HOW THE BARONS MET AT LILLEBONNE, AND WHAT
AID THEY AGREED TO GIVE.
To consult on this matter before he opened his mind to any other, he
sent for Robert, the count d'Ou[1], who dwelt by the men of Vimou[2], and
Rogier de Montgomeri, whom he accounted a great friend, and Fitz Osber
of Bretuil, William by name, the proud of spirit; and for Gautier
Giffart, a man of great worth; and for his brother Odun, the bishop, and
Robert of Moretoin[3], who was his brother also, and loved him much.
Both these were his brothers, but only on the mother's side. He sent
moreover for Rogier de Vilers[4], who was much honoured and esteemed
for his wisdom, and was now of considerable age, having sons who were
already noble and brave knights. He was lord of Belmont-le-Rogier[5],
and possessed much land. And he sent also for Iwun al Chapel, who had
Muriel to wife, sister of the duke on the mother's side, Herluin being
her father[6]. I know not if children were born to them; I never heard
speak of any.
To these barons he told his design, before he made any great preparation.
He told them how he had lost his right, which Harold had seized; and
that if they approved, he would cross the sea to avenge himself. If
they were willing, he could easily recover his right by the aid of the
people he could summon, and by God's permission. And they said they were
all ready to go with him, if need were; and to pledge their lands, and
even sell them, if necessary; that he need lose nothing of his right,
but might rely on his men and his clerks. "You have," said they, "a
great baronage, many valiant and wise men, who have very great power,
and are as able as we to whom you speak: shew these things to them; all
should be taken into counsel who have to share the labour."
So the barons were all summoned, and being assembled at a set day[7],
the duke shewed to them that Harold had cheated him, and had stolen the
realm whereof Edward had made him heir; that he wished to avenge himself
if he could, but that great aid was wanted; and that he could not,
without their help, have many men and many ships, as he needed; let each
say what he would do, how many men and ships he would bring. And they
said they would speak together about it, and that after holding counsel,
they would answer him; and he consented thereto.
They remained long in council; and the debate lasted a great while; for
they hesitated long among themselves what they should say, what answer
they should give, and what aid they would afford. They complained much
to each other, saying that they had often been aggrieved; and they
murmured much, conferring together in small parties; here five, there
fifteen, here forty, there thirty, sixty, a hundred. Some said they were
willing to bring ships and cross the sea with the duke; others said they
would not go, for they owed much and were poor. Some would, others would
not, and there was great contention amongst them.
Then Fitz Osber came forward and said, "Why do you go on wrangling with
your natural lord, who seeks to gain honour? You ought never to be
wanting. You owe him service for your fiefs, and what you owe him you
ought to render with all your might. Wait not for him to beseech you;
ask him for no respite; but go forward at once, and offer him even more
than you can perform. Let him not have cause to complain, nor miss his
undertaking on your account. If he fail, he will perchance soon say (for
he is of a jealous temper) that you are the cause of his loss. Take care
that he has not to say, that his expedition failed through you."
"Sire," said they, "we fear the sea, and we are not bound to serve
beyond it; speak for us, we pray you, we put the speech upon you. You
shall say what you will, and we will do accordingly." "Do you put it
upon me?" said he. "Yes," said each, "I agree, let us go to the duke;
speak for us, for you know our minds."
Then Fitz Osber went at their head, and spoke for them. "Sire, sire,
look around; there is no people under Heaven that so love their lord, or
that will do so much for his honour, as the people you have; and much
should you love and protect them. They say that to advance you, they
would swim through the sea, or throw themselves into the raging fire;
you may trust them much, for they have served you long, and followed you
at great cost, and they will willingly continue to serve you. If they
have hitherto done well, they will hereafter do yet better. They will
pass with you over sea, and double their service. He who should bring
twenty knights, will cheerfully bring forty; he who should serve with
thirty, will now serve you with sixty; and he who owes a hundred will
willingly bring two hundred. For myself, I will in good love bring to my
lord, in his need, sixty ships, well furnished and charged with fighting
men."
At these words the barons marvelled and murmured much, grumbling loudly
at the great promises he made, for which he had no warranty. Many began
to disavow him, and the court became much troubled; great noise arose,
and the barons stormed. They feared that doubling their service would be
turned into a charge on their fiefs, that it would grow to a custom, and
would thenceforth become permanently due. The assembly was greatly
troubled, the noise was great, and the clamour loud. No one could hear
another speak; no one could either listen to reason, or render it for
himself.
[Illustration]
Then the duke, being greatly disturbed by the noise, drew on one side,
and sent for the barons one by one; and spoke with and entreated each,
telling them what need he had; how much they stood in his love and
grace; and that if they doubled their service, and did of their own
accord more than they were bound in this undertaking, they would do
well; but he pledged himself that they should not be called on in future
for service beyond what was the custom of the land, and such as their
ancestors were wont to do for their lord[8]. Each said what he would do,
and how many ships he could bring; and the duke had it all recorded at
once, numbering the ships and knights which the barons agreed to find;
thus each named how many knights he would provide, and how many ships he
could bring. Of his brother Odo, the bishop, he received forty ships as
a gift. The bishop of Mans furnished thirty ships with their crews; for
he desired much to advance the duke. Each of the barons in like manner
promised ships, but how many each one said he would bring I do not
know[9].
Then the duke called on his good neighbours, the Bretons, Mansels, and
Angevins, and those of Pontif and Boloigne, to come with him in his
need. To those who wished he promised lands, if he should conquer
England. To many he promised other rewards, good pay, and rich gifts.
From all sides he summoned soldiers who would serve for hire.
He shewed to the king of France his lord, how for good cause and for his
honour's sake he was about to cross the sea against Harold, who had
broken faith and defrauded him. The duke went to speak with the king at
St. Girmer[10] in Belveisen. He sought and found him there, and told him
his situation, and that if he would aid him, and if by his help he
should have his right, he would hold England of him, and would willingly
serve him for it.
But the king of France said he would not do it, and that with his
consent William should not go. For the French had besought their king,
and counselled him not to advance the duke, or suffer him to strengthen
himself. They said he was too strong already, and that it would be
foolish to let him become still stronger; for if he were allowed to add
the great power beyond sea, the wealth and great force of England, to
the good chivalry and pride of Normandy, the king would never have peace
in his life; he therefore ought rather to think of disturbing William,
and preventing his rising higher, or passing into England. "You cannot
aid the duke if you would," they said, "without means and money; all
France would thereby be injured and impoverished, and therefore no
Frenchman will follow you; no one will pass the sea, and if mischance
befall you, you will be brought to great shame. The duke seeks your aid
only for his own interest, for no good can come of it to you. When he
shall have conquered England, you will have no more service from him; he
serves you but little now, and he will then serve you still less. The
more he has, the less he will do for you."
After what the Frenchmen said, still more and more opposing it, the king
would not assist the duke, but rather hindered him all he could. I know
not exactly what the king answered, but I know well that he failed him
altogether. When the duke took leave of him, he said like a man who is
wroth at heart, "Sire, I will go, and will do the best I can. If God
please, I will seek my right. If I win it (which God grant) you shall do
me no harm; and if the English are able to defend themselves, so that I
fail, I shall not lose heart or head on that account. All things shall
be set in order[11]; my children shall have my land, and you shall not
take any advantage of them; whether I die or live, whatever befall me, I
fear the threats of no man." Then William tried no more to persuade the
king, but went his way.
He besought the count of Flanders[12] to go with him as his
brother-in-law and friend; but the count answered, that if he would make
sure of aid from him, he must first let him know what share of England
he was to have, and what division he would make of the spoil.
The duke said that he would go and talk with his barons about the
matter, and take their counsel, and afterwards state by letter what they
advised him to do. So he went away without more ado, and did such a
thing as no one ever did before; for he took a small piece of parchment
which had neither letter nor writing upon it, sealed it up with wax, all
blank as it was, and wrote upon the label that the count should have
such part of England as the letter within stated.
Then he sent the letter to the count by a cunning varlet[13], who had
long been with him; and the varlet delivered it to the count, who broke
the seal, and opened the parchment, and looked within, but saw nothing.
So he shewed it to the messenger, and the shrewd varlet said to him off
hand, "Nought is there, and nought shalt thou have! therefore look for
nothing! The honour that the duke seeks will be for your sister and
nephews as much as for himself; and if he and they should win England,
no one would have more advantage from their success than yourself. All
theirs would in truth be yours. If God please, he will conquer it by
himself, and seek none of your help." What the count answered I know
not, but the varlet thereupon went his way.
[Illustration]
The duke determined to make his preparations prudently. He sent to the
apostle, by clerks who could tell truly how Harold had used him; how he
had broken his oath and lied; and how he would neither take his
daughter, nor render him up the kingdom which Edward had given him, and
Harold had guaranteed on oath. He said that perjury ought to be punished
according to the rules of holy church; and that if by God's will he
should conquer England, he would receive it of St. Peter, and do
service for it to none but God. The apostle granted his request, and
sent him a gonfanon[14], and a very precious, rich and fair ring, which,
he said, had under the stone one of Saint Peter's hairs[15]. With these
tokens he commanded, and in God's name granted to him, that he should
conquer England, and hold it of Saint Peter.
Now while these things were doing, a great star appeared, shining for
fourteen days, with three long rays streaming towards the south; such a
star as is wont to be seen when a kingdom is about to change its king. I
have seen many men who saw it, men of full age at the time, and who
lived many years after[16]. Those who discourse of the stars would call
it a comet[17].
[Footnote 1: _Benoit de Sainte-More's_ account of William's council will
be found in our appendix.]
[Footnote 2: Vimeu.]
[Footnote 3: As to ROGER DE MONTGOMERI, WALTER GIFFART, ODO, BISHOP OF
BAYEUX, and ROBERT, COUNT OF MORTAIN--comes Moritolii--see our
subsequent notes on the chiefs at the battle of Hastings.]
[Footnote 4: ROGER DE VIEILLES, not Villers,--nor Veules, as often
written, owing to incorrect translation of the latin title, de
Vetulis,--son of Humfry of the same name, who is stated to have died at
Preaux, 1074. Vieilles is a small commune in the canton of Beaumont,
arrondissement of Bernay; where the family appears to have been
established before the building the castle, which still bears the name
of Roger. Roger is below, and usually, stiled DE BEAUMONT or BELLOMONT.
He could not have been very old at the conquest, (if Wace is to be
understood as so asserting), for he lived till thirty years after. His
son Robert became earl of Leicester on the grant of Hen. I.; having been
adult, and distinguished himself at Hastings, according to _William of
Poitiers_. See our subsequent note, and Ellis's _Domesday_, i. 380.]
[Footnote 5: Beaumont-le-Roger on the Rille.]
[Footnote 6: Historians have not mentioned an uterine sister of William,
called Muriel. We remarked, at p. 45, their error as to Adelidis,
usually so reckoned; but who, as we have seen, was of the _whole_ blood,
and married Enguerran, count of Ponthieu; not Odo of Champagne, who, in
fact, married her daughter. The mistakes hitherto prevailing as to
Adelidis, render us less averse to suspect others of the same sort among
the genealogists; and Wace's account of Muriel is confirmed from other
sources. It would seem to have been to her, then a widow--ad Muriel
sancti-monialem--sister of Odo, bishop of Bayeux--and therefore sister,
or more properly half-sister of Adelidis, that the poet Serlon, the
canon of Bayeux, (as to whom see _Wace_, ii. 235, 393) addressed his
verses _de captâ Bajocensium civitate_. The baron here called
Iwun-al-Chapel seems to be EUDO DE CAPELLO--du manteau, or capuchon--son
of Turstain Halduc and Emma his wife, and subscribing himself Eudo
Haldub in a charter of 1074. _Mém. Ant. Norm_. viii. 436. He was dapifer
to duke William; although not the Eudo dapifer of _Domesday_, who was
son of Hubert de Rie. He was the head of the house of Haie-du-Puits in
the Cotentin, and undoubtedly married a Muriel, as appears by the
charters of Lessay, whether she were a daughter of Herluin or not. The
estates of Eudo went to his nephew, which confirms Wace's account of his
having no issue. See the Lessay charters in _Dugdale_ and _Gallia
Christiana_, and our subsequent note on Haie.]
[Footnote 7: Wace does not name the place of meeting of this great
council. _William of Malmesbury_ informs us that it was at Lillebonne;
where the remains of the ancient castle still exist; see the roofless
hall in our vignette above, at p. 101.]
[Footnote 8: This jealousy, which from the nature of the meeting may
well be called parliamentary, characterized the assemblies of the Norman
estates much later. See Delafoy's _Constitution du duchi de Normandie,_
p. 159. At the meeting in 1350, when an extraordinary supply was
granted, the states stipulated expressly, and the king agreed, that no
prejudicial consequences should follow; 'cette imposition ne portera
préjudice aux gens du pays de Normandie, ne a leurs privileges ou
chartes en aucune manière, ou temps présent ne a venir; et ne sera trait
a conséquence.']
[Footnote 9: See in M. Le Prevost's notes to Wace, vol. ii. 531, the
curious list from Taylor's anon. MS. (supposed to be of the age of Hen.
I.) containing the proportions in which William's naval force was
furnished. Fitz Osbero's number agrees with Wace's account of his
promise. The same list, with some variations, (whence arising we know
not) is printed in Turner's _History of the Anglo-Saxons_; and in
Littleton's _History of Hen. II_. vol. i. See also Ellis, _Domesday_, i.
227.]
[Footnote 10: Saint Germer near Gournay. The king of France at this time
was Philip, the successor of Henry, whose army was defeated at Mortemer.
Philip was a minor; Baldwin the fifth, William's father-in-law, being
his guardian; but not, as Sismondi says, taking any active part in the
management of French affairs. Philip, however, could personally have
taken no conduct of such matters.]
[Footnote 11:
Son regne laisse si assis,
E a si tres feeus amis,
A sa femme, la proz, la sage,
Que n'el en pot venir damage.
_Benoit de Sainte-More.]
[Footnote 12: Part of this passage is obscure in the original:
Li conte de Flandres requist,
K'en sa busuigne _a li_ venist,
_Cum od_ serorge et _od_ ami.
The meaning _may_ be that the reigning count of Flanders was requested
to come to William _with_ the latter's brother-in-law, i.e. bringing
with him his, the then count's, son. But the succeeding speech of the
varlet directly addresses the count as himself the brother-in-law; and
most likely the sentence is elliptic, and what is meant is, that the
count should come _to_ him, and go on the expedition _with_ him, as with
a brother-in-law and friend. If this, however, be Wace's meaning, he is
historically wrong; as Baldwin V. William's father-in-law, did not die
till the succeeding year; and the application, therefore, must have been
to him, not to the brother-in-law, afterwards Baldwin VI. Wace's account
of the count's feelings and conduct is at variance with the received
historical opinion, that he assisted William zealously; particularly by
using his influence in restraining any opposition from the young French
king his ward. According to Sismondi, however, Baldwin did not interfere
in French affairs; and the course pursued by the king does not appear to
have been friendly, but as hostile as the weakness attendant on a
minority allowed. As to the policy of the court of Flanders, a variance
in the accounts may possibly have arisen from confusion between the
different counts, who succeeded each other quickly, and perhaps had
opposite views: so that what is said by historians as to William's
transactions with Baldwin V. may apply to a later period and another
person. Though there were many adventurers from Flanders in William's
service, we are not aware of any decisive proof that the count avowedly
sent a force to aid the expedition in 1066. Gilbert de Gant is not heard
of before 1069. He and such captains as Gherbod of Chester, Walter
Flandrensis and Drogo de Bevrere may have been only volunteers,
assisting for personal rewards. It may be added that Wace's account of
the course pursued by France and Flanders is at any rate consistent; and
it is probable, as being dictated by motives of obvious policy.]
[Footnote 13: Or page.]
[Footnote 14: See Wace's account of the gonfanons, devices, shields, &c.
at the battle of Valdesdunes.]
[Footnote 15: Another MS. reads 'une des _denz_ Saint Pierre.' _Benoit
de Sainte-More_ says of the pope,
A Rome ert done Pape Alixandre
Jusz hoem, saintismes e verais.
See his report concerning the apostolic grant in our appendix.]
[Footnote 16: Wace's words, of which we believe we give the meaning,
are,
Asez vi homes ki la virent,
Ki ainz e poiz lunges veskirent.]
[Footnote 17: The original passage, and the parallel accounts in _Benoit
de Sainte-More_ and _Gaimar_, will be found in our appendix.]
[Illustration]