and the weakness of the

executive power is such, that there is no other way of punishment but

by the revenger of blood, as the Scripture calls it; for there is no

coercive power in any of their nations; their kings can do no more

than to persuade. All the power they have is no more than to call

their old men and captains together, and to propound to them the

measures they think proper; and, after they have done speaking, all

the others have liberty to give their opinions also; and they reason

together with great temper and modesty, till they have brought each

other into some unanimous resolution. Then they call in the young men,

and recommend to them the putting in execution the resolution, with

their strongest and most lively eloquence. And, indeed, they seem to

me, both in action and expression, to be thorough masters of true

eloquence. In speaking to their young men, they generally address the

passions. In speaking to the old men, they apply to reason only. [He

then states the interview with the Creeks, and gives the first set

speech of Tomo Chichi, which has been quoted.] One of the Indians of

the Cherokee nation, being come down, the Governor told him that "he

need fear nothing, but might speak freely," answered smartly, "I

always speak freely, what should I fear? I am now among friends, and I

never feared even among my enemies." Another instance of their short

manner of speaking was when I ordered one of the Carolina boatmen, who

was drunk and had beaten an Indian, to be tied to a gun till he was

sober, in order to be whipped. Tomo Chichi came to me to beg me to

pardon him, which I refused to do unless the Indian who had been

beaten should also desire the pardon for him. Tomo Chichi desired him

to do so, but he insisted upon satisfaction. Tomo Chichi said, "O

Fonseka," (for that was his name,) "this Englishman, being drunk, has

beat you; if he is whipped for so doing, the Englishmen will expect

that, if an Indian should insult them when drunk, the Indian should be

whipped for it. When you are drunk, you are quarrelsome, and you know

you love to be drunk, but you don't love to be whipped." Fonseka

was convinced, and begged me to pardon the man; which, as soon as I

granted, Tomo Chichi and Fonseka ran and untied him, which I perceived

was done to show that he owed his safety to their intercession.

XIV.

DUKE OF ARGYLE A PATRON OF OGLETHORPE.

"From his boyhood Oglethorpe uniformly enjoyed the friendship and

confidence of his gallant and eloquent countryman, John Duke of

Argyle; who, in an animated speech in Parliament, bore splendid

testimony to his military talents, his natural generosity, his

contempt of danger, and his devotion to the public weal."[1]

[Footnote 1: VERPLANK's _Discourse before the New York Historical

Society_, p. 33.]

This favorable opinion, acquired in military campaigns, where his

soldierly accomplishments and personal bravery had attracted the

notice and won the admiration of the commanding officers, was

preserved in after scenes, and confirmed by the principles which they

both maintained, and the measures they alike pursued in Parliament.

The Duke also early devoted himself to a military life, and served

under the great Marlborough. He distinguished himself at the battles

of Ramilies, of Oudenarde, and Malplaquet, and assisted at the siege

of Lisle and of Ghent. Such services were honorably rewarded by the

King, who made him Knight of the Garter in 1710, and the following

year sent him ambassador to Charles III. of Spain, with the command

of the English forces in that kingdom. His support of the union with

Scotland, rendered him for awhile unpopular with his countrymen,

but his merits were acknowledged by all parties. George I. on his

accession, restored him to the command of Scotland, of which he had

before been capriciously deprived; and, in 1715, he bravely attacked

Lord Mar's army at Dumblane, and obliged the Pretender to retire from

the kingdom. In 1718 he was made Duke of Greenwich. He died in 1743,

and was buried in Westminster Abbey, where a handsome monument records

his virtues.

The following couplet by pope immortalizes his fame.

"Argyle, the state's whole thunder born to wield,

And shake alike the senate and the field."

He had the honor, also, to be celebrated in very high terms by

THOMSON;

--"full on thee, ARGYLE,

Her hope, her stay, her darling and her boast,

From her first patriots and her heroes sprung,

Thy fond imploring country turns her eye;

In thee, with all a mother's triumph, sees

Her every virtue, every grace, combined,

Her genius, wisdom, her engaging turn,

Her pride of honor, and her courage tried,

Calm and intrepid, in the very throat

Of sulphurous war, on Tenier's dreadful field.

Nor less the palm of peace inwreathes thy brow;

For, powerful as thy sword, from thy rich tongue

Persuasion flows, and wins the high debate;

While, mix'd in thee, combine the charm of youth,

The force of manhood, and the depth of age."

[_Autumn_, 1. 926-941.]

XV.

HISTORICAL REFERENCES TO THE SETTLEMENT OF THE SALTZBURGERS IN

GEORGIA.

_Nachricht von dem establishment derer Salzburgischen emigranten zu

Ebenezer, en der Provinz Georgien in Nord-America_, &c. Von P.G.F.

VON RECK. Halle 1774. From this, and a subsequent Journal of the same

author, was published a very interesting little work, by the direction

of _the Society for promoting Christian knowledge_, entitled "_An

extract of the Journals of Mr. Commissary_ VON RECK, _who conducted

the first transport of Saltzburgers to Georgia; and of the Reverend

Mr_. BOLZIUS, _one of their Ministers_." London, 1734. 12mo.

A circumstantial account of the settlement and of the affairs of these

emigrants is given in a work which bears this title, "_Ausfürliche

Nacrichten von den Salzburgischen Emigranten, die sich in America

niedergelassen haben, worinnen die Riesediaria des konige.

Grossbritannischen Commissarii und der beyden Salzburgischen Prediger,

wie auch eine Beschreibung von Georgien enthalten. Heraus gegeben von_

SAMUEL URLSPERGER." _Halle_, 1735-52. This journal of the proceedings

of the Saltzburg emigrants, who formed the settlement of Ebenezer

in Georgia, was continued from year to year, from 1734 to 1760; in

several parts, which, bound up, make five thick quarto volumes. In

Professor Ebeling's copy, now in the library of Harvard College, is

the continuation, in _manuscript_, [perhaps the original,] and which

was never printed, by JOHN MARTIN BOLZIUS, dated January, 1765. There

is, also, a separate work, entitled _Americanisches Ackerwerck Gottes,

von_ SAMUEL URLSPERGER. Augs. 1745-1760. 4to. 4 vol.

A most interesting account of the persecution is to be found in

two thin quarto volumes by J.M. TEUBENER, entitled _Historie derer

Emigranten oder Vertriebenen Lutheraner aus dem Ertz-Bissthum

Saltzburg_. 2 vols. 4to. _Leipz_. 1732.

"About twenty-five thousand persons, a tenth part of the population,

migrated on this occasion. Their property was sold for them, under the

King of Prussia's protection; some injustice, and considerable loss

must needs have been suffered by such a sale, and the chancellor, by

whom this strong measure was carried into effect, is accused of

having enriched himself by the transaction. Seventeen thousand of the

emigrants settled in the Prussian states. Their march will long be

remembered in Germany. The Catholic magistrates at Augsburgh shut the

gates against them, but the Protestants in the city prevailed, and

lodged them in their houses. The Count of Stolberg Warnegerode gave a

dinner to about nine hundred in his palace; they were also liberally

entertained and relieved by the Duke of Brunswick. At Leipsic the

clergy met them at the gates, and entered with them in procession,

singing one of Luther's hymns; the magistrates quartered them upon the

inhabitants, and a collection was made for them in the church, several

merchants subscribing liberally. The university of Wittenberg went out

to meet them, with the Rector at their head, and collections were

made from house to house. 'We thought it an honor,' says one of the

Professors, 'to receive our poor guests in that city where Luther

first preached the doctrines for which they were obliged to abandon

their native homes.' These demonstrations of the popular feeling

render it more than probable that if a religious war had then been

allowed to begin in Saltzburg, it would have spread throughout all

Germany.

"Thirty-three thousand pounds were raised in London for the relief of

the Saltzburgers. Many of them settled in Georgia,--colonists of the

best description. They called their settlement Ebenezer. Whitfield, in

1738, was wonderfully pleased with their order and industry. 'Their

lands,' he says, 'are improved surprisingly for the time they have

been there, and I believe they have far the best crop of any in the

colony. They are blest with two such pious ministers as I have

not often seen. They have no courts of judicature, but all little

differences are immediately and implicitly decided by their ministers,

whom they look upon and love as their fathers. They have likewise an

orphan house, in which are seventeen children and one widow, and I

was much delighted to see the regularity wherewith it is managed.'"

SOUTHEY'S _Life of Wesley_, Vol. I. p. 98, note.

XVI.

With reference to these persecuted exiles, are the following lines of

Thomson.

"Lo! swarming southward on rejoicing suns

New colonies extend'. the calm retreat

Of undeserved distress, the better home

Of those whom bigots chase from foreign lands;

Such as of late an Oglethorpe has formed,

And crowding round, the pleased Savannah sees."

[Liberty, _Part V_.]

I give, also, an extract from the _London Journal_ of the day.

"As the Trustees for settling Georgia are giving all proper

encouragement for the Saltzburg emigrants to go over and settle there,

some of the managers for those poor people have sent over to the

Trustees from Holland, a curious medal or device, enchased on silver,

representing the emigration of the poor Saltzburgers from their native

country, which opens like a box, and in the inside contains a map of

their country, divided into seventeen districts, with seventeen little

pieces of historical painting, representing the seventeen persecutions

of the primitive Christians; the whole being folded up in a very small

compass, and is a most ingenious piece of workmanship."

XVII.

SETTLEMENT OF THE MORAVIANS IN GEORGIA.

"In consequence of the oppression which they suffered in Bohemia, the

United Brethren, or, as they are more commonly called, the Moravians,

resolved to emigrate to the new Colony of Georgia in America, whither

the Saltzburgers had recently gone. With this purpose they applied

to Count Zinzendorf, their spiritual guide, for his concurrence and

assistance. Accordingly, he made interest with the Trustees on their

behalf, which, being favorably received, and a free passage offered, a

small company of them set out from Herrnfurt in November, 1734. They

proceeded to London, where they found Mr. Spangenberg, who had

nearly concluded every thing relative to their embarkation, with the

Trustees, and to their accommodation and settlement, with General

Oglethorpe. A number of Saltzburgers were also about to emigrate; and

three zealous ministers of the Church of England, Mr. John Wesley,

together with his brother Charles, and Mr. Benjamin Ingham, went with

them in the same ship.

"They arrived at Savannah in the spring of 1735; and, in the following

summer received a considerable increase of brethren, conducted by

David Nitchmann, senior.

"The Saltzburgers went further up the river, and selected a place

of settlement, which they called Ebenezer, but the Brethren began

immediately their settlement near to Savannah; and God so blessed

their industry, that they were not only soon in a capacity of

maintaining themselves, but, also, of being serviceable to their

neighbors. Having had assistance in the erection of a school-house for

the children of the Indians, Tomo Tschatschi, their King, came to see

it, and was glad that they might have a place where, as he expressed

it, _they could hear the good word_. Consequently the Colony of

the Brethren presented a fair prospect, both with respect to the

settlement itself, and the instruction and conversion of the Heathen.

But, being among the rest summoned to take up arms in defence of the

country, and to march against the Spaniards, they refused it, as being

no freeholders, and, of consequence, not obliged to it according to

the laws of the Colony; nay, before coming over, they had expressly

stated that they were not willing to perform any military service.

Count Zinzendorf, on his visit to London, in January, 1737, took

occasion to become acquainted with General Oglethorpe and the Trustees

of Georgia, with whom he entered into a conference relative to the

situation of the Moravian Brethren there. He remonstrated against

their being called on to enlist as soldiers; and the Trustees readily

exempted them from such a liability. But as this exemption embittered

the minds of the people against them, some of the Brethren in 1738

left all their flourishing plantations, having repaid all the money

which had been advanced towards their passage and settlement, and went

to Pennsylvania. The rest were left undisturbed for awhile; but in

1739, when the troubles of war broke out afresh, being again molested

on account of military service, they followed their brethren in the

spring of 1740, and afterwards began the colonies of Bethlehem and

Nazareth." CRANZ'S _History of the United Brethren_, p. 193, 213 and

229.

XVIII.

SCOUT-BOAT.

1. This was a strong built ten-oared boat, bearing three swivel guns,

kept for exploring the river passages, visiting the islands, and for

preventing the incursions of enemies, and repelling the predatory

attempts of runaway slaves who sometimes lurked round and infested the

coast. The crew was composed of bold and hardy South Carolinians, who

lie out in the woods or in the open boat, for months together. Most of

them are good hunters and fishers; and by killing deer and other game,

subsist themselves, when the packed stores fail.

2. "_Channels_," as they are called, are water courses between the

main-land and the islands; in some places above a mile wide, in

others, not above two hundred yards. These sometimes open into what

are called "_sounds_," which are gulfs of the sea, that extend into

the land and entrances of rivers.

XIX.

The Uchee Indians had a village not far from Ebenezer, at the time of

the settlement of Georgia; but their principal town was at _Chota_, on

the western branch of the _Chattahoochee_, or, as it was more properly

spelt, _Chota-Uchee_ river. How long they had resided there we do not

know. As their language is a dialect of the Shawanees, it has been

supposed that they were descendants from that tribe. A jealousy

existed between them and the Muscogees; but they were in amity with

the Creeks, though they would not mix with them. How numerous they

were at the time of their treaty with Oglethorpe, cannot now be

ascertained.

In 1773 they lived on a beautiful plain of great extent, in a compact

village. They had houses made of timbers framed together, lathed and

plastered over with a kind of red clay, which gave them the appearance

of having been built of brick. At that time they numbered 1500, of

whom 300 were warriors. For many years they have not joined the Creeks

in any of their games or dances; and have only been kept from open

hostility with other tribes, by the influence of the white people.

[For this note I am indebted to my friend SAMUEL G. DRAKE; whose

_Biography and History of the Indians of North America_ comprises much

that can be known of the aborigines.]

XX.

OF THE MUTINY IN THE CAMP, AND ATTEMPT AT ASSASSINATION.

From the journal of William Stephens, Esq. (Vol. II. pp. 76, 90, 473,

480, 499, and 505; and Vol. III. 4, 5, 27, and 32,) I collect the

following particulars. One of the persons implicated in the insidious

plot, was William Shannon, a Roman Catholic. "He was one of the new

listed men in England, which the General brought over with him. By his

seditious behavior he merited to be shot or hanged at Spithead before

they left it, and afterwards, for the like practices at St. Simons.

Upon searching him there, he was found to have belonged to Berwick's

regiment, and had a furlough from it in his pocket." Instead of

suffering death for his treasonable conduct, in the last instance,

he was whipped and drummed out of the regiment. "Hence he rambled up

among the Indian nations, with an intent to make his way to some of

the French settlements; but being discovered by the General when he

made his progress to those parts, in the year 1739, and it being

ascertained that he had been endeavoring to persuade the Indians into

the interest of the French, he fled, but was afterwards taken and

sent down to Savannah, and committed to prison there as a dangerous

fellow." On the 14th of August, 1740, he and a Spaniard, named Joseph

Anthony Mazzique, who professed to be a travelling doctor, but had

been imprisoned upon strong presumption of being a spy, broke out of

prison and fled. On the 18th of September, they murdered two persons

at Fort Argyle, and rifled the fort. They were taken on the beginning

of October at the Uchee town, and brought back to Savannah, tried and

found guilty, condemned and executed on the 11th of November, having

previously confessed their crime.

Since my account of _the traitorous plot_ was written, as also of the

_attempt at assassination_, I have received from my friend Dr. W.B.

STEVENS, of Savannah, the following extracts from letters of

General Oglethorpe. As they state some particulars explanatory and

supplementary of the narrative which I had given, I place them here.

And this I do the rather because DR. HEWATT, (Vol. II. p. 70,) as also

Major McCALL, (Vol. I. p. 124,) in the same words, and some others,

incorporate the _treachery_ at St. Simons, and the _assault_ at St.

Andrews into a connected narrative, as one occurrence; whereas it

is very evident that the circumstances detailed were distinct; one

originating among the troops which sailed in the Hector and Blandford,

in July 1738, from England, and the other in the two companies drawn

from the garrison at Gibraltar, which came in the Whittaker in the

preceding month of May.

In reference to the first, General Oglethorpe thus wrote in a letter

to the trustees, dated, "on board the Blandford at Plymouth, July 3d,

1738."

"We have discovered that one of our soldiers has been in the Spanish

service, and that he hath stroved to seduce several men to desert with

him to them, on their arrival in Georgia. He designed also to murder

the officers, or such persons as could have money, and carry off the

plunder. Two of the gang have confessed, and accused him; but we

cannot discover the rest. The fellow has plenty of money, and he said

he was to have sixty or a hundred crowns, according to the number of

men he carried. He is yet very obstinate, refusing to give any account

of his correspondents. We shall not try him till we come to Georgia,

because we hope we shall make more discoveries."

"They left Plymouth on the 5th of July, and arrived about the 16th of

September, at Frederica."

On the 8th of October, 1738, occurs the following passage in a letter

from Frederica, to his Grace the Duke of Newcastle.

"We have discovered some men who listed themselves as spies. We took

upon one of them his furlough from Berwick's regiment in the Irish

troops. They strove to persuade some of our men to betray a post to

the Spaniards; who, instead of complying, discovered their intentions.

I have ordered a general Court Martial, for the trying of them, who

have not yet made their report. One of them owns himself a Roman

Catholic, and denies the King having any authority over him."

"I conceive," says Dr. Stevens, "that these two letters refer to one

and the same thing, viz.: that there were _spies_, which came over

with the troops who arrived in September; that they designed to betray

the English posts; that they were to murder the officers; and defeat

the object for which the regiment was sent to Georgia. But this plot

was crushed by the fact of its being discovered, the ring-leaders

seized, and a Court Martial ordered."

Writing again to the Duke of Newcastle from Frederica, November 20,

1738, Oglethorpe says,--"Those soldiers who came from Gibraltar, have

mutinied. The King gave them provisions and pay at Gibraltar. He gave

them but six months provision here; after which they were to live upon

their pay. On the expiration of their provisions, they demanded a

continuance of them, and not being able to comply with their demands,

they took to arms. One of them fired upon me. After a short skirmish

we got the better of them. One of the officers was slightly, and one

of the mutineers dangerously wounded, and five are secured prisoners,

to be tried by a Court Martial. We have strong reason to suspect

that our neighbors have tampered with these men. Many of them speak

Spanish, and some of their boats,[1] under various pretences, came up

hither before my arrival."

[Footnote 1: He refers here to boats from St. Augustine.]

Upon this Dr. Stevens remarks--"In this case the cause of mutiny had

no reference to the Spaniards. While in Gibraltar the troops had

received provisions in addition to their pay. These were continued six

months after their arrival in America; but when these were withdrawn,

and nothing but their bare pay left, they became dissatisfied;

demanded additional supplies; and, on refusal by General Oglethorpe,

took to their arms. Here was a simple cause _originating among

themselves_; in the other affair, the soldiers who created the

difficulty were acting as _agents of a foreign power_; the bribed and

acknowledged traitors to their own country. In the one case it was the

sudden outbreaking of discontent, owing to the retrenchment of their

wages; in the other, it was a premeditated and well-concerted plan,

framed by Spanish emissaries on the other side of the water, to be

executed on this."

Referring to the remark of General Oglethorpe at the close of the last

letter, as also to some suggestions in the letter of mine, to which

the foregoing was the reply, Dr. Stevens adds--"That the Spaniards

tampered with the English, and endeavored to seduce them from their

allegiance, is not to be doubted; because it was of the utmost

importance to them to create divisions in the regiment; but the one to

whom Hewatt refers, as having been 'in the Spanish service, and had so

much of a Roman Catholic spirit,' is doubtless the same spoken of by

Oglethorpe in July, upon whom a Court Martial sat in September; and

who could not, therefore, have been connected with the mutiny at Fort

St. Andrews, in November."

XXI.

FURTHER PARTICULARS OF TOMO CHICHI.

In the preceding pages are several references to Tomo Chichi, which

show how strongly he became attached to Oglethorpe; how liberal he was

in the grant of territory; how considerate in furnishing to the new

settlers venison, wild turkeys, and other articles, as opportunity

offered, and the occasion made particularly acceptable; how

serviceable he was in procuring such interviews with the Chiefs of the

Upper and Lower Creeks as led to amicable treaties; and how ready to

assist, not only with his own little tribe, but by his influence with

others, in the contests with the Spaniards. Some other notices of him,

which bring out his excellent character more prominently, but could

not be inserted in the body of this work, I have deemed to be

sufficiently interesting to be inserted here.

"There were no Indians near the Georgians, before the arrival of

Oglethorpe, except Tomo Chichi, and a small tribe of about thirty or

forty men who accompanied him. They were partly Lower Creeks, and

partly Yamasees, who had disobliged their countrymen, and, for fear of

falling sacrifices to their resentment, had wandered in the woods

till about the year 1731, when they begged leave of the Government

of Carolina to sit down at Yamacraw, on the south side of Savannah

river."[1]

[Footnote 1: Report of the Committee of the South Carolina Assembly,

on the Indian trade, 4to, 1736, p. 11.]

"Tomo Chichi had in his youth been a great warrior. He had an

excellent judgment, and a very ready wit, which showed itself in his

answers upon all occasions. He was very generous in giving away all

the rich presents he received, remaining himself in a willing poverty,

being more pleased in giving to others, than possessing himself; and

he was very mild and good natured."[1]

[Footnote 1: _Gentleman's Magazine_, 1740, Vol. X. p. 129.]

"While Oglethorpe was at Charlestown, in June 1733, an Indian shot

himself in the vicinity. His uncle, (who was a war-king,) and his

friends, finding him dead, and fancying that he had been murdered

by the English, declared that they would be revenged on them. Tomo

Chichi, being informed of the uproar, came to the place and strove to

quiet the Indians, saying that he was persuaded it could not be the

English who had killed him; and therefore desired that they would

inquire better into the matter. But the uncle, continuing in a great

rage, Tomo Chichi bared his breast and said to him, 'If you will kill

any body, kill me; for I am an Englishman.' So he pacified them; and,

upon the thorough examination of the matter, it was found that for

some days he had been in despair, and desired several different

Indians to shoot him; and an Indian boy saw him kill himself in the

following manner; he put the muzzle of his gun under his chin, and

with his great toe pushed the trigger."[1]

[Footnote 1: _New England Weekly Journal for August_ 23, 1733.]

The visit of Tomo Chichi to England was greeted in some beautiful

poetry, of which the following stanza is an extract:

"What stranger this? and from what region far?

This wonderous form, majestic to behold?

Unclothed, yet armed offensive for the war,

In hoary age, and wise experience old?

His limbs inured to hardiness and toil,

His strong large limbs, what mighty sinews brace!

Whilst truth sincere and artless virtue smile

In the expressive features of his face.

His bold, free aspect speaks the inward mind,

Awed by no slavish fear, by no vile passion blind."

Major McCALL, after giving an account of the visit of the Indians to

England, makes this declaration: "Tomo Chichi acknowledged that the

Governor of the world, or _Great Spirit_, had given the English great

wisdom, power, and riches, so that they wanted nothing. He had given

the Indians great extent of territories, yet they wanted every thing.

Therefore he exerted his influence in prevailing on the Creeks to

resign such lands to the English as were of no use to themselves, and

to allow them to settle amongst them; that they might be supplied with

useful articles for cultivation, and necessaries of life. He told them

that the English were a generous nation, and would trade with them on

the most honorable and advantageous terms; that they were brethren and

friends, and would protect them against danger, and go with them to

war against their enemies." Vol. I. p. 46.

Mr. WESLEY, in his Journal, writes July 1st, 1736: "The Indians had an

audience, and another on Saturday, when Chicali, their head man, dined

with Mr. Oglethorpe. After dinner I asked the grey-headed old man,

'What he thought he was made for?' He said, 'He that is above knows

what he made us for. We know nothing. We are in the dark. But white

men know much. And yet white men build great houses, as if they were

to live forever. In a little time white men will be dust as well as

I.' I told him, 'if red men will learn the good book, they may know as

much as white men. But neither we nor you can know that book, unless

we are taught by Him that is above; and he will not teach you unless

you avoid what you already know is not good.' He answered, 'I believe

that; He will not teach us while our hearts are not white [pure]; and

our men do what they know is not good. Therefore he that is above does

not send us the good book.'"

About TOMO CHICHI, the following is given in SPENCE'S _Anecdotes_, p.

318. (Ed. Lond. 1820.)

"When General Oglethorpe was conversing with a sensible old native of

Georgia about prayer, the latter said that 'they never prayed to God,

but left it to him to do what he thought to be best for them; that the

asking for any particular blessing, looked to him like directing God;

and if so, must be a very wicked thing. That, for his part, he thought

every thing that happened in the world was as it should be; that God,

of himself, would do for every one what was consistent with the good

of the whole; and that our duty to him was to be content with whatever

happened in general, and thankful for all the good that happened to us

in particular.'"

The speech of Tomo Chichi, on presenting _the feather of an Eagle_ to

Oglethorpe, is very expressive in his own laconic explication. By a

little paraphrase it may be understood to import: "The Eagle has a

sharp beak for his enemies, but down on his breast for his friend. He

has strong wings, for he is aspiring; but they give shelter to feeble

ones, for he is naturally propitious."

"TOMO CHICHI died on the 5th of October, 1739, at his own town, four

miles from Savannah, of a lingering illness, being aged about 97. He

was sensible to the last minutes; and when he was persuaded his death

was near, he showed the greatest magnanimity and sedateness, and

exhorted his people never to forget the favors he had received from

the King when in England, but to persevere in their friendship

with the English. He expressed the greatest tenderness for General

Oglethorpe, and seemed to have no concern at dying, but its being at a

time when his life might be useful against the Spaniards. He desired

that his body might be buried among the English, in the town of

Savannah, since it was he that had prevailed with the Creek Indians

to give the land, and had assisted in the founding of the town.

The corpse was brought down by water. The General, attended by the

Magistrates and people of the town, met it upon the water's edge. The

corpse was carried into the Percival square. The pall was supported by

the General, Colonel Stephens, Colonel Montaigute, Mr. Carteret,

Mr. Lemon, and Mr. Maxwell. It was followed by the Indians, and

Magistrates, and people of the town. There was the respect paid of

firing minute guns from the battery all the time of the procession;

and funeral firing by the militia, who were under arms. The General

has ordered a pyramid of stone which is dug in this neighborhood, to

be erected over the grave, which being in the centre of the town, will

be a great ornament to it, as well as testimony of gratitude."[1]

[Footnote 1: _Gentleman's Magazine_, 1740, Vol. X. p. 129, and _London

Magazine_, 1758, Vol. LVII. p. 24. The account of the death and

funeral of Tomo Chichi, much like the above, is given in the Journal

of W. STEPHENS, who was present. Vol. II. p. 153.]

As a frontispiece to one of the volumes of URLSPERGER'S _Journal

of the Saltzburg Emigrants_, is an engraving of _Tomo Chichi and

Toonahowi_, which bears the inscription, "TOMO CHICHI, _Mico_, and

TOONAHOWI, the son of his brother, the Mice, or king of Etichitas;

engraved in Augsburg after the London original, by John Jacob

Kleinshmidt."

In 1738, a dramatic entertainment in three acts, entitled Timbo

Chiqui, was published by John Cleland. [NICHOLS'S _Literary

Anecdotes_, Vol. II. p. 459.]

TOONAHOWI was killed, valiantly fighting for the English against the

Yamasee Indians, at Lake di Pupa, in 1743.

XXII.

MANIFESTO BY GENERAL OGLETHORPE.

_Charlestown, April_ 1, 1740.

Whereas upon mature deliberation it is resolved to defend these

Provinces by invading the Province of Florida, and attacking St.

Augustine, in order to remove the enemy that from thence may molest

his Majesty's subjects in America, which enemy both have and do

continue to foment and countenance the slaves to rebellion, burning

houses, murders, and other cruelties, of which the circumstances of

the late massacre in this Province is too sad a proof; and whereas the

General Assembly of this Province hath ordered forces to be raised, so

that an army composed of various troops and Indians are to assist in

invading the Spanish dominions of Florida; I, therefore, to prevent

any disorders that may arise in the said army by virtue of powers

received from his Majesty authorizing and empowering me, (for the

better government of the forces during their continuance under my

command,) to prepare and publish such rules and ordinances as are fit

to be observed by all officers and soldiers: in regard, therefore, to

the regiment of foot raised in South Carolina, I do constitute and

appoint that Alexander Vanderdussen, Esq., Colonel of the said

regiment, paid by the government of South Carolina, shall hold

regimental courts martial for the trials of such offences as shall be

committed by the officers and soldiers of that regiment; and that the

said court martial shall consist of the officers of that regiment

only; and that the Colonel of the said regiment shall sit as President

of the said regimental courts martial, and make a report to me, and

that according to the judgment of the said Courts I shall cause

sentence to be pronounced, in case I approve of the same, or otherwise

suspend the same as I shall see cause. And I do further declare that

this authority shall continue for the space of four months from the

commencement of the said expedition, and no longer; and that after the

expiration of the said four months, or other sooner determination of

the said expedition, every officer and soldier, whether volunteers

from, or in the pay of the government of Carolina, shall have free

liberty to depart and return to their habitations, and that a free

pass (if by them required,) shall be respectively granted unto them,

against being impressed, impeded, enlisted, or detained, by any

authority, civil or military, whatsoever, that may be exercised by or

derived from me.

And I do further declare that if the officers of his Majesty's ships

of war shall land men to assist the land forces, one full moiety of

all the plunder that shall be taken in such service, shall go to the

officers and men in his Majesty's said sea-service, whose ships are

assisting in the said expedition; and that all plunder taken and

accruing to the officers and men in the land service shall be divided

among the officers and men of the land service, in the same manner and

proportion as prizes are distributed among the officers and men in

his Majesty's sea-service, according to the laws and rules of his

Majesty's navy.

And I do further declare that whatever share of plunder shall come to

me as General and commander of the said forces, I will apply the same

totally towards the relief of such men as may happen to be maimed or

wounded in the said expedition, and towards assisting the widows and

children of any of the said forces that may happen to be killed in

the said service; and for the rewarding of such as shall perform any

distinguished brave action.

No Indian enemy is to be taken as a slave, for all Spanish and

Indian prisoners do belong to his Majesty, and are to be treated as

prisoners, and not as slaves.

JAMES OGLETHORPE.

XXIII.

COLONEL PALMER.

"As no final agreement with respect to the limits of the two provinces

had been concluded, the Indians in alliance with Spain continued to

harass the British settlements. Scalping parties of the Yamasees

frequently penetrated into Carolina; killed white men, and carried

off every negro they could find. Though the owners of slaves had been

allowed from the Spanish government a compensation in money for their

losses, yet few of them ever received it. At length Colonel Palmer

resolved to make reprisals upon the plunderers. For this purpose he

gathered together a party of militia and friendly Indians, consisting

of about three hundred men, and entered Florida with a resolution of

spreading desolation throughout the province. He carried his arms as

far as the gates of St. Augustine, and compelled the inhabitants to

take refuge in their castle. Scarce a house or hut in the Colony

escaped the flames. He destroyed their provisions in the fields; drove

off their hogs, cattle, and horses; and left the Floridians little

property, except what was protected by the guns of their fort. By this

expedition he demonstrated to the Spaniards their weakness; and that

the Carolinians, whenever they pleased, could prevent the cultivation

and settlement of their Province so as to render the improvement of

it impracticable on any other than peaceable terms with their

neighbors."[1]

[Footnote 1: HEWATT'S _History of South Carolina_, Vol. I. p. 314, and

Dr. RAMSAY'S _History of South Carolina_, Vol. I. p. 137; where it is

quoted, word for word, without acknowledgment.]

XXIV.

AN ACCOUNT OF THE SIEGE OF ST. AUGUSTINE, IN A LETTER FROM ON BOARD

THE HECTOR.

"May 30th, [1740] we arrived near St. Augustine. June 1st we were

joined by the Flamborough, Captain Pearse; the Phoenix, Captain

Fanshaw; the Tartar, Captain Townshend; and the Squirrel, Capt.

Warren, of twenty guns each; besides the Spence Sloop, Captain Laws,

and the Wolf, Captain Dandridge. On the 2d Colonel Vanderdussen, with

three hundred Carolina soldiers, appeared to the north of the town. On

the 9th General Oglethorpe came by sea with three hundred soldiers and

three hundred Indians from Georgia: on the which they were carried on

shore in the men-of-war's boats, under the cover of the small ships'

guns. They landed on the Island Eustatia, without opposition, and took

the look-out. The 13th Captain Warren, in a schooner and other armed

sloops and pettiauguas anchored in their harbor, just out of cannon

shot, until the 26th, when the sailors were employed in landing

ordnance and other stores, within reach of the enemy's cannon. On

which occasion they discovered a surprising spirit and intrepidity.

The same night two batteries were raised; but too far off. The 27th

the General summoned the Governor to surrender; who sent word he

should be glad to shake hands with him in his castle. This haughty

answer was occasioned by a dear-bought victory which five hundred

Spaniards had obtained over eighty Highlanders, fifty of whom were

slain; but died like heroes, killing thrice their number. The 29th,

bad weather, obliged the men-of-war to put to sea, out of which but

one man had been killed. Hereupon the siege was raised."

_Letter from General Oglethorpe to Rev. J.M. Bolzius_.

REVEREND SIR,

Though God has not been pleased to prosper us with the success of

taking St. Augustine, yet we are to thank him for the safe return of

the greatest part of our men, and that the pride of our enemy has been

curbed.

Those men who came from Ebenezer, and that were in the Carolina

regiment, I have ordered to be sent up to you again.

I recommend myself to your prayers,

and am, Reverend Sir,

Your most obedient humble servant,

JAMES OGLETHORPE.

_Frederica_, 5 _August_, 1740.

_From the Gentleman's Magazine, for November_, 1740.

A letter in the Daily Post of the 26th, dated from Charlestown, South

Carolina, having laid the ill success at Fort St. Augustine on the ill

conduct of ----, some particulars of which are: 1st, that the cattle

taken at a cow-pen of one Diego, twenty-five miles from the town, May

12, were not distributed to the soldiery; 2d, that the people might

have entered the town without opposition, but were not suffered; 3d,

that the men were needlessly harassed; 4th, that Colonel Palmer, who

was sent to Negro Fort, two miles from the town, with one hundred and

thirty-three men to alarm the Spaniards was not supported by ----, who

staid six or seven miles off; 5th, that Colonel Palmer being attacked

by five hundred Spaniards, shot three of them after they had entered

the fort; 6th, that Captain Warren was the life and spirit of the

cause; 7th, that the Volunteers, seeing no prospect of succeeding

under such mad conduct, as they called it, daily went off,--the

following answer was published.

"Upon seeing a letter misrepresenting, in the most false and malicious

manner, the late expedition against St. Augustine; aiming thereby to

defame the character of a gentleman, whose unwearied endeavors for the

public service, have greatly impaired his health; and as I, who am a

Captain in General Oglethorpe's regiment, was present, and acted

upon that occasion as Brigadier Major, and must know the whole

transactions, I think it my duty to take notice of it.

"As to the cow-pen it speaks of, it is a square Fort, with four

carriage guns and four swivel guns, and had a garrison in it of

forty-seven soldiers of the regular troops, and seven negroes, who

were all made prisoners of war. The cattle found there, and in parts

adjacent, were distributed to the King's troops and the Carolina

regiment.

"In respect to the Carolina people being ready to enter the town of

Augustine without opposition; it is entirely false, and without the

least foundation.

"In regard to Colonel Palmer's misfortune, who was killed in the first

fire from the Spaniards; he brought it upon himself by disobeying

the orders he received, which positively enjoined his keeping in the

woods, and avoiding action, and by acting contrary to the advice of

the officers under his command, some of whom were present when he

received his orders, and lodging himself in the Negro Fort Moosa,

where they were surrounded and defeated; the gates of which fort, and

the house within it, the General had before burnt.

"With respect to the Carolina Volunteers; that they did go away is

certain, without leave given, or asked, and their Captain with them. A

Captain of the Carolina regiment also left his command in the guard of

the trenches, without being relieved, or asking any leave, and went

with them. After such behavior, what credit can be given to such men,

though termed persons of note?

"As to Captain Warren, whose name is mentioned to endeavor to throw an

odium elsewhere; I am convinced by the personal acquaintance I have

with him, that he will upon all occasions, do his duty in the service

of his King and country; as also Captain Law and Captain Townshend,

that were ashore with him.

"The morning after we landed upon the Island of Anastatia, I stood by

while Captain Warren read to General Oglethorpe a letter to Captain

Pearse, then Commodore, acquainting him of our landing without any

loss, and the Spaniards withdrawing from that Island, on which Captain

Warren said, all that was now necessary to secure the reduction of the

place, was the taking of the Spanish galleys, which undertaking he

would himself head with the King's boats under the cannon of the fort,

if he would give him leave. Several councils of war were held on

board his Majesty's ships by the sea captains, but Captain Warren's

proposition was not undertaken.

"Lest malicious people should suggest that I might be sent to England

by General Oglethorpe on this occasion, I solemnly declare, that I

came at my own desire by his leave, and had no instructions from him,

directly or indirectly, concerning this affair; but my regard to

truth, and abhorrence of all false and malicious reports whatsoever,

have induced me to publish this, to which I set my name. HUGH

MACKLEY."

_Johnson's Court, Charing Cross, Nov_. 29, 1740.

XXV.

SPANISH INVASION.

For details of the Spanish invasion in 1742, I refer to the

_Gentleman's Magazine_, Vol. XII. pages 494, 496, 550, and 661; and

would here remark that Patrick Sutherland, Lieutenant of General

Oglethorpe's regiment, was sent express to England to give an

account of the war, and was furnished with a minute Journal of the

occurrences; but, being taken by a Spanish privateer, he threw his

papers into the sea. A circumstantial relation, however, having been

sent by another conveyance to the Trustees, was attested and confirmed

by Lieutenant Sutherland on his arrival in London; and was published

in the _London Gazette_ of December 25th, and thence transferred into

the _Gentleman's Magazine_, for 1742, p. 693, and was afterwards

repeated in the _London Magazine_ for 1758, p. 79. There is also

in HARRIS'S _Collection of Voyages_, Vol. II. p. 324-347, a very

particular account of the Spanish invasion, which is introduced by

the following remarks: "As to the manner in which they executed it at

last; and the amazing disappointment they met with, notwithstanding

the vast force they employed, and the smallness of that by which they

were assisted, we had so full, so clear, and so authentic an account

published by authority, that I know of no method more fit to convey an

idea of it, or less liable to any exceptions than transcribing it." Of

this I have freely availed myself, and have distinguished the direct

quotations by inverted commas, but without repeating the references in

marginal notes.

This account is concluded with the following remarks: "I must observe,

before I conclude this chapter, that if there be any thing in it which

ought in a particular manner to claim the attention of the public, it

is, in a great measure, due to the lights afforded by the Honorable

James Oglethorpe, from whom, if the author has caught any part of that

generous spirit which inclines a man to bend all his thoughts and turn

all his labors to the service of his country, it is but just that he

should acknowledge it; and this he is the more ready to do, because,

if there be any merit in his performance, capable of making it known

to and esteemed by posterity, he would willingly consecrate it as a

mark of his esteem and gratitude for the many informations he has

received, and the right turn that has been given to his inquiries, by

that knowing and worthy person, who is equally happy in rendering the

greatest personal services himself to the community, and in infusing

the like disposition in others, both by his example and conversation."

Some extracts are also inserted in my narrative from _an account of

the Invasion of Georgia, taken from the Diary of the Preachers at

Ebenezer_. [URLSPERGER, Vol. IV. p. 1252.] This is principally derived

from intelligence by despatches to Savannah, and contains three

letters from Oglethorpe. Just as my manuscript was going to the press,

I was favored by my obliging friend, Dr. Stevens, of Savannah, with

a copy of General Oglethorpe's despatch to the Duke of Newcastle; in

season, however, to profit by it.

XXVI.

COPY OF AN ORDER FOR A THANKSGIVING TO BE HELD TO THE PRAISE OF GOD,

THAT HE HAS PUT AN END TO THE SPANISH INVASION.[1]

[Footnote 1: From the German translation of the Reverend Mr. Bolzius.]

Almighty god has at all times displayed his power and mercy in the

wonderful and gracious delivery of his Church; and in the protection

of pious and godly rulers and people, who have acknowledged and served

him, against the ungodly conspiracies and violent practices of all

their enemies. He has by the interposition of his Providence rescued

us from the assaults of the Spaniards. They came out against us with

fourteen sail of light galleys, into Cumberland sound, but fear came

upon them, and they fled at his rebuke. Again they came with a mighty

fleet of thirty-six ships and vessels, into Jekyl sound, and after

a sharp contest became masters of the fort, since we had but four

vessels to oppose their whole force; but He was there the shield of

our people; for, in the unequal conflict in which we held out bravely

for four hours, not one of our men was killed, although many of theirs

were, and five by a single shot. They landed with four thousand

five hundred men upon this island, according to the account of the

prisoners we took, yea even of the Englishmen who escaped from

them. The first party marched through the woods towards this town,

(Frederica) when, before a small number of our people, they were

dispersed, and fled. Another party which supported that, fought also,

but was discomfited. We may say surely the hand of God was raised for

our defence, for in the two skirmishes more than five hundred fled

before fifty; though the enemy fought vigorously a long time, and,

especially, fired their grenades with great spirit; but their shooting

did little hurt, so that not one of us was killed; but they were

thrown into great confusion, and pursued with so great loss, that

according to the account of the Spaniards since made prisoners, more

than two hundred returned not to their camp again. They advanced with

their galleys against our fortress, but were disappointed and withdrew

without discharging a shot. After this, fear came upon them, and they

fled, leaving behind them some cannon, and many other things which

they had taken on shore. Next, with twenty-eight sail they attacked

Fort William, in which there were only fifty men, and after a contest

of three hours, they desisted, and left the Province.

And so wonderfully were we protected and preserved, that in this great

and formidable conflict but few of our men were taken, and but three

killed. Truly the Lord hath done great things for us, by rescuing us

from the power of a numerous foe, who boasted that they would conquer

and dispossess us. Not our strength or might hath saved us; our

salvation is of the Lord. Therefore it is highly becoming us to render

thanks to God our deliverer. For this purpose, and in regard to these

considerations, I hereby appoint that the twenty-fifth day of this

month should be held as a day of public THANKSGIVING to Almighty God

for his great deliverance, and the end that is put to this Spanish

invasion. And I enjoin that every one observe this festival in a

christian and godly manner; abstaining from intemperance and excess,

and from all extravagant signs of rejoicing.

Given under my own hand and seal this twenty-first day of July, at

Frederica in Georgia, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven

hundred and forty-two.

JAMES OGLETHORPE.

[Under the date of September, the Rev. Mr. Bolzius makes this entry in

his diary--"Mr. Jones told me lately, that the people and soldiers at

Frederica, on the day when the Thanksgiving was held, observed such a

stillness and good order as he had never seen there. There was also a

very pertinent and devout ascription of praise read, which he (and

Mr. Jones is a good judge of edifying things,) pronounce to be very

excellent; and, moreover, he maintained that it must have been

prepared and composed by General Oglethorpe himself, for there was

neither preacher nor school-master at Frederica at that time."[1]]

[Footnote 1: URLSPERGER, IV. p. 1261.]

XXVII.

A LIST OF THE SPANISH FORCES EMPLOYED IN THE INVASION OF GEORGIA,

UNDER THE COMMAND OF DON MANUEL DE MONTEANO.

One Regiment of dismounted Dragoons, 400

Havana Regiment, 500

Havana Militia, 1000

Regiment of Artillery, 400

Florida Militia, 400

Batalion of Mulattoes, 300

Black Regiment, 400

Indians, 90

Marines, 600

Seamen, 1000

----

Total 5090

General Oglethorpe's command consisted of,

His Regiment, 472

Company of Rangers, 30

Highlanders, 50

Armed Militia, 40

Indians, 60

----

Total 652

Ensign Stewart's command at Fort William, on the south end of

Cumberland Island, consisted of sixty men. Fort William was about

fifty miles south-west from Frederica.

XXVIII.

A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE SILK CULTURE IN GEORGIA,

BY WILLIAM B. STEVENS, M.D.

One of the principal designs which influenced the settlement of

Georgia, was the hope of thereby creating a silk-growing province,

where that material for which England had so long been indebted

to France, Italy and China, could be produced in this colonial

dependency.

As early as 1609, the subject engaged the attention of the adventurers

to Virginia, and in a pamphlet, called "Nova Brittannia offering most

excellent fruites by planting in Virginia," published that year, the

writer says "there are silkeworms, and plenty of mulberie-trees,

whereby ladies, gentlewomen and little children (being set in the way

to do it) may bee all imploied with pleasure, making silke comparable

to that of Persia, Turkey, or any other." In 1650, Mr. Samuel Hartlib

published a work entitled "Virginia Discovery of Silk Wormes, with

their Benefits," in which he endeavored to show that the raising of

silk was a thing very practicable in Virginia, and even asserted that

as a staple, it might be made superior to tobacco, in which opinion he

was confirmed by the judgment of several others. That they made some

advances in this culture, is evident from the fact that the Coronation

robe of Charles II., in 1660, was made of silk reeled in that colony,

and even so late as 1730, three hundred pounds of the raw material

were exported from Virginia. Tobacco, however, soon assumed and

maintained the ascendancy, to the exclusion of this more useful and

beautiful produce.

In 1703, Sir Nathaniel Johnson introduced the silk culture into South

Carolina, but the astonishing success which rewarded the casual

introduction of rice into the plantation about eight years before,

precluded a just interest in the undertaking, and as a public and

recognized commodity it soon came to naught, though several persons,

more for amusement than profit, still gave their attention to it; and

as late as 1755, Mrs. Pinckney, the same lady to whom the province was

indebted for the first cultivation of indigo ten years before, reeled

sufficient silk in the vicinity of Charleston to make three dresses,

one of which was presented to the Princess Dowager of Wales, another

to Lord Chesterfield, and the third, says Ramsay, who narrates the

circumstance, "is now (1809) in Charleston in the possession of her

daughter, Mrs. Horrey, and is remarkable for its beauty, firmness and

strength."

But notwithstanding these failures and the known difficulty of

introducing a new branch of agriculture into a country, as was

evidenced by the compulsion which was necessary by Henry IV.

to introduce it into France, against the united voices of the

merchants-traders, and even in opposition to the Duke of Sully, and

also the indifference manifested in England, notwithstanding the able

proclamation of King James on the subject, commanding its cultivation;

the Trustees for the settlement of Georgia determined to make one more

effort, which, if successful, would enrich both the province and the

mother country. The views which they entertained, however, of making

Georgia supplant every silk-growing country, were extravagant and

erroneous; they expected, in fact, to supply all Europe, and to

produce an article of equal strength, beauty and value, with any made

on the Continent. The Piedmontese, thought they, who pay half of their

silk for the rent of the mulberry trees and the eggs of the worm, or

the peasants of France, burdened with political difficulty and stinted

for conveniences, could not cope with the settlers of Georgia, where

the mulberry (morus alba) trees would grow in the greatest luxuriance,

where timber for their fabrics was no expense, where room was abundant

and the reward sure. By this transfer, in addition to a direct saving

to England of over 500,000_l_. which she paid for this article to

foreign countries, twenty thousand people were to find employment in

rearing it in Georgia, and as many more at home in preparing it for

market.

Among the first emigrants who sailed with Oglethorpe from England in

November 1732, was Mr. Amatis, from Piedmont, who was engaged by the

Trustees to introduce the art of silk-winding into the colony, and who

for that purpose brought with him several Italians and some adequate

machinery. White mulberry trees were planted in a portion of land on

the eastern border of the city, called the Trustees' garden; eggs were

hatched, and silk spun "as fine as any from France or Italy." They

soon, however, came to a mutual rupture, and the whole process was for

a time suspended by the treachery of those employed, who broke the

machinery, spoiled the seed, destroyed the trees, and then escaped to

Carolina. Sufficient, however, had been wrought to test its value,

and they were not discouraged by this inauspicious commencement. The

Trustees still adhered to their design, and the more effectually to

advance it, required of every settler that there should be on his

grant, ten mulberry trees to each acre.

Mr. Camuse and his wife, both Italians, were now entrusted with this

business, in which they were continued six years; the two first at a

salary of 60_l_. per annum, and the four last at 100_l_. besides the

rent of a dwelling house and garden.

In June 1734, General Oglethorpe carried eight pounds of raw silk, the

first produced in Georgia, to England, which was followed by a small

trunk full of the same article, on the 2d of April, 1735, and after

being made into orgazine, by the engine of Sir Thomas Lombe, at Derby,

who said that it "proved exceedingly good through all the operations,"

was sent up to London on the 13th of August, 1735, when the Trustees,

together with Sir Thomas Lombe, waited on her majesty Queen Caroline

and exhibited to her the elegant specimen of Georgia silk. The queen

selected a portion of this parcel to be wove into a pattern, and being

again waited on by these gentlemen and Mr. Booth, the silk weaver, on

the 21st of September, she expressed "a great satisfaction for the

beauty and fineness of the silk, the richness of the pattern, and

at seeing so early a product from that colony;" and to express her

pleasure at such a favorable result, a complete court-dress was made

from it, and on His Majesty's next birth-day, she appeared at the

levee in a full robe of Georgia silk.

On the return of Oglethorpe, in 1735, he renewed his endeavors to

bring it into active operation. For the purpose of obtaining a

sufficient quantity of seed, he allowed no silk to be reeled that

year, but let the worms deposit their eggs. He required, also, that

the Italian women should teach a number of the colonists, and thus

render general the knowledge they could impart. The Saltzburgers at

Ebenezer were the most forward to adopt his views, and in March 28,

1736, Rev. Mr. Bolzius gave one tree to each inhabitant as a present

from Oglethorpe, and two of his congregation were instructed in the

art of reeling, by Mrs. Camuse. But though Oglethorpe gave Mr. Bolzius

trees, silk worms, and a book of instructions, yet he confesses that

he felt no interest in the business, nor inclination to pursue it.

In July, 1739, Mr. Samuel Augspourger carried over a parcel of raw

silk which he received from Mr. Jones, the Trustees' store-keeper in

Savannah, and which was declared by eminent judges to be "equal to any

Italian silk, and worth full twenty shillings per pound."

On May 11, 1741, Mr. Bolzius in his journal states that twenty girls,

during the last two months, succeeded in making seventeen pounds of

cocoons which were sold on Friday last at Savannah for 3_l_. 8_s_.

During this year, General Oglethorpe advanced to Bolzius 5_l_. for

procuring trees, for which sum he obtained twelve hundred, and

distributed twenty-two to each family in his parish.

On May 1, 1742, fourteen pounds and fourteen ounces were sold, which

brought 2_l_. 19_s_. 6_d_. Nearly half of the silkworms died at

Savannah, owing, as was then supposed, either to poisoned dew or warm

weather.

December 4, 1742, General Oglethorpe sent five hundred trees to

Ebenezer, with the promise of more if required. The indifference of

the good Mr. Bolzius had by this time passed away, and he was now a

zealous advocate for its extension. A machine was erected near his

house, and two women succeeded very well, by which the people

were stimulated to renewed exertions, and a public Filature was

contemplated. The enterprise of these Germans, seemed to excite the

envious disposition of Mrs. Camuse, with whom had been placed two

women from Ebenezer; but the conduct of Mrs. C. in withholding

information, rendered their acquirement inadequate, and Mr. Bolzius

withdrew them from her charge. The first parcel of silk made, was sent

to the Trustees, who expressed themselves pleased with its quality. In

1745, the weight of cocoons was two hundred and fifty-three pounds,

and of spun silk sixteen and three-quarters. In 1746, the weight of

cocoons was three hundred and forty-four pounds, and of spun silk

eighteen pounds. Early in this year a machine for winding, and coppers

for baking, together with appropriate treatises on the art, were sent

over by the Trustees, but the people were indifferent and apathetic.

The Germans, however, were as active as formerly, and Mr. Bolzius, in

a letter to Von Munch, dated May 6, 1747, says, that "the people last

winter planted more mulberry trees than for thirteen years before,"

for which he promised them a bounty of one shilling for every tree

which yielded one hundred pounds of leaves. The silk balls raised at

this place this year, were over four hundred pounds, three hundred and

sixty-six pounds of which sold for 36_l_. 12_s_. 10-1/2_d_. The amount

raised in the whole colony, was eight hundred and forty-seven

pounds of cocoons, and sixty-two pounds of spun silk. In 1748, the

Saltzburgers reared four hundred and sixty-four pounds, but their

small trees were destroyed, and some of the larger ones injured,

by the late frost. They this year succeeded admirably in spinning

twenty-four pounds of raw silk, the want of a chimney and proper

basins, which had impeded them before, in their rude building, having

been remedied. The President, writing to Secretary Martyn, December

11, 1746, says, "The fundamental cause of its stagnation, is the

unaccountable backwardness of some of our dames and damsels to employ

themselves in attending to the worms during the time of feeding, which

I have frequently taken notice of, and it cannot be imputed to the

want of leaves."

During the same period only thirty-four pounds of spun silk were

raised by the Trustees' agent in Savannah. Mr. Bolzius, under date

of February 15th, 1749, thus writes: "the weather being now warm and

pleasant, the mulberry trees have put forth their young leaves, and

our people are now turning their minds towards making of silk," and

then, after expressing his surprise, that so few were disposed to this

culture, adds, "one reason for this reluctance, is ascribed to the

circumstance that, by ordinary labor, about two shillings might be

obtained per day, whereas scarcely a shilling could be earned in the

same time, by the silk concern." Seven hundred and sixty-two pounds of

cocoons were raised, and fifty pounds thirteen ounces spun silk, and

there were two machines erected in Mr. Bolzius's yard which drew off

twenty-four ounces per day. On the 29th September, 1749, the Trustees

promised 2_l_. to every woman, who shall make herself mistress of

the art of winding, in one year. And they also gave Rev. Mr. Bolzius

permission to erect ten sheds, with clay furnaces, at an expense of

not more than 2_l_. each, and ten machines for reeling, at thirty

shillings each, which he says could be made better than those at

Savannah for 3_l_.; they also sent them ten basins, and the good

Germans felt the impulse of this substantial encouragement. In 1750,

though the people in other parts of the colony mostly relinquished

the silk culture, the inhabitants of Ebenezer continued vigorously

employed and interested in it. On the 2d of June they received ten

kettles from the Trustees, one of which, and a reeling machine, were

given to each mistress in the art of spinning, and two of the best

artisans received 5_l_. for giving instruction to fourteen young

women, to each of whom was bestowed 1_l_. for attention and industry.

Over a thousand pounds of cocoons were raised at Ebenezer, and

seventy-four pounds two ounces raw silk made, producing (the price

being then thirty shillings) over 110_l_. sterling. As illustrative of

the luxuriant growth of the mulberry, it may be interesting to state,

that two trees in front of the Parsonage, ten years old, measured

three feet eight inches in circumference. In December of this year,

eight more copper basins were received, and public confidence in the

success of the undertaking seemed revived, notwithstanding Mr. Camuse

and family had left the Province, and settled at Purysburgh, in South

Carolina.

On the 25th December, 1750, Mr. Pickering Robinson, who, together

with Mr. James Habersham, had been appointed the preceding August a

commissioner to promote more effectually the culture of silk, arrived

in Savannah.

Mr. Robinson had been sent to France, at the expense of the Trustees,

to study the management of filatures and the necessary processes for

preparing the article for market, and thus, though no operative,

was qualified to take the directorship of so important a branch of

industry. His salary was 100_l_. per annum; 25_l_. for a clerk, and a

tract of land was also granted him, which, in 1763, sold for 1300_l_.

Mr. Robinson brought with him a large quantity of silkworm seed, but

all failed, save about half an ounce; the commissioners determined at

once to erect a filature, which should be a normal school to the whole

province, and it was their opinion that it would be "a sufficient

nursery to supply, in three or four years, as many reelers as will be

wanted, when we make no doubt of many private filatures being erected,

which can only make their culture a general staple." The dimensions

were thirty-six feet by twenty, rough boarded, with a loft or upper

story, for the spreading out of the green cocoons. It was commenced on

the 4th of March, 1751. On the 1st of April, the basins were put up,

and on the 8th of May the reeling began. To encourage the colonists,

the Trustees proposed to purchase all the balls, and wind them at

their own expense, and paid from 1_s_. 6_d_. to 2_s_. 4_d_. per pound

for green cocoons. The Commissioners separated the cocoons into three

sorts: 1st, perfect cones; 2d, the spongy and fuzzy; and 3d, the

spotted, stained, and dupions. This arrangement, however, gave great

offence to some of the residents in Savannah and Purysburgh, and

Messrs. Robinson and Habersham requested the Vice President and

assistants to determine the respective prices and publicly announce

the same, which they did on the 26th April, by a proclamation, wherein

by way of bounty, they promised to pay for cocoons delivered at their

store in Savannah, the following sums, namely, for cocoons made by

one worm, hard, weighty and good substance, 2_s_. per pound; for the

weaker quality, pointed, spotted, or bruised, 1_s_. 3_d_.; for dupions

(those made by two worms), 6_d_.; for raw silk, from 1st quality

cocoons 14_s_. per pound; for that made from 2d quality, 12_s_.; the

product of the double cones, 6_s_. per pound; and they also offered,

if delivered at the filature, for best cocoons, 3_s_. 6_d_.; for

middling 1_s_. 8_d_.; and for inferior 1_s_. 1_d_., a series of prices

truly astonishing, when we reflect that the real merchantable worth of

a pound of cocoons is scarcely ever 6_d_.

Experiments were made at the filature to ascertain the relative

quantity of each of these qualities, in a given weight of cocoons, and

the results were, that in fifty pounds of green cocoons, there were

twenty-seven pounds of the first sort, ten pounds four ounces of the

second, and twelve pounds twelve ounces of the third. After curing or

baking, these fifty pounds weighed only forty-six pounds five ounces,

showing a loss in ponderosity of nearly eight per cent. Beside the

arrangement above specified, the cocoons were still further divided

for the purpose of reeling into white and yellow, and these again,

subdivided into five each, namely, 1st, hard and weighty; 2d, little

woolly and weaker; 3d, very woolly and soft; 4th, spotted and much

bruised; 5th, double worms.

Mr. Camuse, son, and daughter, who, it appears, gave the commissioners

no little trouble by their perverse conduct, returned to Savannah and

were engaged to labor at the filature, at three shillings per day,

at which Mr. Habersham exclaims, "monstrous wages!" The reelers now

advanced with much proficiency, and five of them, on the 10th of May,

wound off eleven pounds of cocoons each. The proportion of raw silk to

the cocoons, appeared, on a variety of trials, to be nearly in this

ratio:--

oz.

10th May, 1751, 55 lbs. cocoons, 1st quality, produced 117-7/8.

11th " " 8 " " " " 6-9 per thread 18-1/2.

13th " " 11 " " " " produced 21-1/2.

15th " " 55 " " 2d " " 109.

18th " " 20 " " " " " 24.

22d " " 15 " " 1st " " 20-3/4.

" " " 10 " " 2d " " 13-1/2.

The whole amount of cocoons raised in the province, was six thousand

three hundred and one pounds, of which two thousand pounds came

from Ebenezer, and four thousand pounds were made at Whitefield's

Orphan-house. Two hundred and sixty-nine pounds and one ounce of raw

silk, and one hundred and sixty-one pounds of filogee, were prepared,

notwithstanding over three hundred and eighty pounds were lost by

vermin, fire and mould. The expense of the culture was large this

year, owing to the erection of the filature, &c., which swelled the

sum to 609_l_. 9_s_. 8-1/2_d_. sterling. The private journals of that

day kept at Savannah and Ebenezer, acquaint us, in some measure, with

the arduous nature of the commissioners' labors, and the difficulties

they encountered from the want of funds, the intractableness of

laborers, the novelty of the attempt, the imperfections of machinery,

and the bitter opposition of those who should have sustained and

encouraged them. The public duties of Mr. Habersham prevented his

constant attention to this business; but the whole time of Mr.

Robinson was devoted to the filature, directing the sorters, aiding

the novices, advising the reelers, and in every way exerting himself

to obtain success. His engagement with the Trustees expired on

the 30th of August, 1751, but finding that his intended departure

depressed the friends of the culture, he was solicited by the local

government to remain another year, and, generously sacrificing private

to public interests, he complied with their request. Mr. Habersham

thus speaks of Mr. Robinson. "I think him the most prudent as well as

the most capable person I ever knew, to undertake such a work, and if

he could be continued here, I doubt not but that he would turn out

a number of well instructed reelers, who would be able to conduct

filatures at Ebenezer, Augusta, and other parts of the province." So

great was the confidence which the Trustees had in him, that he was

appointed an assistant in the government at Savannah; an honor which

he declined, and in the same letter stated, "If due encouragement

be not given to the culture of raw silk, for the term of at least

fourteen years, I positively cannot think of settling in America."

These gentlemen recommended the building of a house, sixty feet by

twenty-six, as a cocoonry, great loss having been experienced for the

want of such a structure.

In 1752, Mr. Robinson returned to England, and his place was partially

supplied by Joseph Ottolenghe, a native of Piedmont, and a proficient

in his art, who came to Georgia on the 18th of July, 1751, and took

charge of the filature in April, 1753. In a letter to Lee Martyn,

dated September 11, 1753, Mr. Ottolenghe says, that "there were fewer

cocoons raised this year, as the worms mostly hatched before the trees

leaved," and that "the people were willing to continue the business."

One hundred and ninety-seven pounds of raw silk were made this year,

and three hundred and seventy-six pounds in 1754, besides twenty-four

pounds of filosele. The people of Augusta became interested in

this manufacture, and entered with considerable spirit into the

undertaking, promising to send hands to Savannah, yearly, to learn the

art of reeling: their enthusiasm, however, soon evaporated.

On the 29th of March, 1755, a certificate, signed by thirty-nine

eminent silk-throwsters and weavers, was given to the "Commissioners

for Trade and Plantations," stating that after examining three hundred

pounds of raw silk, imported from Georgia, "we do sincerely declare

that the nature and texture is truly good, the color beautiful, the

thread as even and as clear as the best Piedmont (called wire silk) of

the size, and much clearer and even than the usual Italian silks;" and

furthermore, "it could be worked with less waste than China silk, and

has all the properties of good silk well adapted to the weaver's art

in most branches."

In 1755, five thousand four hundred and eighty-eight pounds of cocoons

were raised, and four hundred and thirty-eight pounds of raw silk

spun. The good effects of the filature were now happily evident in the

increased interest of the planters in the subject, who sent both their

daughters and young negroes to acquire the art of reeling. In 1756,

three thousand seven hundred and eighty-three pounds and one ounce of

cocoons were received at the filature, and two hundred and sixty-eight

pounds of raw silk reeled.

The liberal policy of the commissioners, who had no private ends to

answer, caused them to recommend the establishment of additional

filatures, and in their letter to the Trustees, June 12th, 1751, they

advise the erection of one at Ebenezer, and another contiguous to

Savannah, but Mr. Ottolenghe opposed this course and arrogated to the

one in Savannah the entire monopoly of the culture. Jealousy appears

to have been very conspicuous in Mr. Ottolenghe's character, and his

opposition to the Saltzburgers and depreciation of their efforts,

arose from this suspicious trait. He aimed to render himself solely

necessary, and aspersed everything which seemed to militate with his

fancied superiority. This appears not only from letters of Governors

Reynold and Ellis, but from his own correspondence, where this caution

and fear of rivalry is plainly discernible. His course gave offence

to the Ebenezer people, who had already erected a filature in their

village; who had been at great sacrifice to send their wives and

daughters to learn the art of reeling in Savannah, and who had hoped

to carry on the manufacture under their own supervision and for their

own benefit. Mr. Ottolenghe, however, overruled their views and

required all cocoons to be delivered at Savannah and to be reeled

there. Each basin at the filature had two apprentices, besides

others who were employed in sorting the balls, &c., and the various

operations connected with the trade, employed nearly forty persons.

In 1757, over five thousand pounds of cocoons were received at

Savannah, and three hundred and sixty pounds of raw silk spun, which,

says Governor Ellis, would have been more, if the eggs had not failed;

and in a letter, dated 11th of March, 1757, he says "the raising of

silk seems to be no longer a matter of curiosity, it employs many poor

people, and is approaching towards a staple."

Seven thousand and forty pounds of cocoons were deposited in the

filature in 1758, but while the friends of this business were

rejoicing in the assured success of their experiment they were

saddened by the destruction of the filature, which took fire on the

4th of July, and was totally consumed. The wound silk, which had not

yet been shipped, amounting to three hundred and fifty pounds, was

saved, but several thousand weight of silk balls, together with much

of the reeling apparatus, were destroyed. Another and more capacious

building was immediately erected and was ready for use the ensuing

season.

In 1759, ten thousand one hundred and thirty-six pounds of cocoons

were raised in Georgia, four thousand pounds of which were from

Ebenezer, and the proceeds of their culture alone, for the season,

reached 700_l_. sterling. The opinion of those engaged in the culture,

as expressed to Dr. Jared Elliot, was, "that it was more profitable

than any other ordinary business."

The cocoons delivered at the filature in 1760, weighed seven thousand

nine hundred and eighty-three pounds, and there were spun eight

hundred and thirty-nine pounds. Mr. Ottolenghe was now honored with

the full appointment of "superintendant of the silk culture in

Georgia," with a salary appropriate to his station.

Five thousand three hundred and seven pounds of cocoons, and three

hundred and thirty-two pounds of raw silk were produced in 1761.

Governor Wright, under date 13th of July, says, "The greatest

appearance that ever they had here was destroyed in two nights' time,

by excessive hard and unseasonable frosts, and there is likewise a

degeneracy in the seed, as Mr. Ottolenghe tells me." These frosts

occurred on the 5th and 6th of April. Parliament, this year, made

a grant of 1000_l_. towards defraying the expenditure for the silk

culture, and it was annually renewed until about 1766. By means of

this gratuity, Mr. Ottolenghe was enabled to give a high price to the

rearers of cocoons, and thus sustain the encouragement so judiciously

commenced.

In 1762, fifteen thousand one hundred and one pounds of cocoons were

delivered at the filature, and one thousand and forty-eight pounds of

raw silk reeled, which Mr. O. declared to be the finest and best silk

ever produced in Georgia.

The year 1763 showed an increase of cocoons but a decrease of silk,

there being fifteen thousand four hundred and eighty-six pounds of the

former, and only nine hundred and fifty-three pounds of the latter.

The occasion of this disparity was a season of cold, rainy weather,

towards the close of April, by which the later cocoons were injured

and rendered almost useless.

There were delivered at the filature, in 1764, fifteen thousand two

hundred and twelve pounds of cocoons, notwithstanding the season was

so unfavorable, that Governor Wright mentions the case of one man who

expected to make from five to seven hundred pounds, who only succeeded

in raising one hundred pounds of cocoons. Eight thousand six hundred

and ninety-five pounds were sent by the Saltzburgers, and the whole

amount yielded eight hundred and ninety-eight pounds of raw silk.

In addition to the grant of Parliament, a Society, instituted in

London, for the encouragement of arts, manufactures and commerce,

offered certain premiums for the advantage of the British American

dominions, among which were:

"For every pound of cocoons produced in the province of Georgia

and South Carolina, in the year 1764, of a hardy, weighty and good

substance, wherein only one worm has spun, 3_d_.; for every pound of

cocoons produced in the same year, of a weaker, lighter, spotted or

bruised quality, 2_d_.; for dupions, 1_d_." These premiums were to be

paid under the direction of Mr. O., with proper vouchers that the same

were raised in either of the provinces specified.

It was agitated in 1765, to reduce the price of cocoons from 3_s_. to

1_s_. 6_d_. per pound, a measure which produced much dissatisfaction

and as a consequence there was a considerable falling off in the

amount of balls and silk, only twelve thousand five hundred and

fourteen pounds of the former, and seven hundred and twelve pounds of

the latter, together with seven hundred and twenty pounds of filosele

being produced. To prevent the depression consequent on this

reduction, Governor Wright suggested, that instead of so much per

pound, as formerly, that the ten largest quantities should receive the

highest, 50_l_., the next greatest parcel 45_l_., and so on, gradually

decreasing with the decrease in weight, until you reached the lowest

quantity, to which 10_l_. would be awarded; thus, while the expense

would be greatly lessened to the Trustees, the stimulus of reward

would be sufficiently sustained. This advice was not adopted, though

owing to the urgent remonstrances of those best acquainted with the

business, the reduction in the bounty was only 9_d_. instead of 1_s_.

6_d_. On the 25th April, 1765, the following order was published in

the "Georgia Gazette:"

"Notice is hereby given to all whom it may concern, that, by

direction of the Right Honorable the Lords Commissioners of Trade and

Plantations, the price usually paid for cocoons is now reduced, and

that no more than 2_s_. 3_d_. per pound will be paid for cocoons

raised in this province, and delivered at the public filature this

season.

"By order of His Excellency the Governor.

"GEO. BAILLIE, _Commissary_"

This bounty was still further reduced in 1766, when by order of the

Board of Trade, only 1_s_. 1_d_. was paid per pound. The dependence of

this culture on the weather, was signally instanced this year, from

the fact that though many who had hitherto raised cocoons, abandoned

it at the reduction of the bounty, yet such a large crop had never

been produced before; over twenty thousand three hundred and eighty

pounds of cocoons being delivered at the filature, which, however,

only produced one thousand eighty-nine pounds of raw silk, and eight

hundred and fifty pounds of filosele. This amount of reeled silk was

not at all proportionate to the weight of the cones, resulting, as Mr.

Ottolenghe said in a letter to Governor Wright, October 2, 1766, "to

the badness of the seed, and consequent inferiority of the worms."

In 1760, the cocoons weighed only seven thousand nine hundred and

eighty-three pounds, and yet eight hundred and thirty-nine pounds of

raw silk were spun; at which rate, the product this year should have

been about two thousand pounds.

On the 26th of June, Henry Kennan made proposals to the Board of

Trade, for carrying on the filature; but they were of a nature not at

all advantageous to the culture, and Governor Wright, in his reply, on

the 21st of October, disapproved of the plan, and exposed the fallacy

of his scheme, which was in consequence abandoned.

In 1767, ten thousand seven hundred and sixty-eight pounds of balls

were raised, and six hundred and seventy-one pounds nine ounces of raw

silk spun; the decrease of cocoons being caused, first, by withdrawing

of the Purysburgh cocoons, which last year amounted to five thousand

five hundred and fifty-one pounds; and second, by the reduction of

bounty, so that while last year the cocoons were delivered in by two

hundred and sixty-four different persons, only one hundred and sixty

individuals were this year devoted to the culture. The silk, however,

was of a better quality, and sustained its high reputation in the

London market.

In 1768, another plan was proposed, by Mr. Delamar, "in order the

more effectually to establish the growth of raw silk in America." His

proposal was, to pay a bounty of 20_s_. per pound on every pound of

good, clear raw silk imported from any of his Majesty's dominions in

America, to be paid on the price such silk might sell for at public

sale in London; at the expiration of ten years, ten per cent. bounty

was to be allowed; the ensuing five years at five per cent., after

which time the bounty was to cease. This was the general feature of

his plan; it was not, however, adopted, though in many respects its

provisions were highly judicious and appropriate.

But this branch of industry and commerce was fast waning before the

increasing culture of more sure and lucrative products, and only one

hundred and thirty-seven different persons brought cocoons to the

filature this year. Governor Wright, in his official letter to the

Earl of Hillsborough, July 1, 1768, says, "I am persuaded that few, or

none but the very poorer sort of people, will continue to go upon

that article. Several substantial persons, who did mean to make it

an object when the price was higher, have, to my knowledge, given

it over. The reason, my Lord, is evident; for people who have their

fortune to raise or make, will always turn themselves in such a way,

and to the raising and making of such commodities, as they think will

answer best; and it is very clear to me, that those who have negroes,

may employ themselves and negroes to better advantage, &c., than by

raising cocoons at 1_s_. 6_d_. per pound, although that is, as I have

said, 7, 8, or 9_d_. more than they are intrinsically worth."

Cluny, in his "American Traveller," printed in London, 1769, says,

"The climate of Georgia has been found to agree in every respect with

the silk worm." Experience, however, proved that the climate was

not sufficiently equable to secure permanent and continued success.

Governor Wright, in the letter quoted above, says, "the variable and

uncertain weather in spring, makes it precarious," and facts amply

confirm this statement. Only five hundred and forty-one pounds of raw

silk were made this year, a smaller amount, with one exception, than

had been produced for ten years. In 1769, the quantity was still more

decreased, both from the reluctance of the people to raise worms, and

the unfavorable weather in spring. Governor Wright, on the 20th of

June, 1769, says, "We had a most extraordinary prospect, till the

middle of April, when I thought every thing safe, yet we had very cold

rains on the 17th and 18th, which were succeeded by hard black frost

on the 19th and 20th, and destroyed a great part of the worms, and

will reduce the silk very much."

The silk business was now on the irretrievable decline, though it

still maintained a nominal existence, and received the encouragement

of Parliament. The special bounty which had hitherto been paid on

cocoons, over and above their merchantable value, was suspended, and

by a statute of 9 Geo. III., c. 38, a premium of twenty-five per cent.

from the 1st of January, 1770, to the 1st of January, 1777,--of twenty

per cent, from the 1st of January, 1777, to the 1st of January,

1784,--and of fifteen per cent. from the 1st of January, 1784, to the

1st of January 1791, on the ad valorem value of all silk produced in

America and imported into Great Britain in vessels regularly navigated

by law, was substituted in its place.

The inhabitants of Ebenezer resumed the culture, which with them had

long been dormant, and its revival at that time was principally owing

to the influence of a very worthy man and magistrate, Mr. Wertsch,

who, sanguine himself of ultimate success, had imparted to the Germans

a portion of his own enthusiasm.

In 1770, they shipped two hundred and ninety-one pounds of raw silk,

the result of their own industry, and as the filature at Savannah

was discontinued in 1771, the Earl of Hillsborough, ever anxious to

advance the produce, warmly commended the zeal of the Saltzburgers,

and directed President Habersham to distribute "the basins and reels

that were left in the public filature, to such persons as Mr. Wertsch

shall recommend to be proper objects of that bounty;" and in the same

letter he promised that he would endeavor to procure for them, this

year, "a small sum from Parliament, to be laid out in purchase of

utensils for the assistance of the poor sort of people in your

province." This promise he redeemed.

So popular had the silk business become at Ebenezer, that Mr.

Habersham, in a letter dated the 30th of March, 1772, says, "some

persons in almost every family there, understand its process from the

beginning to the end." In 1771, the Germans sent four hundred and

thirty-eight pounds of raw silk to England, and in 1772, four hundred

and eighty-five pounds, all of their own raising. They made their own

reels, which were so much esteemed that one was sent to England as a

model, and another taken to the East Indies by Pickering Robinson.

The operations at Savannah were now totally discontinued, though Mr.

Ottolenghe still styled himself "Superintendent of the Silk Culture

in Georgia," and in consideration of his long and faithful service in

that office, received an annuity of 100_l_.

In a message of Sir James Wright, to the Commons House of Assembly,

19th of January, 1774, he says, "The filature buildings seem to be

going to decay and ruin; may it not, therefore, be expedient to

consider what other service or use they may be put to?" and the

Assembly answered, "We shall not fail to consider how it may be

expedient to apply the filature to some public use;" and henceforth

it was used as an assembly or ball-room, a place where societies held

their meetings, and where divine service was occasionally conducted:

more recently, it was converted into a dwelling-house, and was thus

appropriated at the time of its destruction by fire, on the afternoon

of March 25, 1839.

Thus ended the grand project for raising silk in the Province of

Georgia; for though some few individuals, together with the people of

Ebenezer, continued to raise small quantities, yet, as a branch of

general culture, it has never been resuscitated. The last parcel

brought to Savannah was in 1790, when over two hundred pounds were

purchased for exportation, at from 8_s_. to 26_s_. per pound.

On reviewing the causes which led to the suspension of this business,

after so many exertions and such vast expense, which, it must be

remembered, the profits of the culture never reimbursed, we find,

first, the unfriendliness of the climate, which, notwithstanding its

boasted excellence, interfered materially with its success. Governor

Wright, frequently speaks of its deleterious influence, and the

fluctuations in the various seasons, evidenced, to demonstration,

that the interior was better adapted to the agricultural part of the

business, than the exposed and variable sea-board. Mr. Habersham, in

a letter to the Earl of Hillsborough, dated "Savannah, 24th of April,

1772," thus expresses himself on this point. "Upwards of twenty years

ago, if my memory does not fail me, Samuel Lloyd, Esq., of London, who

was one of the late trustees for establishing this colony, and was

fourteen years in Italy, and very largely concerned in the silk

business, wrote to me, that the best silk was produced at a distance

from the sea-coast, owing, I suppose, to the richness of the soil,

which made the mulberry leaf more glutinous, nutritive and healthy to

the silk-worm; also, to their not being obnoxious to musquetoes and

sand-flies, and probably, likewise, to the weather being more equal

and less liable to sudden transition from heat to cold: and on a

conversation this day with Mr. Barnard, of Augusta, he assures me,

that from two years experience in raising cocoons there, he lost none

from sickness, which frequently destroys two-thirds of the worms

here;" and he further says, that Mr. Ottolenghe told him that the silk

reeled from the Augusta cocoons "made the strongest and most wiry

thread of any raised in these parts."

Second, the expensiveness of living, and the dearness of labor, which

was as high as 1_s_. 8_d_. to 2_s_. per day, whereas 2_d_. or 3_d_.

was the usual price paid the peasant in silk-growing countries.

Governor Wright, in a letter to the Earl of Hillsborough, frankly

told him that, "till these provinces become more populous, and labor

cheaper, I apprehend, silk will not be a commodity, or an article, of

any considerable amount."

Third, the great reduction of the bounty, which, being the stimulus to

exertion, ceased to operate as an incentive, when from 3_s_. 3_d_.

it fell to 1_s_. 3_d_., and finally to a mere premium on the general

quantity imported. The poor could not subsist on these prices, and

the rich could employ their lands to much better advantage than in

cultivating an article which would not repay the expenses of labor:

and lastly, the increasing attention, bestowed on rice and cotton,

sealed the fate of the silk culture, and the planters soon learned to

consider the latter of no importance in comparison, with the large

and lucrative crops yielded by these more staple commodities. Other

reasons might be mentioned, but these sufficiently account for its

decline there, and its total neglect even to the present day. During

the morus multicaulis epidemic, which spread over our country in 1838,

Savannah, it is true, did not escape, and for a time the fever raged,

with much violence, but the febrile action soon subsided, leaving

no permanent benefit and only a few fields of waving foliage, as a

deciduous memento of this frenzied excitement.

That silk can be produced in Georgia equal to any in the world, does

not admit of a doubt, but whether it will ever be resumed, and when,

is among the unknown events of the future.