OF HAROLD'S JOURNEY TO NORMANDY, AND WHAT HE DID THERE.
Now in that country of England there was a seneschal[1], Heraut[2] by
name, a noble vassal, who on account of his worth and merits, had great
influence, and was in truth the most powerful man in all the land. He
was strong in his own men, and strong in his friends, and managed all
England as a man does land of which he has the seneschalsy. On his
father's side he was English, and on his mother's Danish; Gite[3] his
mother being a Danish woman, born and brought up in great wealth, a very
gentle lady, the sister of King Kenut. She was wife to Godwin, mother to
Harold, and her daughter Edif[4] was queen. Harold himself was the
favourite of his lord, who had his sister to wife. When his father had
died (being choked at the feast), Harold, pitying the hostages, was
desirous to cross over into Normandy, to bring them home. So he went to
take leave[5] of the king. But Edward strictly forbade him, and charged
and conjured him not to go to Normandy, nor to speak with duke William;
for he might soon be drawn into some snare, as the duke was very shrewd;
and he told him, that if he wished to have the hostages home, he would
choose some messenger for the purpose. So at least I have found the
story written[6]. But another book tells me that the king ordered him
to go, for the purpose of assuring duke William, his cousin, that he
should have the realm after his death. How the matter really was I never
knew, and I find it written both the one way and the other.
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Whatever was the business he went upon, or whatever it was that he meant
to do, Harold set out on his way, taking the risk of what might fall
out. What is fated to happen no man can prevent, let him be who he will.
What must be will come to pass, and no one can make it nought.
He made ready two ships, and took the sea at Bodeham[7]. I know not how
the mischief was occasioned; whether the steersman erred, or whether it
was that a storm arose; but this I know, that he missed the right
course, and touched the coast of Pontif, where he could neither get
away, nor conceal himself. A fisherman of that country, who had been in
England and had often seen Harold, watched him; and knew him, both by
his face and his speech; and went privily to Guy, the count of
Pontif[8], and would speak to no other; and he told the count how he
could put a great prize in his way, if he would go with him; and that if
he would give him only twenty livres, he should gain a hundred by it,
for he would deliver him such a prisoner, as would pay a hundred livres
or more for ranson. The count agreed to his terms, and then the
fisherman showed him Harold. They seized and took him to Abbeville; but
Harold contrived to send off a message privily to duke William in
Normandy, and told him of his journey; how he had set out from England
to visit him, but had missed the right port; and how the count of Pontif
had seized him, and without any cause of offence had put him in prison:
and he promised that if the duke would deliver him from his captivity,
he would do whatever he wished in return.
Guy guarded Harold mean time with great care; fearing some mischance, he
sent him to Belrem[9], that he might be further from the duke. But
William thought that if he could get Harold into his keeping, he might
turn it to good account; so he made so many fair promises and offers to
the earl, and so coaxed and flattered him, that he at last gave up his
prisoner[10]; and the duke thus got possession of him, and gave in
return to the count Guy a fair manor lying along the river Alne[11].
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William entertained Harold many days in great honour, as was his due. He
took him to many rich tournaments, arrayed him nobly, gave him horses
and arms, and led him with him into Britanny--I am not certain whether
three or four times--when he had to fight with the Bretons[12]. And in
the meantime he bespoke Harold so fairly, that he agreed to deliver up
England to him, as soon as king Edward should die; and he was to have
Ele[13], one of William's daughters, for his wife if he would; and to
swear to all this if required, William also binding himself to those
terms.
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To receive the oath, he caused a parliament to be called. It is commonly
said that it was at Bayeux[14] that he had his great council assembled.
He sent for all the holy bodies thither, and put so many of them
together as to fill a whole chest, and then covered them with a pall;
but Harold neither saw them, nor knew of their being there; for nought
was shewn or told to him about it; and over all was a philactery, the
best that he could select; OIL DE BOEF[15], I have heard it called. When
Harold placed his hand upon it, the hand trembled, and the flesh
quivered; but he swore, and promised upon his oath, to take Ele to wife,
and to deliver up England to the duke: and thereunto to do all in his
power, according to his might and wit, after the death of Edward, if he
should live, so help him God and the holy relics there! Many cried "God
grant it[16]!" and when Harold had kissed the saints, and had risen
upon his feet, the duke led him up to the chest, and made him stand near
it; and took off the chest the pall that had covered it, and shewed
Harold upon what holy relics he had sworn; and he was sorely alarmed at
the sight.
Then when all was ready for his journey homeward, he took his leave; and
William exhorted him to be true to his word, and kissed him in the name
of good faith and friendship. And Harold passed freely homeward, and
arrived safely in England.
[Footnote 1: Seneschal, 'lieutenant du duc pour l'administration
civile;' 'ce mot, dérivé de la langue Franke, signifie proprement
serviteur gardien des troupeaux ou gardien de la famille,
_senes-skalch._ C'était un office de la maison des rois franks, et, par
suite de la conquête, une dignité politique de la Gaule.' _Thierry_, i.
270.]
[Footnote 2: Wace generally writes Harold's name thus; we shall,
however, henceforth use the usual historical spelling: as also in the
case of Godwin, whom Wace calls Gwigne, and some of the Norman
chronicles Gaudvin.]
[Footnote 3: Alias Githe or Githa.]
[Footnote 4: Ead-githa of the Saxon chronicle, who married in 1043, and
died in 1075.]
[Footnote 5: The scene of the Bayeux tapestry opens here.]
[Footnote 6:
'I cannot say how the truth may be,
I but tell the tale as 'twas told to me.'
Benoit de Sainte-More sends the archbishop of Canterbury to William, at
Edward's desire, to convey his intention of leaving to the duke the
inheritance of the English crown.
L'arcevesque de Cantorbire,
Li plus hauz hom de son empire,
Out en Normendie tramis,
Les anz avant, si cum je vos dis,
Por afermer ce qu'il li done,
Tot le reaume e la corone.
And Harold's mission is described as being expressly intended, in the
following year, to confirm the same bequest:
Por estre plus certains e meres,
E qu'il n'i sorsist encombrier,
Resout l'ovre plus esforcier.
Heraut, qui quens ert del pais,
Trestot li plus poestéis
Que nul des autres del reiaume,
Ce lui tramist al duc Guillaume,
Que del regne enterinement
Tot qui a la corone apent
Li feist feuté jurée,
Eissi cum ele ert devisée:
Veut qu'il l'en face serrement
Et qu'il l'en donge tenement....]
[Footnote 7: Bosham, near Chichester; a manor which Domesday shows to
have belonged to Harold's father Godwin. See Ellis, _Domesday,_ i. 310.]
[Footnote 8: Guy succeeded his brother Enguerran, William's
brother-in-law, who was killed before Arques. Guy, after being captured
at Mortemer, was, according to _Ordericus Vitalis_, p. 658, kept
prisoner at Bayeux, and was ultimately released on homage and fealty to
the duke. See our previous notes on this family, and a subsequent one on
Aumale. Benoit states positively that a storm carried Harold to
Ponthieu:
--trop lor fu la mer sauvage:
Kar granz tempers e fort orage
Ne les i laissa ariver:
Ainceis les covint devaler
Dreit en Pontif. La pristrent port,
Eissi ateint e eissi mort;
Mieux vousissent estre en sezile.]
[Footnote 9: Beaurain on the Canche, arrondissement of Hesdin.]
[Footnote 10: According to _William of Poitiers_, Guy himself conducted
his prisoner to William at Eu. Benoit ascribes the surrender to
William's threats and military preparations, for which purpose
....manda li dux ses genz
Sempres, a milliers e a cenz;
Vers Ou chevaucha irascuz
Dunt Heraut ne li ert renduz.]
[Footnote 11: The Eaulne.]
[Footnote 12: 'Tales togeder thei told, ilk on a good palfray.' _Robert
Brunne's_ Chronicle, quoted in _Thierry_, i. 250. Benoit de Sainte-More
says of this part of the story,
Od que li Dux out jostées,
Mult granz e mult desmesurées:
Por aller essilier Bretons,
Vers lui torcenos e felons
Qui n'el deignoient sopleier,
Le mena od sei osteier;
Là fist de lui si grant cherté
C'unc tant n'out de sa volunté,
Ne fu nul leu mais tant joiz
Qu'il cil afaires fu feniz.]
[Footnote 13: Adela. According to _Ordericus Vitalis_ it was Agatha,
another daughter. He adds a pathetic story as to her felling in love
with Harold, and dying of grief at her disappointment, and at an attempt
made to consign her to a new match with the king of Gallicia. See
_Maseres's_ note, p. 103, and Mr. Amyot's dissertation in the
_Archæologia_. The story of her attachment to Harold is rather
inconsistent with the date of 1053, usually assigned to William's
marriage; as his daughter would not be more than eleven years old at
Harold's visit. The date, however, of the marriage is uncertain. See a
note in M. Deville's volume on _St. Georges de Bocherville_. According
to Benoit de Sainte-More, it was part of the agreement that Harold
should not only have "Aeliz la proz e la sage," but with her "del regne
une moitie." Nothing is said by him of any contrivance as to the relics
on which the oath was administered. The oath and agreement, as narrated
by him, will be found in the appendix I.]
[Footnote 14: _Ordericus Vitalis_ fixes the scene at Rouen, and _William
of Poitiers_ at Bonneville-sur-Touques. The latter places the event
before the expedition to Brittany; which, except on Wace's authority, is
not known to have occurred more than once.]
[Footnote 15: Either from its figure or the ornaments upon it.]
[Footnote 16: "Ki Dex li dont!" It is unnecessary to observe how
variously these events have been told. In the words of _William of
Malmsbury_, 'Lectorem premonitum velim, quod hic quasi ancipitem viam
narrationis video, quia veritas factorum pendet in dubio.' The accounts
of Thierry, Sir Francis Palgrave, and Depping, may be referred to as
those of the latest writers. In Wace we are following the story of a
Norman, as told at a Norman court: but on the whole there is little in
his history that is at variance with probability, or with the best
evidence on the subject. It will be observed that he does not go the
full length of some of the Norman historians, in pretending that the
English nation gave any formal assent to Edward's views as to the
disposition of his kingdom in favour of his kinsman William.]
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