THIRD YEAR IN THE GOVERNORSHIP
Governor Henry's third official year was marked, in the great struggle
then in progress, by the arrival of the French fleet, and by its
futile attempts to be of any use to those hard-pressed rebels whom the
king of France had undertaken to encourage in their insubordination;
by awful scenes of carnage and desolation in the outlying settlements
at Wyoming, Cherry Valley, and Schoharie; by British predatory
expeditions along the Connecticut coast; by the final failure and
departure of Lord North's peace commissioners; and by the transfer of
the chief seat of war to the South, beginning with the capture of
Savannah by the British on the 29th of December, 1778, followed by
their initial movement on Charleston, in May, 1779. In the month just
mentioned, likewise, the enemy, under command of General Matthews and
of Sir George Collier, suddenly swooped down on Virginia, first
seizing Portsmouth and Norfolk, and then, after a glorious military
debauch of robbery, ruin, rape, and murder, and after spreading terror
and anguish among the undefended populations of Suffolk, Kemp's
Landing, Tanner's Creek, and Gosport, as suddenly gathered up their
booty, and went back in great glee to New York.
In the autumn of 1778, the governor had the happiness to hear of the
really brilliant success of the expedition which, with statesmanlike
sagacity, he had sent out under George Rogers Clark, into the Illinois
country, in the early part of the year.[293] Some of the more
important facts connected with this expedition, he thus announced to
the Virginia delegates in Congress:--
WILLIAMSBURG, November 14, 1778.
GENTLEMEN,--The executive power of this State having been
impressed with a strong apprehension of incursions on the
frontier settlements from the savages situated about the
Illinois, and supposing the danger would be greatly obviated
by an enterprise against the English forts and possessions
in that country, which were well known to inspire the
savages with their bloody purposes against us, sent a
detachment of militia, consisting of one hundred and seventy
or eighty men commanded by Colonel George Rogers Clark, on
that service some time last spring. By despatches which I
have just received from Colonel Clark, it appears that his
success has equalled the most sanguine expectations. He has
not only reduced Fort Chartres and its dependencies, but has
struck such a terror into the Indian tribes between that
settlement and the lakes that no less than five of them,
viz., the Puans, Sacks, Renards, Powtowantanies, and Miamis,
who had received the hatchet from the English emissaries,
have submitted to our arms all their English presents, and
bound themselves by treaties and promises to be peaceful in
the future.
The great Blackbird, the Chappowow chief, has also sent a
belt of peace to Colonel Clark, influenced, he supposes, by
the dread of Detroit's being reduced by American arms. This
latter place, according to Colonel Clark's representation,
is at present defended by so inconsiderable a garrison and
so scantily furnished with provisions, for which they must
be still more distressed by the loss of supplies from the
Illinois, that it might be reduced by any number of men
above five hundred. The governor of that place, Mr.
Hamilton, was exerting himself to engage the savages to
assist him in retaking the places that had fallen into our
hands; but the favorable impression made on the Indians in
general in that quarter, the influence of the French on
them, and the reenforcement of their militia Colonel Clark
expected, flattered him that there was little danger to be
apprehended.... If the party under Colonel Clark can
cooperate in any respect with the measures Congress are
pursuing or have in view, I shall with pleasure give him the
necessary orders. In order to improve and secure the
advantages gained by Colonel Clark, I propose to support him
with a reenforcement of militia. But this will depend on the
pleasure of the Assembly, to whose consideration the measure
is submitted.
The French inhabitants have manifested great zeal and
attachment to our cause, and insist on garrisons remaining
with them under Colonel Clark. This I am induced to agree
to, because the safety of our own frontiers as well as that
of these people demands a compliance with this request. Were
it possible to secure the St. Lawrence and prevent the
English attempts up that river by seizing some post on it,
peace with the Indians would seem to me to be secured.
With great regard I have the honor to be, Gentn,
Your most obedient servant,
P. HENRY.[294]
During the autumn session of the General Assembly, that body showed
its continued confidence in the governor by passing several acts
conferring on him extraordinary powers, in addition to those already
bestowed.[295]
A letter which the governor wrote at this period to the president of
Congress, respecting military aid from Virginia to States further
south, may give us some idea, not only of his own practical
discernment in the matters involved, but of the confusion which, in
those days, often attended military plans issuing from a many-headed
executive:--
WILLIAMSBURG, November 28, 1778.
SIR,--Your favor of the 16th instant is come to hand,
together with the acts of Congress of the 26th of August for
establishing provision for soldiers and sailors maimed or
disabled in the public service,--of the 26th of September
for organizing the treasury, a proclamation for a general
thanksgiving, and three copies of the alliance between his
most Christian Majesty and these United States.
I lost no time in laying your letter before the privy
council, and in deliberating with them on the subject of
sending 1000 militia to Charlestown, South Carolina. I beg
to assure Congress of the great zeal of every member of the
executive here to give full efficacy to their designs on
every occasion. But on the present, I am very sorry to
observe, that obstacles great and I fear unsurmountable are
opposed to the immediate march of the men. Upon requisition
to the deputy quartermaster-general in this department for
tents, kettles, blankets, and wagons, he informs they cannot
be had. The season when the march must begin will be severe
and inclement, and, without the forementioned necessaries,
impracticable to men indifferently clad and equipped as they
are in the present general scarcity of clothes.
The council, as well as myself, are not a little perplexed
on comparing this requisition to defend South Carolina and
Georgia from the assaults of the enemy, with that made a few
days past for galleys to conquer East Florida. The galleys
have orders to rendezvous at Charlestown, which I was taught
to consider as a place of acknowledged safety; and I beg
leave to observe, that there seems some degree of
inconsistency in marching militia such a distance in the
depth of winter, under the want of necessaries, to defend a
place which the former measures seemed to declare safe.
The act of Assembly whereby it is made lawful to order their
march, confines the operations to measures merely defensive
to a sister State, and of whose danger there is certain
information received.
However, as Congress have not been pleased to explain the
matters herein alluded to, and altho' a good deal of
perplexity remains with me on the subject, I have by advice
of the privy council given orders for 1000 men to be
instantly got into readiness to march to Charlestown, and
they will march as soon as they are furnished with tents,
kettles, and wagons. In the mean time, if intelligence is
received that their march is essential to the preservation
of either of the States of South Carolina or Georgia the men
will encounter every difficulty, and have orders to proceed
in the best way they can without waiting to be supplied with
those necessaries commonly afforded to troops even on a
summer's march.
I have to beg that Congress will please to remember the
state of embarrassment in which I must necessarily remain
with respect to the ordering galleys to Charlestown, in
their way to invade Florida, while the militia are getting
ready to defend the States bordering on it, and that they
will please to favor me with the earliest intelligence of
every circumstance that is to influence the measures either
offensive or defensive.
I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient and very
humble servant,
P. HENRY.[296]
By the early spring of 1779, it became still more apparent that the
purpose of the enemy was to shift the scene of their activity from the
middle States to the South, and that Virginia, whose soil had never
thus far been bruised by the tread of a hostile army, must soon
experience that dire calamity. Perhaps no one saw this more clearly
than did Governor Henry. At the same time, he also saw that Virginia
must in part defend herself by helping to defend her sister States at
the South, across whose territories the advance of the enemy into
Virginia was likely to be attempted. His clear grasp of the military
situation, in all the broad relations of his own State to it, is thus
revealed in a letter to Washington, dated at Williamsburg, 13th of
March, 1779:--
"My last accounts from the South are unfavorable. Georgia is
said to be in full possession of the enemy, and South
Carolina in great danger. The number of disaffected there is
said to be formidable, and the Creek Indians inclining
against us. One thousand militia are ordered thither from
our southern counties; but a doubt is started whether they
are by law obliged to march. I have also proposed a scheme
to embody volunteers for this service; but I fear the length
of the march, and a general scarcity of bread, which
prevails in some parts of North Carolina and this State, may
impede this service. About five hundred militia are ordered
down the Tennessee River, to chastise some new settlements
of renegade Cherokees that infest our southwestern frontier,
and prevent our navigation on that river, from which we
began to hope for great advantages. Our militia have full
possession of the Illinois and the posts on the Wabash; and
I am not without hopes that the same party may overawe the
Indians as far as Detroit. They are independent of General
McIntosh, whose numbers, although upwards of two thousand, I
think could not make any great progress, on account, it is
said, of the route they took, and the lateness of the
season.
"The conquest of Illinois and Wabash was effected with less
than two hundred men, who will soon be reenforced; and, by
holding posts on the back of the Indians, it is hoped may
intimidate them. Forts Natchez and Morishac are again in the
enemy's hands; and from thence they infest and ruin our
trade on the Mississippi, on which river the Spaniards wish
to open a very interesting commerce with us. I have
requested Congress to authorize the conquest of those two
posts, as the possession of them will give a colorable
pretence to retain all West Florida, when a treaty may be
opened."[297]
Within two months after that letter was written, the dreaded warships
of the enemy were ploughing the waters of Virginia: it was the
sorrow-bringing expedition of Matthews and Sir George Collier. The
news of their arrival was thus conveyed by Governor Henry to the
president of Congress:--
WILLIAMSBURG, 11 May, 1779.
SIR,--On Saturday last, in the evening, a British fleet
amounting to about thirty sail ... came into the Bay of
Chesapeake, and the next day proceeded to Hampton Road,
where they anchored and remained quiet until yesterday about
noon, when several of the ships got under way, and proceeded
towards Portsmouth, which place I have no doubt they intend
to attack by water or by land or by both, as they have many
flat-bottomed boats with them for the purpose of landing
their troops. As I too well know the weakness of that
garrison, I am in great pain for the consequences, there
being great quantities of merchandise, the property of
French merchants and others in this State, at that place, as
well as considerable quantities of military stores, which,
tho' measures some time since were taken to remove, may
nevertheless fall into the enemy's hands. Whether they may
hereafter intend to fortify and maintain this post is at
present unknown to me, but the consequences which will
result to this State and to the United States finally if
such a measure should be adopted must be obvious. Whether it
may be in the power of Congress to adopt any measures which
can in any manner counteract the design of the enemy is
submitted to their wisdom. At present, I cannot avoid
intimating that I have the greatest reason to think that
many vessels from France with public and private merchandise
may unfortunately arrive while the enemy remain in perfect
possession of the Bay of Chesapeake, and fall victims
unexpectedly.
Every precaution will be taken to order lookout boats on the
seacoasts to furnish proper intelligence; but the success
attending this necessary measure will be precarious in the
present situation of things.[298]
On the next day the governor had still heavier tidings for the same
correspondent:--
WILLIAMSBURG, May 12, 1779.
SIR,--I addressed you yesterday upon a subject of the
greatest consequence. The last night brought me the fatal
account of Portsmouth being in possession of the enemy.
Their force was too great to be resisted, and therefore the
fort was evacuated after destroying one capital ship
belonging to the State and one or two private ones loaded
with tobacco. Goods and merchandise, however, of very great
value fall into the enemy's hands. If Congress could by
solicitations procure a fleet superior to the enemy's force
to enter Chesapeake at this critical period, the prospect of
gain and advantage would be great indeed. I have the honor
to be, with the greatest regard, Sir,
Your most humble and obedient servant,
P. HENRY.[299]
To meet this dreadful invasion, the governor attempted to arouse and
direct vigorous measures, in part by a proclamation, on the 14th of
May, announcing to the people of Virginia the facts of the case, "and
requiring the county lieutenants and other military officers in the
Commonwealth, and especially those on the navigable waters, to hold
their respective militias in readiness to oppose the attempts of the
enemy wherever they might be made."[300]
On the 21st of the month, in a letter to the president of Congress, he
reported the havoc then wrought by the enemy:--
WILLIAMSBURG, May 21, 1779.
SIR,--Being in the greatest haste to dispatch your express,
I have not time to give you any very particular information
concerning the present invasion. Let it suffice therefore to
inform Congress that the number of the enemy's ships are
nearly the same as was mentioned in my former letter; with
regard to the number of the troops which landed and took
Portsmouth, and afterwards proceeded and burnt, plundered,
and destroyed Suffolk, committing various barbarities, etc.,
we are still ignorant, as the accounts from the deserters
differ widely; perhaps, however, it may not exceed 2000 or
2500 men.
I trust that a sufficient number of troops are embodied and
stationed in certain proportions at this place, York,
Hampton, and on the south side of James River.... When any
further particulars come to my knowledge they shall be
communicated to Congress without delay.
I have the honor to be, Sir, your humble servant,
P. HENRY.
P. S. I am pretty certain that the land forces are commanded
by Gen'l Matthews and the fleet by Sir George Collier.[301]
In the very midst of this ugly storm, it was required that the ship of
state should undergo a change of commanders. The third year for which
Governor Henry had been elected was nearly at an end. There were some
members of the Assembly who thought him eligible as governor for still
another year, on the ground that his first election was by the
convention, and that the year of office which that body gave to him
"was merely provisory," and formed no proper part of his
constitutional term.[302] Governor Henry himself, however, could not
fail to perceive the unfitness of any struggle upon such a question at
such a time, as well as the futility which would attach to that high
office, if held, amid such perils, under a clouded title. Accordingly,
on the 28th of May, he cut short all discussion by sending to the
speaker of the House of Delegates the following letter:--
May 28, 1779.
SIR,--The term for which I had the honor to be elected
governor by the late Assembly being just about to expire,
and the Constitution, as I think, making me ineligible to
that office, I take the liberty to communicate to the
Assembly through you, Sir, my intention to retire in four or
five days.
I have thought it necessary to give this notification of my
design, in order that the Assembly may have the earliest
opportunity of deliberating upon the choice of a successor
to me in office.
With great regard, I have the honor to be, Sir, your most
obedient servant,
P. HENRY.[303]
On the first of June, Thomas Jefferson was elected to succeed him in
office, but by a majority of only six votes out of one hundred and
twenty-eight.[304] On the following day Patrick Henry, having received
certain resolutions from the General Assembly[305] commending him for
his conduct while governor, graciously closed this chapter of his
official life by the following letter:--
GENTLEMEN,--The House of Delegates have done me very great
honor in the vote expressive of their approbation of my
public conduct. I beg the favor of you, gentlemen, to convey
to that honorable house my most cordial acknowledgments, and
to assure them that I shall ever retain a grateful
remembrance of the high honor they have now conferred on
me.[306]
In the midst of these frank voices of public appreciation over the
fidelity and efficiency of his service as governor, there were
doubtless the usual murmurs of partisan criticism or of personal
ill-will. For example, a few days after Jefferson had taken his seat
in the stately chair which Patrick Henry had just vacated, St. George
Tucker, in a letter to Theophilus Bland, gave expression to this
sneer: "_Sub rosa_, I wish his excellency's activity may be equal to
the abilities he possesses in so eminent a degree.... But if he should
tread in the steps of his predecessor, there is not much to be
expected from the brightest talents."[307] Over against a taunt like
this, one can scarcely help placing the fact that the general of the
armies who, for three stern years, had been accustomed to lean heavily
for help on this governor of Virginia, and who never paid idle
compliments, nevertheless paid many a tribute to the intelligence,
zeal, and vigorous activity of Governor Henry's administration. Thus,
on the 27th of December, 1777, Washington writes to him: "In several
of my late letters I addressed you on the distress of the troops for
want of clothing. Your ready exertions to relieve them have given me
the highest satisfaction."[308] On the 19th of February, 1778,
Washington again writes to him: "I address myself to you, convinced
that our alarming distresses will engage your most serious
consideration, and that the full force of that zeal and vigor you
have manifested upon every other occasion, will now operate for our
relief, in a matter that so nearly affects the very existence of our
contest."[309] On the 19th of April, 1778, Washington once more writes
to him: "I hold myself infinitely obliged to the legislature for the
ready attention which they have paid to my representation of the wants
of the army, and to you for the strenuous manner in which you have
recommended to the people an observance of my request."[310] Finally,
if any men had even better opportunities than Washington for
estimating correctly Governor Henry's efficiency in his great office,
surely those men were his intimate associates, the members of the
Virginia legislature. It is quite possible that their first election
of him as governor may have been in ignorance of his real qualities as
an executive officer; but this cannot be said of their second and of
their third elections of him, each one of which was made, as we have
seen, without one audible lisp of opposition. Is it to be believed
that, if he had really shown that lack of executive efficiency which
St. George Tucker's sneer implies, such a body of men, in such a
crisis of public danger, would have twice and thrice elected him to
the highest executive office in the State, and that, too, without one
dissenting vote? To say so, indeed, is to fix a far more damning
censure upon them than upon him.
FOOTNOTES:
[293] Clark's _Campaign in the Illinois_, 95-97, where Governor
Henry's public and private instructions are given in full.
[294] MS.
[295] _Jour. Va. House Del._ 30, 36, 66; also Hening, ix. 474-476;
477-478; 530-532; 584-585.
[296] MS.
[297] Sparks, _Corr. Rev_. ii. 261-262.
[298] MS.
[299] MS.
[300] Burk, _Hist. Va._ iv. 338.
[301] MS.
[302] Burk, _Hist. Va._ iv. 350.
[303] Wirt, 225.
[304] _Jour. Va. House Del._ 29.
[305] Burk, _Hist. Va._ 350.
[306] _Jour. Va. House Del._ 32.
[307] _Bland Papers_, ii. 11.
[308] MS.
[309] MS.
[310] MS.