Master Wace
HIS CHRONICLE OF THE NORMAN CONQUEST
FROM THE
Roman de Rou
TRANSLATED WITH NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS
BY EDGAR TAYLOR ESQ. F.S.A.
LONDON
WILLIAM PICKERING
1837
TO HUDSON GURNEY, ESQ.
THIS CHRONICLE OF THE NORMAN CONQUEST
IS DEDICATED, IN TESTIMONY OF THE
TRANSLATOR'S RESPECT
AND REGARD.
CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
INTRODUCTION
ILLUSTRATIONS--Frontispiece, the oath administered to
Harold; from the Bayeux Tapestry. Title page vignette,
including a coin of William, from Ruding, vol. iv.
Dedication vignette, a group _after_ the Bayeux Tapestry.[1]
Map of Normandy. Initial letter to introduction, from the
Battle abbey chronicle, p. xv. The Tapestry roll, as
preserved at Bayeux, p. xxix.
PROLOGUE.
CONCERNING THE AUTHOR OF THIS BOOK, SETTING FORTH HIS INTENT AND DEGREE
ILLUSTRATIONS--Baptism of Rollo, from the Museum MS. of
Benoit Sainte-More, to face p. 1. Initial letter, from the
MS. of William of Jumieges in the library at Rouen, p. 1.
Norman soldiers, from a capital in the chapel of Norwich
castle, p. 6. [These may be compared with the two knights
opposite, (p. 7,) from Bocherville.]
CHAPTER I.
HOW WILLIAM BECAME DUKE; AND HOW HIS BARONS REVOLTED AGAINST HIM
ILLUSTRATIONS--Norman knights, from a capital in the church
of St. Georges de Bocherville, p. 7. Two norman messengers;
from the Bayeux Tapestry, p. 16.
CHAPTER II.
HOW THE KING OF FRANCE CAME; AND THE BATTLE THAT WAS FOUGHT AT VAL DES
DUNES
ILLUSTRATION--Group from the Bayeux Tapestry, p. 17.
CHAPTER III.
HOW CANUTE DIED, AND ALFRED FELL BY TREASON; AND HOW EDWARD AFTERWARDS
BECAME KING
ILLUSTRATIONS--Two illuminations from the Cambridge MS.
Estoire de Seint Ædward le Rei, representing the dispatch of
messengers for Edward, p. 32. The like, representing his
landing and his coronation, p. 36.
CHAPTER IV.
THE REVOLT OF WILLIAM OF ARQUES; AND HOW HE AND THE KING OF FRANCE WERE
FOILED BY DUKE WILLIAM
ILLUSTRATIONS--Messengers to William, from the Tapestry, p.
40. Surrender of a town, from the Tapestry, p. 46.
CHAPTER V.
HOW THE KING OF FRANCE INVADED NORMANDY, AND WAS BEATEN AT MORTEMER
ILLUSTRATION--Guy count of Ponthieu, from the Bayeux
Tapestry, (going there to receive Harold,) p. 52.
CHAPTER VI.
HOW THE KING OF FRANCE CAME AGAIN AGAINST DUKE WILLIAM, AND WAS DEFEATED
AT VARAVILLE
ILLUSTRATION--Group from the Bayeux Tapestry, (representing
there the Duke embarking at St. Valery,) p. 57.
CHAPTER VII.
HOW WILLIAM PROSPERED, AND WENT TO ENGLAND TO VISIT KING EDWARD; AND WHO
GODWIN WAS
ILLUSTRATIONS--Abbey church of the Holy Trinity at Caen,
from Cotman, p. 63. Edward dissuaded by his nobles from his
vow, from the Cambridge MS. p. 69.
CHAPTER VIII.
OF HAROLD'S JOURNEY TO NORMANDY; AND WHAT HE DID THERE
ILLUSTRATIONS--Harold taking his leave of king Edward, p.
74. Harold proceeding to Bosham, p. 77. Harold claimed, by
Norman messengers, from count Guy of Ponthieu, p. 81. Guy
delivering Harold to William, p. 82. William receiving
Harold at his palace, p. 84; all from the Tapestry. Edward
the Confessor's great seal, p. 86.
CHAPTER IX.
HOW KING EDWARD DIED, AND HAROLD WAS CROWNED IN HIS STEAD; AND HOW DUKE
WILLIAM TOOK COUNSEL AGAINST HIM
ILLUSTRATIONS--Edward naming Harold his successor, from the
Cambridge MS. p. 88. Edward carried for burial to
Westminster Abbey, from the Bayeux Tapestry, p. 91. Edward
entombed, from the Cambridge MS., p. 92. Harold's election
and coronation, from the Bayeux Tapestry, p. 99. Ship
bearing the messenger with the news to William, also from
the Tapestry, p. 100.
CHAPTER X.
HOW THE BARONS MET, AND WHAT AID THEY AGREED TO GIVE
ILLUSTRATIONS--Remains of the great hall at Lillebonne, from
Cotman, p. 101. William ordering ships to be built, from the
Bayeux Tapestry, p. 107. The Comet, and information to
Harold [of William's preparations?], both from the Tapestry,
p. 114.
CHAPTER XI.
HOW THE NORMAN HOST MET AT ST. VALERY, AND SAILED THENCE
ILLUSTRATIONS--Ship-building, p. 116. Storing the ships, p.
121. William's ship, p. 122; all from the Tapestry.
CHAPTER XII.
HOW THE DUKE AND HIS HOST LANDED NEAR HASTINGS, AND MADE THEMSELVES A
FORT
ILLUSTRATIONS--Unloading and dismantling the ships, p. 126.
The supper after landing, p. 129. Group, (the same as at p.
55,) p. 132; all from the Bayeux Tapestry.
CHAPTER XIII.
HOW AN ENGLISH KNIGHT RODE TO HAROLD; AND WHAT MESSAGE WAS SENT BY THE
DUKE
CHAPTER XIV.
HOW THE ENGLISH CONSULTED, AND WENT TO MEET THE NORMANS; AND HAROLD AND
GURTH RECONNOITRED
ILLUSTRATIONS--Figure from a Saxon MS. now in the King's
library at Paris, representing Harold, (according to
Montfaucon,) p. 141. Two Norman scouts or messengers, from
the Bayeux Tapestry (before, p. 16), p. 147.
CHAPTER XV.
WHAT FURTHER PARLEY WAS HAD BETWEEN THE KING AND DUKE WILLIAM BEFORE THE
BATTLE
ILLUSTRATION--Fort at Hastings, with a messenger coming to
William, from the Bayeux Tapestry, p. 148.
CHAPTER XVI.
HOW EACH HOST PASSED THE NIGHT, AND MADE READY FOR BATTLE; AND HOW THE
DUKE EXHORTED HIS MEN
ILLUSTRATIONS--William and his half brothers, from the
Bayeux Tapestry, p. 155. William exhorting his men, p. 158;
also from the Tapestry.
CHAPTER XVII.
WHO WAS CHOSEN TO BEAR THE DUKE'S GONFANON
ILLUSTRATION--A Norman baron, with gonfanon, coming out of
Hastings to take horse, from the Tapestry, p. 166.
CHAPTER XVIII.
HOW THE MEN OF ENGLAND MADE READY, AND WHO THEY WERE
ILLUSTRATION--Saxon armour,--compiled from various sources
in Planché's 'British Costume,'--p. 173.
CHAPTER XIX.
HOW THE NORMAN COMPANIES MOVED TO THE ATTACK
ILLUSTRATIONS--William enquiring news of the English from
Vital one of his officers looking out, from the Bayeux
Tapestry, p. 180. Continuation of the exhortation,
(commenced at p. 158); from the Tapestry, p. 185.
CHAPTER XX.
HOW TAILLEFER SANG, AND THE BATTLE BEGAN
ILLUSTRATIONS--Attack by the Normans on the English placed
on an eminence, and defended by a fosse, from the Bayeux
Tapestry, p. 188. Bishop Odo rallying and encouraging the
varlets, also from the Tapestry, p. 192.
CHAPTER XXI.
HOW THE ARCHERS SMOTE HAROLD'S EYE; AND WHAT STRATAGEM THE NORMANS USED
ILLUSTRATION--Engagement between the Normans and English,
from the Bayeux Tapestry, p. 196.
CHAPTER XXII.
THE ROLL OF THE NORMAN CHIEFS; AND THEIR DEEDS
ILLUSTRATIONS--Norman Knights advancing 'ad prelium contra
Haroldum,' from the Bayeux Tapestry, p. 204. Group, also
from the Tapestry, p. 205.
CHAPTER XXIII.
THE ROLL OF THE NORMAN CHIEFS CONTINUED
ILLUSTRATIONS--William knighting Harold at La Lande, from
the Bayeux Tapestry, p. 224. Group from the same, p. 225.
Signet ring of one of the Bigots, p. 235.
CHAPTER XXIV.
WHAT DEEDS OF ARMS DUKE WILLIAM DID; AND HOW HAROLD WAS SLAIN AND THE
ENGLISH FLED
ILLUSTRATIONS--Deaths of Lewin and Gurth, p. 248. William
fighting, p. 249, and death of Harold, p. 253; all from the
Bayeux Tapestry. Burial of Harold, from the Cambridge MS. p.
259.
CHAPTER XXV.
HOW WILLIAM WAS CROWNED KING; AND HOW HE AT LAST FELL ILL AT ROUEN
ILLUSTRATIONS--Seal of William as king and duke, p. 261.
Seal of Battle abbey, p. 269. Apsis of St. Gerrais, p. 276.
CHAPTER XXVI.
HOW WILLIAM DIED, AND WAS BURIED AT CAEN
ILLUSTRATION--St. Stephen's, Caen, (Cotman,) p. 277.
CONCLUSION.
KING WILLIAM'S CHARACTER, FROM THE SAXON CHRONICLE
ILLUSTRATIONS--Initial letter from the Battle abbey
chronicle, p. 283. Dutchy arms, 287.
APPENDIX
INDEX
[Footnote 1: A shield of pure _sable_ is appended to the principal
figure, with full notice of our liability, on that account, to the
charge of heraldic anachronism. Waving any defence on the scientific
point, we merely observe that when Wace tells us of 'escuz painz de
plusors guises,' it may safely be presumed that there was at least _one_
of sable hue; and that our fancy may not be considered as running very
wild, if it presumes that the lord of the Marches was wont so to
distinguish himself; and if it connects the subsequent use of so simple
an heraldic bearing by the norman Gornais, with its previous use as a
mere badge, a cognoissance or entre-sain; see p. 22, 172, 302.]
[Illustration: A map of Normandy]
INTRODUCTION.
A detailed narrative of events so interesting as those which preceded
and attended the conquest of England by William, duke of Normandy, needs
little apology for its introduction, for the first time, to the english
reader. If his feelings are at all in unison with those of the
translator, he will welcome the easy access thus afforded to this
remarkable chronicle;--by far the most minute, graphic, and animated
account of the transactions in question, written by one who lived among
the immediate children of the principal actors. The historian will find
some value in such a memorial of this great epoch in english
affairs;--the genealogist will meet in it some interesting materials
applicable to his peculiar pursuits;--and the general reader will hardly
fail to take a lively interest in such an illustration of the history of
the singular men, who emerged in so short a time from the condition of
roving barbarians into that of the conquerors, en noblers, and
munificent adorners of every land in which they settled, and to whom the
proudest families of succeeding ages have been eager to trace the
honours of their pedigree.
MASTER WACE, the author of the ROMAN DE ROU and chronicle of the dukes
of Normandy, from which the ensuing pages are extracted, tells
concerning himself, in his prologue, all that is known with any degree
of certainty. His name, with several variations of orthography, is not
an unusual one in early norman history, though he has not claimed an
identification with any known family distinguished by it. The name of
Robert, which has been usually assigned to him as an addition, has no
sufficient warranty. It certainly occurs in connection with that of Wace
in the charters of the abbey of Plessis-Grimoult; (see the Mémoires des
antiquaires de Norm, viii.); but Richard Wace, a priest whose name
occurs in the chartulary of the abbey of St. Sauveur le Vicomte, has
been speculated upon by the Abbé de la Rue as having a more probable
claim of identification.
In speaking of the numbers which composed William's invading fleet, Wace
says,
--jo oï dire a mon pere,
Bien m'en sovint, mais varlet ere;
and it has been in consequence supposed that he intended to represent
his father as a cotemporary and even an eye witness of the expedition.
It will, however, be easily seen that this is extremely improbable. Wace
lived and wrote as late as at least 1173, and could hardly have been
born earlier than the commencement of the eleventh century. The
assumption that his father was adult in 1066 would give to the latter an
improbable age at his son's birth, and a very great one at the time when
the 'varlet' could have listened to the tale of his parent's experience.
The probability, therefore, is, that Wace only meant to refer to his
father as a suitable authority, conveying information which he might
easily have derived from living among those who actually shared in the
expedition. It is clear, however, that in another place, p. 115, he
directly asserts his own communication with persons adult at the
conquest; for, in speaking of the comet that preceded it, he refers to
the report of eye-witnesses as his personal authority:
Asez vi homes ki la virent,
Ki _ainz_ e _poiz_ lunges veskirent.
Master Wace tells us that he was born in Jersey;--probably soon after
1100. He was taken young to be educated at Caen, and proceeded thence to
the proper dominions of the king of France; returning eventually to
Caen, where he betook himself to writing 'romanz.' He says that he
finished his 'Roman de Brut' (now in course of publication at Rouen) in
1155; and that he lived under three Henries; namely Henry I. and II. of
England, and the latter's son Henry, who died young. His principal
patron was Henry II. who gave him a prebend of the cathedral of Bayeux.
It appears, we are told, from the archives of that church, that he held
the office nineteen years. We learn from him, however, that he did not
consider his reward equal to his desert; and he dwells on further
promises, which would have been more acceptable if followed by
performance.
His chronicle (which he says he wrote in 1160) continues down to 1106;
and ends in apparent ill humour at Benoit de Sainte-More's being
employed upon a similar task. His concluding words are,
Ci faut li livre maistre Wace,
Qu'in velt avant fere--s'in face!
He is reported to have died in England as late as 1184. He certainly
wrote after 1173, for his ascending chronicle of the dukes of Normandy
speaks of events which occurred in that year.
The earlier portions of his chronicle, like the pages of Ordericus
Vitalis, teem with wonders. His principal sources of these materials
were Dudo de St. Quintin, and William of Jumieges. But, as M. Guizot
observes in vindication of the latter, the reproach is certainly not,
that having truth and error within his reach he selected the latter, but
that with no choice about the matter he used the only materials that
were in his power. When he reached the era of the conqueror, more
complete and authentic information was within his reach; and the perusal
of this later portion of his work will perhaps leave no unfavorable
impression as to the judgment and fidelity with which he has used his
materials, especially with regard to the narrative of the great english
expedition. There is an obvious desire to represent the truth, and to
state the doubt when certainty was not attainable; and it may not escape
the reader, that though Wace is far from wanting in poetic spirit, he
sometimes rejects precisely those ornaments of his story which were most
attractive for a poet's purpose, and for the use of which grave example
might be pleaded.
He is particularly interesting whenever his subject leads to local
description applicable to his more immediate neighbourhood. From that
part of Normandy in particular his list of the chiefs present at the
battle of Hastings has its principal materials. The allusions, in which
he abounds, to the personal history and conduct of many of these leaders
give great value to this portion of his chronicle. Anachronisms no doubt
are easily to be discovered, from which none of the chroniclers of the
day were or could be expected to be exempt. His christian names are
sometimes incorrect; an error which he certainly might have avoided had
he followed the safer policy of Brompton, who covers his inability to
enter upon that branch of his work, by roundly asserting that truth was
unattainable.
If Wace is followed on the map, it will readily be seen to what extent
the fiefs in his own district of Normandy predominate in his catalogue.
He even commemorates the communes of neighbouring towns; and the
arrangement throughout is determined by circumstances of propinquity, by
rhyme, or other casual association.
But with all the drawbacks which may be claimed, Wace's roll, partial
and confined in extent as it is, must always be considered an
interesting and valuable document. Even if it be taken as the mere
gossip and tradition of the neighbourhood, it belongs to a period so
little removed from that of the immediate actors, that it cannot be read
with indifference. It bears a character of general probability in the
main, of simplicity and of absence of any purpose of deception. It puts
together much local and family information, gathered by an intelligent
associate of those whose means of knowledge was recent and direct; and
it may be read, so far as it goes, with far less distrust, and is in
fact supported by more external authority both positive and negative,
than those lists which were once of high pretension, but are now
universally abandoned as fabricated or corrupt.[1]
The narrative of the english expedition is the main object of the
present volume: but it seemed desirable to prefix the leading passages
of William's early history; not only for the purpose of introducing many
of the persons with whom the reader is afterwards to become better
acquainted, but with the view of exhibiting a lively picture of the
difficulties attending William's opening career--of the energy with
which he triumphed over his enemies, and directed his turbulent subjects
to useful purposes--and of the hazards he incurred, in attempting so
bold an expedition in the presence of such dangerous neighbours. The
narratives of the revolt quelled at Valdesdunes, and of the affairs of
Arques, Mortemer, and Varaville, are among the most picturesque and
graphic portions of Wace's chronicle, and derive much interest from
their bearing upon local history and description.
The division into chapters, it may be proper to observe, is a liberty
taken with the original by the translator; and his further liberties are
those of omitting portions of the duke's early adventures, and of
restoring, in one or two cases, the proper chronological arrangement,
which Wace does not always observe.
It may be asked, why the version is prose? The answer may be, that the
translator's wish was to place before the english reader a literal
narrative, and not to attempt the representation of a poetical
curiosity; if conscious of the power of so doing, to which however he
makes no pretension. To those, who wish to judge of the style and
diction of the original chronicle, it is easily accessible in the Rouen
edition; and occasional extracts will be given, which may answer the
purpose of most readers. It was considered to be an idle attempt to
pretend to represent such a work in modern english verse. In so doing,
the fidelity of the narrative must have been more or less sacrificed,
especially if rhyme had been attempted; and without rhyme there could
hardly have been much resemblance.
The object in view has been to represent the author's narrative simply
and correctly; but the printed text is obviously inaccurate, and its
want of precision in grammar often creates difficulty in translation.
The lapse of words, and even of lines, defects in the rhymes, and other
circumstances noticed in M. Raynouard's observations, betry the
inaccuracy of the MS. from which it is taken. Nevertheless, this
MS.--the one of the British Museum, MS. Reg. 4. C. xi.,--appears to be,
on the whole, the best of the existing transcripts. It is of the date of
about 1200; its style is anglicized, the grammar loose, and parts of it
are lost. It has one peculiar interest, that of having belonged to the
library of Battle abbey, for which it was no doubt made; it bears the
inscription, 'LIBER ABBATIÆ SANCTI MARTINI DE BELLO.'
The plan and extent of this volume did not admit of discussions
concerning the many disputed historical questions as to the respective
rights, wrongs, pretentions or grievances of the great rivals, whose
fates were decided by the expidition. Abundant materials are now open
for the English reader's judgment, in the historical works adapted to
such inquiries. Wace's account, published at a norman court, and under
the patronage of the conqueror's family, may be expected to represent
the leading facts in light favourable to norman pretensions; but on the
whole, the impression left on a perusal of his report will probably be,
that it is fair, and creditable to the author's general judgment and
fidelity as an historian.
Notes are appended to the text, directed mainly to local and
genealogical illustrations, and particularly to that species of
information which is, in a great degree, new to the english reader,--the
pointing out the cradles of great norman families, whose representatives
are stated to have been present at the expedition. Much of the material
for this purpose was supplied in the truly valuable and interesting
notes to the Rouen edition, written by M. Auguste Le Prevost, a resident
antiquary of great and deserved reputation, who has also obliged the
translator by additional illustrations in MS. Further information has
been sought in various other quarters. The translator's wish has been to
keep the branch of his work within reasonable limits; though the result
may after all be, that he will be thought too diffuse on these points
for the general reader, and too brief for the satisfaction of those
whose pursuits lie in the direction of such inquiries. Wherever notes,
borrowed substantially from M. Le Prevost, may be considered as turning
on his personal or local information, his authority is cited by adding
his initials, A.L.P. It was believed that all were likely to attach
importance on doubtful subjects to the testimony or opinion of an active
and intelligent local inquirer. But, on the other hand, the translator
has not scrupled on all occasions to use his own judgment, and the
assistance derived from other sources; and these have sometimes led him
to different conclusions from those of his predecessors. He has
particularly to acknowledge his great obligations to Mr. Stapleton, for
supervision of his notes on chapters 22 and 23. Those who know the
extent and accuracy of that gentleman's acquaintance with these
subjects, will appreciate the great value of his assistance.
In the notes on those chapters, the translator's design has mainly been
to trace the locality of the fiefs in question, and to refer to other
evidence, such as that of Domesday, with regard to each holder's share
in the expedition; adding, where it could be done, the state and
ownership of such fiefs at the time of the compilation of the roll of
Hen. II. copied into the Red book of our exchequer. The english history
of these families has not been dwelt upon. Those who wish to follow up
that branch of the subject, can at once refer to Dugdale's Baronage, and
other authorities easily accessible. In the references to Domesday book,
the obviously convenient method has been to have recourse to the very
useful Introduction to that record, published in 1833, under the
direction of the Record-commissioners.
In the orthography of the proper names, that of Wace has been strictly
observed in the translator's text; his notes generally giving what is
conceived to be the proper or more modern version of each. The necessity
for this precaution is abundantly shown by the confusion and mistakes
that have arisen from modernizing names, (of the true relation or
derivation of which a translator is sometimes scantily informed,)
without supplying at the same time the opportunity of correction, by a
faithful quotation of the original. The translator here begs to express
his fear lest he has in one respect violated his own rule, by the use he
has made of FITZ as a prefix. It is right the reader should bear in
mind, that throughout the original the term used is filz,--such as 'le
filz Osber de Bretuil,' &c.; and it might have been better, by a literal
translation, to have avoided the appearance of an anachronous use of the
patronymic form afterwards so common.
The proper completion of the notes would consist in tracing the identity
and possession of the fiefs, from the Red book roll of the exchequer
down-wards, to the lists formed, after the general confiscation of the
estates of king John's adherents, by Philip Augustus. The translator has
only had access to the former, as to which a few words may be said. It
is a beautiful transcript from a roll, a portion of which still exists,
according to the report of Mr. Stapleton, in the Hotel Soubise at Paris.
Ducarel has printed, though very incorrectly, a transcript from our
exchequer record.[2] The roll itself was probably completed between the
twentieth and thirtieth years of Hen. II.; but that part of it which
relates to the fees of the cathedral church of Bayeux is an abstract of
an inquest of an _earlier_ date, namely, of about 1133, taken on the
death of Richard Fitz-Samson the bishop, and lately printed in the 8th
vol. of the 'Mémoires des antiquaires de Normandie.' This circumstance
creates anachronisms in the roll, that are still more apparent in the
one published--also incorrectly--in Duchesne's Scriptores, from a MS.
now in the King's library at Paris. The roll of Hen. II. is only the
_basis_ of Duchesne's; which was obviously compiled after the
confiscations of Philip Augustus; to whose era, and the then existing
state of things, the entries are made to conform. Some who have not
examined into the minutise of these records, have supposed that the
list, with which they close, of men who neither appeared nor made any
return, refers to those who adhered to John; instead of its being, as
the fact is, a mere record of defaulters under Hen. II.
There are historical traces of attempts under that monarch, to form a
sort of norman Domesday, for purposes, no doubt, of revenue. It would
seem that this design was resisted, and perhaps was only imperfectly
executed in the form we find the existing roll. Philip Augustus
afterwards caused much more complete registers of the Fœda
Normannorum to be formed. Transcripts of these are in the King's
library, and at the Hotel Soubise, and partially in the Liber-niger of
Coutances which M. de Gerville quotes. The 'Fœda Normannorum' in
Duchesne seems part of a document of this later period.
While this volume was in progress, and after the notes had been
prepared, the 7th and 8th vols, of the 'Mémoires des antiquaires de
Normandie' reached the translator. They contain a calendar and analysis
of a vast number of charters to religious houses within the department
of Calvados, and furnish a perpetual recurrence of the names of the
early owners of the principal fiefs in that district.
Another great addition has at the same time been made to the stock of
materials for the illustration of Wace, in the publication at Rouen of
the first vol. of the 'Chroniques Anglo-Normandes,' comprising such
portions of Gaimar, of the Estotre de Seint Ædward le Rei, of the
continuation of Wace's Brut d'Angleterre, and of Benoit de Sainte-More,
as relate to the norman conquest. They had all been previously resorted
to in MS. and more copious extracts would have been added, if they had
not been made so accessible by the publication referred to. Its
continuation will add other valuable historic documents relative to the
period in question.
For the graphic illustrations of the volume recourse has been had to a
few of the illuminations of the beautiful Cambridge MS. of the Estoire
de Seint Ædward le Rei. Several other subjects, that appeared
appropriate, have been added from various sources. But the principal
storehouse of the illustrations has been that noble and exquisite relic
of antiquity, the tapestry of the cathedral of Bayeux. To this series of
pictures the chronicle of Wace, (a prebend of that church, as already
observed,) would almost seem to have been intended as what, in modern
times, would be called the letter press. The controversies long carried
on, as to the age of this interesting piece of workmanship, and as to
the identity of the Matilda to whom it may owe its origin, need not be
reviewed here. The reader will find in Ducarel, in the observations of
M.H.F. Delauney annexed to the French translation of Ducarel, in the
Archæologia, in Mr. Dawson Turner's Letters, Dr. Dibdin's Tour, and
other modern works, ingenious and ample discussions upon what is known
or conjectured on the subject.
Speculations have been hazarded, with the view of testing the era of the
tapestry by Wace's supposed want of agreement with the story of the
former. It seems assumed that this variance would not have occurred, had
the tapestry been in existence when he wrote. It is not clear, however,
that there is any material variance; but if there be, it is surely
somewhat hasty to assume on that account, either that Wace preceded, or
that he was unacquainted with the worsted chronicle. He obviously sought
his authorities in various quarters; and he might very well have known
and rejected the testimony of the tapestry, on any matter of fact
regarding which there were conflicting accounts. It is very curious that
two such monuments of antiquity should be connected with the same
church; but it is left to others to speculate whether this was
accidental, or what influence, if any, the work of either party had on
that of the other.
Lastly, a small map of Normandy has been added, for the illustration of
Wace's work and of the accompanying notes. With the exception of the
leading monastic establishments, (which were considered a convenient
addition, though many of them were founded at a later period), little is
shown upon the map beyond the towns and fiefs introduced by Wace; and
these are laid down so far as the means of knowledge or probable
conjecture presented themselves. In the execution of this little map, no
pretension is made to strict geographical or even chronological
accuracy; neither has uniformity been preserved in the language of the
names; but such as it is, it will probably be found sufficiently full
and precise to answer the general purpose for which it is designed.
[Footnote 1: The list in the printed 'Chronique de Normandie,' though
very inaccurately given, is based upon Wace's. It may be found much more
correctly in the fine MS. Chronicle of Normandy, (which ought to be
printed.) in the British Museum, Bibl. Reg. 15 E. vi. fol. ccccx.]
[Footnote 2: A much more correct copy is printed in the french
translation of Ducarel, published in 1823.]
THE CHRONICLE.
[Illustration]
PROLOGUE CONCERNING THE AUTHOR OF THIS BOOK, SETTING
FORTH HIS INTENT AND DEGREE.
To commemorate the deeds, the sayings, and manners of our ancestors, to
tell the felonies of felons and the baronage of barons[1], men should
read aloud at feasts the gests and histories of other times; and
therefore they did well, and should be highly prized and rewarded who
first wrote books, and recorded therein concerning the noble deeds and
good words which the barons and lords did and said in days of old. Long
since would those things have been forgotten, were it not that the tale
thereof has been told, and their history duly recorded and put in
remembrance.
Many a city hath once been, and many a noble state, whereof we should
now have known nothing; and many a deed has been done of old, which
would have passed away, if such things had not been written down, and
read and rehearsed by clerks.
The fame of Thebes was great, and Babylon had once a mighty name; Troy
also was of great power, and Nineveh was a city broad and long; but
whoso should now seek them would scarce find their place.
Nebuchadnezzar was a great king; he made an image of gold, sixty cubits
in height, and six cubits in breadth; but he who should seek ever so
carefully would not, I ween, find out where his bones were laid: yet
thanks to the good clerks, who have written for us in books the tales of
times past, we know and can recount the marvellous works done in the
days that are gone by.
Alexander was a mighty king; he conquered twelve kingdoms in twelve
years: he had many lands and much wealth, and was a king of great power;
but his conquests availed him little, he was poisoned and died. Cæsar,
whose deeds were so many and bold, who conquered and possessed more of
the world than any man before or since could do, was at last, as we
read, slain by treason, and fell in the capitol. Both these mighty men,
the lords of so many lands, who vanquished so many kings, after their
deaths held of all their possessions nought but their bodies' length.
What availed them, or how are they the better for their rich booty and
wide conquests? It is only from what they have read, that men learn that
Alexander and Caesar were. Their names have endured many years; yet they
would have been utterly forgotten long ago, if their story had not been
written down.
All things hasten to decay; all fall; all perish; all come to an end.
Man dieth, iron consumeth, wood decayeth; towers crumble, strong walls
fall down, the rose withereth away; the war-horse waxeth feeble, gay
trappings grow old; all the works of men's hands perish[2]. Thus we are
taught that all die, both clerk and lay; and short would be the fame of
any after death, if their history did not endure by being written in the
book of the clerk.
The story of the Normans is long and hard to put into romanz. If any
one ask who it is that tells it and writes this history, let him know
that I am Wace, of the isle of Jersey, which is in the western sea,
appendant to the fief of Normandy. I was born in the island of Jersey,
but was taken to Caen when young; and, being there taught, went
afterwards to France, where I remained for a long time. When I returned
thence, I dwelt long at Caen, and there turned myself to making
romances, of which I wrote many.
In former times, they who wrote gests and histories of other days used
to be beloved, and much prized and honoured. They had rich gifts from
the barons and noble ladies; but now I may ponder long, and write and
translate books, and may make many a romance and sirvente, ere I find
any one, how courteous soever he may be, who will do me any honour, or
give me enough even to pay a scribe. I talk to rich men who have rents
and money; it is for them that the book is made, that the tale well
told and written down; but noblesse now is dead, and largesse hath
perished with it; so that I have found none, let me travel where I
will, who will bestow ought upon me, save king Henry the second. He gave
me, so God reward him, a prebend at Bayeux[4], and many other good
gifts. He was grandson of the first king Henry, and father of the
third[5]. Three kings--dukes and kings--dukes of Normandy, and kings of
England--all three have I known, being a reading clerk, in their days.
In honour of the second Henry, of the line of Roul, I have told the tale
of Roul, of his noble parentage, of Normandy that he conquered, and the
prowess that he showed. I have recounted the history of William
Lunge-espee, till the Flemings killed him by felony and treason; of
Richard his son, whom he left a child; [of the second Richard, who
succeeded him; of his son the third Richard; who was soon followed by
Duke Robert his brother, who went to Jerusalem, and died by poison; and
now the tale will be of William his son, who was born to him of the
'meschine, Arlot of Faleise[6].']
[Footnote 1: The list in the printed 'Chronique de Normandie,' though
very inaccurately given, is based upon Wace's. It may be found much more
correctly in the fine MS. Chronicle of Normandy, (which ought to be
printed.) in the British Museum, Bibl. Reg. 15 E. vi. fol. ccccx.]
[Footnote 2: A much more correct copy is printed in the french
translation of Ducarel, published in 1823.]
[Footnote 3: These laments are frequent in the minstrels' songs of that
age in all countries. Walther von der Vogelweide, the German
minnesinger, by for the most varied and interesting poet of his day, is
often very plaintive in his lamentations;
'Hie vor do was diu welt so schöne,
Nu ist si worden also höne,'
The world was once so beautiful,
And now so desolate and dull.'
See notice of his life and works in _Lays of the Minnesingers,_ London,
1825. At the conclusion of his Chronicle, Wace mentions Maistre Beneit
(de Sainte-More) as commissioned to undertake a similar task, and
expresses himself by no means satisfied with his patron, Henry II.
Mult me duna, plus me pramist:
E se il tot duné m'eust
Ço k'il me pramist, mielx me fut.]
[Footnote 4: The names and values of the forty-nine prebends of Bayeux
appear in the _Mémoires des Antiq. Norm_. viii. 458-467. Seven of them
were created by Bishop Odo, out of the forfeited lands of Grimoult du
Plessis after mentioned.]
[Footnote 5: These three Henrys were Henry I. and Henry II. of England,
and Henry the latter's son, who died in 1182, in his father's lifetime,
but was living when Wace wrote. He was expectant heir of England and
Normandy, and was then in the possession or government of the latter, so
as in some measure to justify Wace's epithets.]
[Footnote 6: Roul is of course the personage usually called Rollo. The
sentence in brackets comprises a few words, added by the translator;
condensing the intervening part of the Chronicle, so as to introduce
that portion of the work which he proceeds to translate.]
CHAPTER I.
HOW WILLIAM BECAME DUKE, AND HOW HIS BARONS REVOLTED AGAINST HIM.
The mourning for Duke Robert was great and lasted long; and William his
son, who was yet very young, sorrowed much. The feuds against him were
many, and his friends few; for he found that most were ill inclined
towards him; those even whom his father held dear he found haughty and
evil disposed. The barons warred upon each other; the strong oppressed
the weak; and he could not prevent it, for he could not do justice upon
them all. So they burned and pillaged the villages, and robbed and
plundered the villains, injuring them in many ways.
A mighty feud broke out between Walkelin de Ferrieres[1], and Hugh Lord
of Montfort[2]; I know not which was right and which wrong; but they
waged fierce war with each other, and were not to be reconciled; neither
by bishop nor lord could peace or love be established between them. Both
were good knights, bold and brave. Once upon a time they met, and the
rage of each against the other was so great that they fought to the
death. I know not which carried himself most gallantly, or who fell the
first, but the issue of the affray was that Hugh was slain, and Walkelin
fell also; both lost their lives in the same affray, and on the same
day.
William meantime grew, and strengthened himself as his years advanced;
yet still he was forced to hear and see many a deed which went against
his heart, though he could do nothing to prevent it The barons' feuds
continued; they had no regard for him. Every one according to his means
made castles and fortresses. On account of the castles wars arose, and
destruction of the lands; great affrays and jealousies; maraudings and
challengings; while the duke could give no redress[3] to those who
suffered such wrongs.
Still as he advanced in age and stature he waxed strong; for he was
prudent, and took care to strengthen himself on many sides. He had now
held the land twelve years, when the country was involved in war, and
suffered greatly through Neel de Costentin[4] and Renouf de Beessin, two
viscounts of great power, who had the means of working much mischief.
William had about his person Gui, a son of Regnald the Burgundian[5],
who had married Aeliz, the daughter of Duke Richard, and had two sons
by her. Oui was brought up with William. When he was a young varlet, and
first began to ride and to know how to feed and dress himself, he was
taken into Normandy and brought up with William, who was very fond of
him, and when he had made him a knight, gave him Briune[6] and Vernun,
and other lands round about. When Gui had got possession, and had
strengthened them till they had become good and fair castles, he became
very envious of William, who had seigniory over him, and began to annoy
him, and to challenge Normandy itself as his own right, reproaching
William for his bastardy, and feloniously stirring up war against him;
but it fell out ill for him, for in trying to seize all he lost the
whole. He assembled and talked with Neel and Renouf, and
Hamon-as-dens[7], and Grimoult del Plesseiz[8], who served William
grudgingly. "There was not," he said, "any heir who had a better right
to Normandy than himself. Richard was father to his mother; he was no
bastard, but bora in wedlock; and if right was done, Normandy would
belong to him. If they would support him in his claim, he would divide
it with them." So, at length, he said so much, and promised so largely,
that they swore to support him according to their power in making war on
William, and to seek his disherison by force or treason. Then they
stored their castles, dug fosses, and erected barricades, William
knowing nothing of their preparations.
He was at that time sojourning at Valognes, for his pleasure as well as
on business; and had been engaged for several days hunting and shooting
in the woods. One evening late his train had left his court, and all had
gone to rest at the hostels where they lodged, except those who were of
his household; and he himself was laid down. Whether he slept or not I
do not know, but in the season of the first sleep, a fool named Golet[9]
came, with a staff slung at his neck, crying out at the chamber door,
and beating the wall with the staff; "Ovrez!" said he, "Ovrez! ovrez! ye
are dead men: levez. levez! Where art thou laid, William? Wherefore dost
thou sleep? If thou art found here thou wilt die; thy enemies are arming
around; if they find thee here, thou wilt never quit the Cotentin, nor
live till the morning!"
Then William was greatly alarmed; he rose up and stood as a man sorely
dismayed. He asked no further news, for it seemed unlikely to bring him
any good. He was in his breeches and shirt, and putting a cloak around
his neck, he seized his horse quickly, and was soon on the road. I know
not whether he even stopped to seek for his spurs, or whether he took
any companion of his flight, but he hasted on till he came to the fords
nearest at hand, which were those of Vire, and crossed them by night in
great fear and anger. From thence he bent his way to the church of St.
Clement[10], and prayed God heartily, if it were his will, to be his
safe conduct, and let him pass in safety. He dared not turn towards
Bayeux, for he knew not whom to trust, so he took the way which passes
between Bayeux and the sea. And as he rode through Rie before the sun
rose, Hubert de Rie[11] stood at his gate, between the church and his
castle[12], and saw William pass in disorder, and that his horse was all
in a sweat. "How is that you travel so, fair sire?" cried he. "Hubert,"
said William, "dare I tell you?" Then Hubert said, "Of a truth, most
surely! say on boldly!" "I will have no secrets with you; my enemies
follow seeking me, and menace my life. I know that they have sworn my
death." Then Hubert led him into his hostel, and gave him his good
horse, and called forth his three sons. "Fair sons," said he, "muntez!
muntez! Behold your lord, conduct him till ye have lodged him in
Falaise. This way ye shall pass, and that; it will be ill for you to
touch upon any town." So Hubert taught them well the ways and turnings;
and his sons understood all rightly, and followed his instructions
exactly. They crossed all the country, passed Folpendant[13] at the
ford, and lodged William in Falaise. If he were in bad plight, what
matters so that he got safe?
Hubert remained standing on his bridge; he looked out over valley, and
over hill, and listened anxiously for news, when they who were pursuing
William came spurring by. They called him on one side, and conjured him
with fair words to tell if he had seen the bastard, and whither and by
what road he was gone. And he said to them, "He passed this way, and is
not far off; you will have him soon; but wait, I will lead you myself,
for I should like to give him the first blow. By my faith, I pledge you
my word, that if I find him, I will strike him the first if I can." But
Hubert only led them out of their way till he had no fear for William,
who was gone by another route. So when he had talked to them enough of
this thing and that, he returned back to his hostel.
The Cotentin and the Bessin were in great dismay that day, for the
alarming news soon went through the country of William's being betrayed,
and how he was to have been murdered by night. Some said he was killed;
others that he was taken; many said that he had fled:--"May God protect
him," said all. Between Bayeux and the fords[14] the roads were to be
seen covered with those who came from Valognes, holding themselves as
dead or disgraced men, for having lost their lord, whom they had safe
overnight. They know not where to seek their lord, who had been among
them but last evening: they go enquiring tidings of him around, without
knowing whither to repair. And heavily do they curse Grimoult del
Plesseiz, and those who trust in him; for they vehemently suspect that
he has done foul treason by his lord. Thus all Normandy was frightened
and troubled at what had happened.
The viscounts hated the duke; they seized his lands, and omitted to lay
hold of nothing which they could reach. They plundered him so
completely, that he was unable to do any thing, either for right or
wrong. He could not enter the Bessin, neither demand rent or service; so
he went to France, to King Henry[15], whom his father Robert served, and
complained against Neel, that he had injured him, and had seized his
rents. He complained also of Hamon-as-dens, and of Guion le Burgenion;
of Grimoult, who would have betrayed him, and whom he might well hate
more than any other; and of Renouf de Briquesart, who took and spent his
rents; and of the other barons of the country who had risen up against
him.
[Illustration]
[Footnote 1: This combat is mentioned by William of Jumieges. Vauquelin
or Vauclin is a name still common in Normandy. See as to Ferrieres
_Mémoires des Antiq, Norm_. iv. 434. Vauquelin de Ferrieres left two
sons, William and Henry, who distinguished themselves at the conquest,
and were liberally rewarded. We shall find the name hereafter.]
[Footnote 2: The Montforts will be noticed afterwards.]
[Footnote 3: See as to this state of anarchy _William of Jumieges,_ and
_Ordericus Vitalis_. We pass over a portion of the Chronicle, as to the
French king's demand of the destruction of Tillieres, and Gilbert
Crespin's defence of it, and other disputes with the king.]
[Footnote 4: This date is correct; Neel de Saint Sauveur, Viscount of
the Cotentin, will be further noticed hereafter. Renouf, Viscount of the
Bessin, is afterwards called by Wace Renouf de Bricasard, from the
castle of Bricasard, which formed the caput of the barony of the
viscounts of the Bessin. Either this Renouf, or a son, married the
sister of Hugh Lupus; and their son Ranulpb, of Bayeux or Bricasard,
succeeded to the earldom of Chester and other possessions of the
Avranche family, on the death of Earl Richard, about 1121. As to the cry
of St. Sever, it looks very like an anachronism; unless this Renouf was
the one who married the sister of Hugh Lupus, and, being already so
married, was sufficiently connected with St. Sever to adopt that
war-cry.]
[Footnote 5: Guy of Burgundy, or of Maçon, see _Wace_, i. 352.]
[Footnote 6: Brionne, a small town in the arrondissement of Bernay. An
account of it and its possessions, and of the acquisition of the castle
by Guy of Burgundy, may be seen in _Mém. Ant. Norm_. iv. 415. It is also
described in _William of Poitiers_.]
[Footnote 7: Hamon with the teeth, Lord of Thorigny, in the
arrondissement of Saint Lo, father or grandfather of Robert Fitz Hamon,
who settled in England, and held lands there. In the roll of Norman fees
under Henry II. in the red book of the Exchequer, we find, among the
knights of the see of Bayeux, 'Robertus filius Ham. 10 mil. tenebat de
honore Ebr.' See as to Thorigny M. de Gerville's Recherches in the _Mém.
Ant. Norm_. v. 220.]
[Footnote 8: Grimoult du Plessis, lord of the place still called
Plessis-Grimoult, in the arrondissement of Vire. M. de Gerville, in his
Recherches, states that besides this Plessis the fief and castle of
Plessis in the arrondissement of Coutances, also belonged to Grimoult.
He does not determine which of the two gave him his name. We know
nothing of his family, except that his sister married William de Albini,
great grandfather of the first Albini, Earl of Arundel, whose Cotentin
estates were near Plessis.]
[Footnote 9: William of Jumieges calls him Gallet; and says he was of
Bayeux.]
[Footnote 10: The church of St. Clement, a commune at the embouchure of
the Vire, near Isigny. The fords of Vire are also mentioned by Wace
again in narrating William's rapid journey from Valognes to Arques. He
seems to have crossed by the route (abandoned under Louis XIV.) called
the Grand-vey (ford), by Montebourg, Emondeville, Surqueville, the
Chaussée d'Audouville, and St. Marie du Mont, where the water was
entered near Brucheville for Saint Clement, and thence to Rye. Froissart
mentions it as the road by which the Earl of Arundel returned to
Cherbourg in 1388, after ravaging the Bessin. The great Talbot narrowly
escaped by the same road, from an unfortunate expedition. _Mém. Ant.
Norm_, v. 295.]
[Footnote 11: Rye, three leagues north of Bayeux. The church of Rye is
very ancient and curious. Hubert was the father of five sons--Ralf,
Hubert, Adam, Eudo (called Eudo the Dapifer in Domesday,) and Robert, a
Bishop.]
[Footnote 12: 'Entre li mostier es a _mote,_' the mound or elevation on
which the castle or mansion of Hubert stood; a sense very different from
that in which we use the word _moat_, namely, the surrounding fosse.]
[Footnote 13: What spot or stream is here indicated is now, we believe,
unknown. It is said there is a Foupendant in the environs of Moutiers,
but that there is no stream there.]
[Footnote 14: Of Vire.]
[Footnote 15: It was, according to Ordericus Vitalis, at Poissy
(Pexeium), that William met the King of France, to seek his aid.]