CHAPTER I.

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE

Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.

Footnote anchors are denoted by [number], and the footnotes have been

placed at the end of the book.

Some minor changes to the text are noted at the end of the book.

MY DIARY

NORTH AND SOUTH.

BY

WILLIAM HOWARD RUSSELL.

IN TWO VOLUMES.

VOL. I.

LONDON:

BRADBURY AND EVANS, 11, BOUVERIE STREET.

1863.

[_The right of Translation is reserved._]

LONDON:

BRADBURY AND EVANS, PRINTERS, WHITEFRIARS

TO

RICHARD QUAIN, M.D.,

These Volumes are Dedicated

IN TESTIMONY

OF

THE REGARD AND GRATITUDE

OF

THE AUTHOR.

INTRODUCTORY.

A book which needs apologies ought never to have been written.

This is a canon of criticism so universally accepted, that authors

have abstained of late days from attempting to disarm hostility by

confessions of weakness, and are almost afraid to say a prefatory

word to the gentle reader.

It is not to plead in mitigation of punishment or make an appeal

_ad misericordiam_, I break through the ordinary practice, but by

way of introduction and explanation to those who may read these

volumes, I may remark that they consist for the most part of

extracts from the diaries and note-books which I assiduously kept

whilst I was in the United States, as records of the events and

impressions of the hour. I have been obliged to omit many passages

which might cause pain or injury to individuals still living in the

midst of a civil war, but the spirit of the original is preserved

as far as possible, and I would entreat my readers to attribute the

frequent use of the personal pronoun and personal references to

the nature of the sources from which the work is derived, rather

than to the vanity of the author.

Had the pages been literally transcribed, without omitting a word,

the fate of one whose task it was to sift the true from the false

and to avoid error in statements of fact, in a country remarkable

for the extraordinary fertility with which the unreal is produced,

would have excited some commiseration; but though there is much

extenuated in these pages, there is not, I believe, aught set down

in malice. My aim has been to retain so much relating to events

passing under my eyes, or to persons who have become famous in this

great struggle, as may prove interesting at present, though they

did not at the time always appear in their just proportions of

littleness or magnitude.

During my sojourn in the States, many stars of the first order

have risen out of space or fallen into the outer darkness. The

watching, trustful, millions have hailed with delight or witnessed

with terror the advent of a shining planet or a splendid comet,

which a little observation has resolved into watery nebulæ. In the

Southern hemisphere, Bragg and Beauregard have given place to Lee

and Jackson. In the North M‘Dowell has faded away before M‘Clellan,

who having been put for a short season in eclipse by Pope, only to

culminate with increased effulgence, has finally paled away before

Burnside. The heroes of yesterday are the martyrs or outcasts of

to-day, and no American general needs a slave behind him in the

triumphal chariot to remind him that he is a mortal. Had I foreseen

such rapid whirls in the wheel of fortune I might have taken

more note of the men who were below, but my business was not to

speculate but to describe.

The day I landed at Norfolk, a tall lean man, ill-dressed, in a

slouching hat and wrinkled clothes, stood, with his arms folded

and legs wide apart, against the wall of the hotel looking on the

ground. One of the waiters told me it was “Professor Jackson,” and

I have been plagued by suspicions that in refusing an introduction

which was offered to me, I missed an opportunity of making the

acquaintance of the man of the stonewalls of Winchester. But, on

the whole, I have been fortunate in meeting many of the soldiers

and statesmen who have distinguished themselves in this unhappy war.

Although I have never for one moment seen reason to change the

opinion I expressed in the first letter I wrote from the States,

that the Union as it was could never be restored, I am satisfied

the Free States of the North will retain and gain great advantages

by the struggle, if they will only set themselves at work to

accomplish their destiny, nor lose their time in sighing over

vanished empire or indulging in abortive dreams of conquest and

schemes of vengeance; but my readers need not expect from me any

dissertations on the present or future of the great republics,

which have been so loosely united by the Federal band, nor any

description of the political system, social life, manners or

customs of the people, beyond those which may be incidentally

gathered from these pages.

It has been my fate to see Americans under their most unfavourable

aspect; with all their national feelings, as well as the vices of

our common humanity, exaggerated and developed by the terrible

agonies of a civil war, and the throes of political revolution.

Instead of the hum of industry, I heard the noise of cannon through

the land. Society convulsed by cruel passions and apprehensions,

and shattered by violence, presented its broken angles to the

stranger, and I can readily conceive that the America I saw, was no

more like the country of which her people boast so loudly, than the

St. Lawrence when the ice breaks up, hurrying onwards the rugged

drift and its snowy crust of crags, with hoarse roar, and crashing

with irresistible force and fury to the sea, resembles the calm

flow of the stately river on a summer’s day.

The swarming communities and happy homes of the New England

States--the most complete exhibition of the best results of

the American system--it was denied me to witness; but if I

was deprived of the gratification of worshipping the frigid

intellectualism of Boston, I saw the effects in the field, among

the men I met, of the teachings and theories of the political,

moral, and religious professors, who are the chiefs of that

universal Yankee nation, as they delight to call themselves, and

there recognised the radical differences which must sever them for

ever from a true union with the Southern States.

The contest, of which no man can predict the end or result, still

rages, but notwithstanding the darkness and clouds which rest upon

the scene, I place so much reliance on the innate good qualities

of the great nations which are settled on the Continent of North

America, as to believe they will be all the better for the sweet

uses of adversity; learning to live in peace with their neighbours,

adapting their institutions to their necessities, and working

out, not in their old arrogance and insolence--mistaking material

prosperity for good government--but in fear and trembling, the

experiment on which they have cast so much discredit, and the

glorious career which misfortune and folly can arrest but for a

time.

W. H. RUSSELL.

_London, December 8, 1862._

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.

PAGE

Departure from Cork--The Atlantic in March--Fellow-passengers--

American politics and parties--The Irish in New York--Approach

to New York 1

CHAPTER II.

Arrival at New York--Custom-house--General impressions as to

North and South--Street in New York--Hotel--Breakfast--American

women and men--Visit to Mr. Bancroft--Street-railways 10

CHAPTER III.

“St. Patrick’s day” in New York--Public dinner--American

Constitution--General topics of conversation--Public estimate

of the Government--Evening party at Mons. B----’s 22

CHAPTER IV.

Streets and shops in New York--Literature--A funeral--Dinner

at Mr. H----’s--Dinner at Mr. Bancroft’s--Political and social

features--Literary breakfast: Heenan and Sayers 34

CHAPTER V.

Off to the railway station--Railway carriages--Philadelphia--

Washington--Willard’s Hotel--Mr. Seward--North and South--The

“State Department” at Washington--President Lincoln--Dinner

at Mr. Seward’s 43

CHAPTER VI.

A state dinner at Mr. Abraham Lincoln’s--Mrs. Lincoln--The

Cabinet Ministers--A newspaper correspondent--Good Friday at

Washington 60

CHAPTER VII.

Barbers’ shops--Place-hunting--The Navy Yard--Dinner at Lord

Lyons’--Estimate of Washington among his countrymen--Washington’s

house and tomb--The Southern Commissioners--Dinner with the

Southern Commissioners--Feeling towards England among the

Southerners--Animosity between North and South 73

CHAPTER VIII.

New York Press--Rumours as to the Southerners--Visit to the

Smithsonian Institute--Pythons--Evening at Mr. Seward’s--Rough

draft of official dispatch to Lord J. Russell--Estimate of its

effect in Europe--The attitude of Virginia 99

CHAPTER IX.

Dinner at General Scott’s--Anecdotes of General Scott’s early

life--The startling dispatch--Insecurity of the capital 105

CHAPTER X.

Preparations for war at Charleston--My own departure for

the Southern States--Arrival at Baltimore--Commencement of

hostilities at Fort Sumter--Bombardment of the fort--General

feeling as to North and South--Slavery--First impressions of

the city of Baltimore-- Departure by steamer 111

CHAPTER XI.

Scenes on board an American steamer--The Merrimac--Irish sailors

in America--Norfolk--A telegram on Sunday: news from the seat

of war--American “chaff” and our Jack tars 117

CHAPTER XII.

Portsmouth--Railway journey through the forest--The great Dismal

Swamp--American newspapers--Cattle on the line--Negro labour--On

through the pine forest--The Confederate flag--Goldsborough:

popular excitement--Weldon--Wilmington--The Vigilance

Committee 126

CHAPTER XIII.

Sketches round Wilmington--Public opinion--Approach to Charleston

and Fort Sumter--Introduction to General Beauregard--Ex-Governor

Manning--Conversation on the chances of the war--“King Cotton”

and England--Visit to Fort Sumter--Market-place at Charleston 138

CHAPTER XIV.

Southern Volunteers--Unpopularity of the Press--Charleston--

Fort Sumter--Morris’ Island--Anti-union enthusiasm--Anecdote

of Colonel Wigfall--Interior view of the fort--North versus

South 146

CHAPTER XV.

Slaves, their masters and mistresses--Hotels--Attempted

boat-journey to Fort Moultrie--Excitement at Charleston against

New York-- Preparations for war--General Beauregard--Southern

opinion as to the policy of the North, and estimate of the effect

of the war on England, through the cotton market--Aristocratic

feeling in the South 162

CHAPTER XVI.

Charleston: the Market-place--Irishmen at Charleston--Governor

Pickens: his political economy and theories--Newspaper offices

and counting-houses--Rumours as to the war policy of the

South 173

CHAPTER XVII.

Visit to a plantation; hospitable reception--By steamer to

Georgetown--Description of the town--A country mansion--Masters

and slaves--Slave diet--Humming-birds--Land irrigation-- Negro

quarters--Back to Georgetown 180

CHAPTER XVIII.

Climate of the Southern States--General Beauregard--Risks of the

post-office--Hatred of New England--By railway to Sea Island

plantation--Sporting in South Carolina--An hour on board a

canoe in the dark 195

CHAPTER XIX.

Domestic negroes--Negro oarsmen--Off to the fishing-grounds--The

devil-fish--Bad sport--The drum-fish--Negro quarters--Want of

drainage--Thievish propensities of the blacks--A Southern

estimate of Southerners 204

CHAPTER XX.

By railway to Savannah--Description of the city--Rumours of the

last few days--State of affairs at Washington--Preparations

for war--Cemetery of Bonaventure--Road made of oyster

shells--Appropriate features of the cemetery--The Tatnall

family--Dinner-party at Mr. Green’s--Feeling in Georgia against

the North 216

CHAPTER XXI.

The river at Savannah--Commodore Tatnall--Fort Pulaski--Want of

a fleet to the Southerners--Strong feeling of the women--Slavery

considered in its results--Cotton and Georgia--Off for Montgomery--

The Bishop of Georgia--The Bible and slavery--Macon--Dislike

of United States’ gold 225

CHAPTER XXII.

Slave-pens: negroes on sale or hire--Popular feeling as

to secession--Beauregard and speech-making--Arrival at

Montgomery--Bad hotel accommodation--Knights of the Golden

Circle--Reflections on slavery--Slave auction--The Legislative

Assembly--A “live chattel” knocked down--Rumours from the

North (true and false) and prospects of war 234

CHAPTER XXIII.

Proclamation of war--Jefferson Davis--Interview with the President

of the Confederacy--Passport and safe-conduct--Messrs. Wigfall,

Walker, and Benjamin--Privateering and letters of marque--A

reception at Jefferson Davis’s--Dinner at Mr. Benjamin’s 248

CHAPTER XXIV.

Mr. Wigfall on the Confederacy--Intended departure from the

South--Northern apathy and Southern activity--Future prospects

of the Union--South Carolina and cotton--The theory of slavery--

Indifference at New York--Departure from Montgomery 258

CHAPTER XXV.

The River Alabama--Voyage by steamer--Selma--Our captain and

his slaves--“Running” slaves--Negro views of happiness--

Mobile--Hotel--The city--Mr. Forsyth 265

CHAPTER XXVI.

Visit to Forts Gaines and Morgan--War to the knife the cry of the

South--The “State” and the “States”--Bay of Mobile--The forts and

their inmates--Opinions as to an attack on Washington--Rumours

of actual war 277

CHAPTER XXVII.

Pensacola and Fort Pickens--Neutrals and their friends--Coasting--

Sharks--The blockading fleet--The stars and stripes, and stars

and bars--Domestic feuds caused by the war--Captain Adams and

General Bragg--Interior of Fort Pickens 284

CHAPTER XXVIII.

Bitters before breakfast--An old Crimean acquaintance--Earthworks

and batteries--Estimate of cannons--Magazines--Hospitality--

English and American introductions and leave-takings--Fort

Pickens: its interior--Return towards Mobile--Pursued by a

strange sail--Running the blockade--Landing at Mobile 303

CHAPTER XXIX.

Judge Campbell--Dr. Nott--Slavery--Departure for New

Orleans--Down the river--Fear of cruisers--Approach to New

Orleans--Duelling--Streets of New Orleans--Unhealthiness of

the city--Public opinion as to the war--Happy and contented

negroes 325

CHAPTER XXX.

The first blow struck--The St. Charles Hotel--Invasion of Virginia

by the Federals--Death of Col. Ellsworth--Evening at Mr.

Slidell’s--Public comments on the war--Richmond the capital of

the Confederacy--Military preparations--General society--Jewish

element--Visit to a battle-field of 1815 338

CHAPTER XXXI.

Carrying arms--New Orleans jail--Desperate characters--

Executions--Female maniacs and prisoners--The river and levee--

Climate of New Orleans--Population--General distress--Pressure

of the blockade--Money--Philosophy of abstract rights--The

doctrine of State Rights--Theoretical defect in the

constitution 353

CHAPTER XXXII.

Up the Mississippi--Free negroes and English policy--Monotony

of the river scenery--Visit to M. Roman--Slave quarters--

A slave-dance--Slave-children--Negro hospital--General

opinion--Confidence in Jefferson Davis 366

CHAPTER XXXIII.

Ride through the maize-fields--Sugar plantation; negroes at

work--Use of the lash--Feeling towards France--Silence of the

country--Negroes and dogs--Theory of slavery--Physical formation

of the negro--The defence of slavery--The masses for negro

souls--Convent of the Sacré Cœur--Ferry-house--A large

landowner 378

CHAPTER XXXIV.

Negroes--Sugar-cane plantations--The negro and cheap labour--

Mortality of blacks and whites--Irish labour in Louisiana--A

sugar-house--Negro children--Want of education--Negro diet--Negro

hospital--Spirits in the morning--Breakfast--More slaves--Creole

planters 391

CHAPTER XXXV.

War-rumours, and military movements--Governor Manning’s slave

plantations--Fortunes made by slave-labour--Frogs for the

table--The forest--Cotton and sugar--A thunderstorm 405

CHAPTER XXXVI.

Visit to Mr. M‘Call’s plantation--Irish and Spaniards--The

planter--A Southern sporting man--The creoles--Leave Houmas--

Donaldsonville--Description of the city--Baton Rouge--Steamer

to Natchez--Southern feeling; faith in Jefferson Davis--Rise

and progress of prosperity for the planters--Ultimate issue

of the war to both North and South 410

[Illustration: MAP TO ACCOMPANY “MY DIARY NORTH & SOUTH” WITH THE

AUTHOR’S ROUTE COLOURED]

MY DIARY NORTH AND SOUTH.

CHAPTER I.

Departure from Cork.--The Atlantic in March--Fellow-passengers--

American politics and parties--The Irish in New York--Approach

to New York.

On the evening of 3rd March, 1861, I was transferred from the

little steam-tender, which plies between Cork and the anchorage of

the Cunard steamers at the entrance of the harbour, to the deck of

the good steamship Arabia, Captain Stone; and at nightfall we were

breasting the long rolling waves of the Atlantic.

The voyage across the Atlantic has been done by so many able hands,

that it would be superfluous to describe mine, though it is certain

no one passage ever resembled another, and no crew or set of

passengers in one ship were ever identical with those in any other.

For thirteen days the Atlantic followed its usual course in the

month of March, and was true to the traditions which affix to it in

that month the character of violence and moody changes, from bad

to worse and back again. The wind was sometimes dead against us,

and then the infelix Arabia with iron energy set to work, storming

great Malakhofs of water, which rose above her like the side

of some sward-coated hill crested with snow-drifts; and having

gained the summit, and settled for an instant among the hissing

sea-horses, ran plunging headlong down to the encounter of another

wave, and thus went battling on with heart of fire and breath of

flame--_igneus est ollis vigor_--hour after hour.

The traveller for pleasure had better avoid the Atlantic in the

month of March. The wind was sometimes with us, and then the

sensations of the passengers and the conduct of the ship were

pretty much as they had been during the adverse breezes before,

varied by the performance of a very violent “yawing” from side to

side, and certain squashings of the paddle-boxes into the yeasty

waters, which now ran a race with us and each other, as if bent on

chasing us down, and rolling their boarding parties with foaming

crests down on our decks. The boss, which we represented in the

stormy shield around us, still moved on; day by day our microcosm

shifted its position in the ever-advancing circle of which it was

the centre, with all around and within it ever undergoing a sea

change.

The Americans on board were, of course, the most interesting

passengers to one like myself, who was going out to visit the

great Republic under very peculiar circumstances. There was,

first, Major Garnett, a Virginian, who was going back to his State

to follow her fortunes. He was an officer of the regular army of

the United States, who had served with distinction in Mexico; an

accomplished, well-read man; reserved, and rather gloomy; full of

the doctrine of States’ Rights, and animated with a considerable

feeling of contempt for the New Englanders, and with the strongest

prejudices in favour of the institution of slavery. He laughed to

scorn the doctrine that all men are born equal in the sense of all

men having equal rights. Some were born to be slaves--some to be

labourers in the lower strata above the slaves--others to follow

useful mechanical arts--the rest were born to rule and to own their

fellow-men. There was next a young Carolinian, who had left his

post as attaché at St. Petersburgh to return to his State: thus,

in all probability, avoiding the inevitable supercession which

awaited him at the hands of the new Government at Washington. He

represented, in an intensified form, all the Virginian’s opinions,

and held that Mr. Calhoun’s interpretation of the Constitution

was incontrovertibly right. There were difficulties in the way of

State sovereignty, he confessed; but they were only in detail--the

principle was unassailable.

To Mr. Mitchell, South Carolina represented a power quite

sufficient to meet all the Northern States in arms. “The North will

attempt to blockade our coast,” said he; “and in that case, the

South must march to the attack by land, and will probably act in

Virginia.” “But if the North attempts to do more than institute a

blockade?--for instance, if their fleet attack your seaport towns,

and land men to occupy them?” “Oh, in that case, we are quite

certain of beating them.” Mr. Julian Mitchell was indignant at the

idea of submitting to the rule of a “rail-splitter,” and of such

men as Seward and Cameron. “No gentleman could tolerate such a

Government.”

An American family from Nashville, consisting of a lady and her son

and daughter, were warm advocates of a “gentlemanly” government,

and derided the Yankees with great bitterness. But they were by

no means as ready to encounter the evils of war, or to break up

the Union, as the South Carolinian or the Virginian; and in that

respect they represented, I was told, the negative feelings of the

Border States, which are disposed to a temporising, moderate course

of action, most distasteful to the passionate seceders.

There were also two Louisiana sugar-planters on board--one owning

500 slaves, the other rich in some thousands of acres; they seemed

to care very little for the political aspects of the question of

Secession, and regarded it merely in reference to its bearing on

the sugar crop, and the security of slave property. Secession was

regarded by them as a very extreme and violent measure, to which

the State had resorted with reluctance; but it was obvious, at

the same time, that, in event of a general secession of the Slave

States from the North, Louisiana could neither have maintained her

connection with the North, nor have stood in isolation from her

sister States.

All these, and some others who were fellow-passengers, might be

termed Americans--_pur sang_. Garnett belonged to a very old family

in Virginia. Mitchell came from a stock of several generations’

residence in South Carolina. The Tennessee family were, in speech

and thought, types of what Europeans consider true Americans

to be. Now take the other side. First there was an exceedingly

intelligent, well-informed young merchant of New York--nephew of

an English county Member, known for his wealth, liberality, and

munificence. Educated at a university in the Northern States, he

had lived a good deal in England, and was returning to his father

from a course of book-keeping in the house of his uncle’s firm in

Liverpool. His father and uncle were born near Coleraine, and he

had just been to see the humble dwelling, close to the Giant’s

Causeway, which sheltered their youth, and where their race was

cradled. In the war of 1812, the brothers were about sailing in a

privateer fitted out to prey against the British, when accident

fixed one of them in Liverpool, where he founded the house which

has grown so greatly with the development of trade between New York

and Lancashire, whilst the other settled in the States. Without

being violent in tone, the young Northerner was very resolute in

temper, and determined to do all which lay in his power to prevent

the “glorious Union” being broken up.

The “Union” has thus founded on two continents a family of princely

wealth, whose originals had probably fought with bitterness in

their early youth against the union of Great Britain and Ireland.

But did Mr. Brown, or the other Americans who shared his views,

unreservedly approve of American institutions, and consider them

faultless? By no means. The New Yorkers especially were eloquent

on the evils of the suffrage, and of the licence of the Press in

their own city; and displayed much irritation on the subject of

naturalisation. The Irish were useful, in their way, making roads

and working hard, for there were few Americans who condescended

to manual labour, or who could not make far more money in higher

kinds of work; but it was absurd to give the Irish votes which

they used to destroy the influence of native-born citizens, and to

sustain a corporation and local bodies of unsurpassable turpitude,

corruption, and inefficiency.

Another young merchant, a college friend of the former, was just

returning from a tour in Europe with his amiable sister. His

father was the son of an Irish immigrant, but he did not at all

differ from the other gentlemen of his city in the estimate in

which he held the Irish element; and though he had no strong bias

one way or other, he was quite resolved to support the abstraction

called the Union, and its representative fact--the Federal

Government. Thus the agriculturist and the trader--the grower of

raw produce and the merchant who dealt in it--were at opposite

sides of the question--wide apart as the Northern and Southern

Poles. They sat apart, ate apart, talked apart--two distinct

nations, with intense antipathies on the part of the South, which

was active and aggressive in all its demonstrations.

The Southerners have got a strange charge de plus against the

Irish. It appears that the regular army of the United States is

mainly composed of Irish and Germans; very few Americans indeed

being low enough, or martially disposed enough, to “take the

shilling.” In case of a conflict, which these gentlemen think

inevitable, “low Irish mercenaries would,” they say, “be pitted

against the gentlemen of the South, and the best blood in the

States would be spilled by fellows whose lives are worth nothing

whatever.” Poor Paddy is regarded as a mere working machine, fit,

at best, to serve against Choctaws and Seminoles. His facility of

reproduction has to compensate for the waste which is caused by the

development in his unhappy head of the organs of combativeness and

destructiveness. Certainly, if the war is to be carried on by the

United States’ regulars, the Southern States will soon dispose of

them, for they do not number 20,000 men, and their officers are not

much in love with the new Government. But can it come to War? Mr.

Mitchell assures me I shall see some “pretty tall fighting.”

The most vehement Northerners in the steamer are Germans, who are

going to the States for the first time, or returning there. They

have become satisfied, no doubt, by long process of reasoning,

that there is some anomaly in the condition of a country which

calls itself the land of liberty, and is at the same time the

potent palladium of serfdom and human chattelry. When they are not

sea-sick, which is seldom, the Teutons rise up in all the might

of their misery and dirt, and, making spasmodic efforts to smoke,

blurt out between the puffs, or in moody intervals, sundry remarks

on American politics. “These are the swine,” quoth Garnett, “who

are swept out of German gutters as too foul for them, and who

come over to the States and presume to control the fate and the

wishes of our people. In their own country they proved they were

incapable of either earning a living, or exercising the duties of

citizenship; and they seek in our country a licence denied them in

their own, and the means of living which they could not acquire

anywhere else.”

And for myself I may truly say this, that no man ever set foot on

the soil of the United States with a stronger and sincerer desire

to ascertain and to tell the truth, as it appeared to him. I had

no theories to uphold, no prejudices to subserve, no interests to

advance, no instructions to fulfil; I was a free agent, bound to

communicate to the powerful organ of public opinion I represented,

my own daily impressions of the men, scenes, and actions around

me, without fear, favour, or affection of or for anything but that

which seemed to me to be the truth. As to the questions which were

distracting the States, my mind was a _tabula rasa_, or, rather,

_tabula non scripta_. I felt indisposed to view with favour a

rebellion against one of the established and recognised governments

of the world, which, though not friendly to Great Britain, nor

opposed to slavery, was without, so far as I could see, any

legitimate cause of revolt, or any injury or grievance, perpetrated

or imminent, assailed by States still less friendly to us, which

the slave States, pure and simple, certainly were and probably are.

At the same time, I knew that these were grounds which I could

justly take, whilst they would not be tenable by an American, who

is by the theory on which he revolted from us and created his own

system of government, bound to recognise the principle that the

discontent of the popular majority with its rulers, is ample ground

and justification for revolution.

It was on the morning of the fourteenth day that the shores of New

York loomed through the drift of a cold wintry sea, leaden-grey

and comfortless, and in a little time more the coast, covered with

snow, rose in sight. Towards the afternoon the sun came out and

brightened the waters and the sails of the pretty trim schooners

and coasters which were dancing around us. How different the

graceful, tautly-rigged, clean, white-sailed vessels from the

round-sterned, lumpish billyboys and nondescripts of the eastern

coast of our isle! Presently there came bowling down towards us a

lively little schooner-yacht, very like the once famed “America,”

brightly painted in green, sails dazzling white, lofty ponderous

masts, no tops. As she came nearer, we saw she was crowded with

men in chimney-pot black hats, and coats, and the like--perhaps a

party of citizens on pleasure, cold as the day was. Nothing of the

kind. The craft was our pilot-boat, and the hats and coats belonged

to the hardy mariners who act as guides to the port of New York.

Their boat was lowered, and was soon under our mainchains; and a

chimney-pot hat having duly come over the side, delivered a mass of

newspapers to the captain, which were distributed among the eager

passengers, when each at once became the centre of a spell-bound

circle.

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