From Marcion we now turn to Tatian, another so-called heretic leader.
Tatian, an Assyrian by birth,(1) embraced Christianity and became a
disciple of Justin Martyr(2) in Rome, sharing with him, as it seems,
the persecution excited by Crescens the Cynic(3) to which Justin fell a
victim. After the death of Justin, Tatian, who till then had continued
thoroughly orthodox, left Rome, and joined the sect of the Encratites,
of which, however, he was not the founder,(4) and became the leading
exponent of their austere and ascetic doctrines.(5)
The only one of his writings which is still extant is his "Oration to
the Greeks"[------]. This work was written after the death of Justin,
for in it he refers to that event,(6) and it is generally dated between
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a. d. 170-175. (l) Teschendorf does not assert that there is any
quotation in this address taken from the Synoptic Gospels;(2) and Canon
Westcott only affirms that it contains a clear reference" to "a parable
recorded by St. Matthew," and he excuses the slightness of this evidence
by adding: "The absence of more explicit testimony to the books of the
New Testament is to be accounted for by the style of his writing, and
not by his unworthy estimate of their importance."(3) This remark is
without foundation, as we know nothing whatever with regard to Tatian's
estimate of any such books.
The supposed "clear reference" is as follows: "For by means of a certain
hidden treasure [------] he made himself lord of all that we possess, in
digging for which though we were covered with dust, yet we give it the
occasion of falling into our hands and abiding with us."(4) This is
claimed as a reference to Matt. xiii. 44: "The kingdom of heaven is like
unto treasure hidden [------] in the field, which a man found and hid,
and for his joy he goeth and selleth all that he hath and buyeth that
field." So faint a similarity could not prove anything, but it is
evident that there are decided differences here. Were the probability
fifty times greater than it is that Tatian had in his mind the
parable, which is reported in our first Gospel, nothing could be more
unwarrantable than the deduction that he must have derived it from our
Matthew, and not from any other of the numerous Gospels which we know
to have early been in circulation. Ewald ascribes the parable in Matthew
originally to the "Spruchsammlung" or collection of Discourses, the
second of the four works out of which he considers our first Synoptic to
have been compiled.(1) As evidence even for the existence of our first
canonical Gospel, no such anonymous allusion could have the slightest
value.
Although neither Tischendorf nor Canon Westcott think it worth while to
refer to it, some apologists claim another passage in the Oration as
a reference to our third Synoptic. "Laugh ye: nevertheless you shall
weep."(2) This is compared with Luke vi. 25: "Woe unto you that laugh
now: for ye shall mourn and weep,"(3) Here again, it is impossible to
trace a reference in the words of Tatian specially to our third Gospel,
and manifestly nothing could be more foolish than to build upon such
vague similarity any hypothesis of Tatian's acquaintance with Luke. If
there be one part of the Gospel which was more known than another in the
first ages of Christianity, it was the Sermon on the Mount, and there
can be no doubt that many evangelical works now lost contained versions
of it. Ewald likewise assigns this passage of Luke originally to the
Spruchsammlung,4 and no one can doubt that the saying was recorded long
before the writer of the third Gospel
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undertook to compile evangelical history, as so many had done before
him.
Further on, however, Canon Westcott says: "it can be gathered from
Clement of Alexandria... that he (Tatian) endeavoured to derive
authority for his peculiar opinions from the Epistles to the Corinthians
and Galatians, and probably from the Epistle to the Ephesians, and the
Gospel of St. Matthew."(1) The allusion here is to a passage in the
Stromata of Clement, in which reference is supposed by the apologist
to be made to Tatian. No writer, however, is named, and Clement merely
introduces his remark by the words: "a certain person," [------] and
then proceeds to give his application of the Saviour's words "not
to treasure upon earth where moth and rust corrupt" [------].(2) The
parallel passage in Matthew vi. 19, reads: "Lay not up for yourselves
treasures upon earth, where moth and rust doth corrupt," [------].
Canon Westcott, it is true, merely suggests that "probably" this may be
ascribed to Tatian, but it is almost absolutely certain that it was not
attributed to him by Clement. Tatian is several times referred to in the
course of the same chapter, and his words are continued by the use of
[------] or [------], and it is in the highest degree improbable that
Clement should introduce another quotation from him in such immediate
context by the vague and distant reference "a certain person" [------].
On the other hand reference is made in the chapter to
1 On the Canon, p. 279. [In the 4th edition Dr. Westcott has
altered the "probably" of the above sentence to "perhaps,"
and in a note has added: "These two last references are from
an anonymous citation [------] which has been commonly
assigned to Tatian." P. 318, n. 1.]
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other writers and sects, to one of whom with infinitely greater
propriety this expression applies. No weight, therefore, could be
attached to any such passage in connection with Tatian. Moreover the
quotation not only does not agree with our Synoptic, but may much more
probably have been derived from the Gospel according to the Hebrews.(1)
It will be remembered that Justin Martyr quotes the same passage,
with the same omission of "[------]," from a Gospel different from our
Synoptics.(2)
Tatian, however, is claimed by apologists as a witness for the existence
of our Gospels--more than this he could not possibly be--principally on
the ground that his Gospel was called by some Diatessaron [------] or
"by four," and it is assumed to have been a harmony of four Gospels. The
work is no longer extant and, as we shall see, our information regarding
it is of the scantiest and most unsatisfactory description. Critics have
arrived at very various conclusions with regard to the composition
of the work. Some of course affirm, with more or less of hesitation
nevertheless, that it was nothing else than a harmony of our four
canonical Gospels;(3) many of these, however, are constrained to
admit that it was also partly based upon the Gospel according to the
Hebrews.(4) Some maintain that it was
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a harmony of our three Synoptics together with the Gospel according to
the Hebrews;(1) whilst many deny that it was composed of our Gospels
at all,(2) and either declare it to have been a harmony of the Gospel
according to the Hebrews with three other Gospels whose identity cannot
be determined, or that it was simply the Gospel according to the Hebrews
itself,(3) by which name, as Epiphanius states, it was called by some in
his day.(4)
Tatian's Gospel, however, was not only called Diatessaron, but,
according to Victor of Capua, it was also called Diapente [------]
"by five,"(5) a complication which shows the incorrectness of the
ecclesiastical theory of its composition.
Tischendorf, anxious to date Tatian's Gospel as early as possible, says
that in all probability it was composed earlier than the address to the
Greeks.(6) Of this, however, he does not offer any evidence, and upon
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examination it is very evident that the work was, on the contrary,
composed or adopted after the Oration and his avowal of heretical
opinions. Theodoret states that Tatian had in it omitted the genealogies
and all other passages showing that Christ was born of David according
to the flesh, and he condemned the work, and caused it to be abandoned,
on account of its evil design.(1) If the assumption be correct,
therefore, as Tischendorf maintains, that Tatian altered our Gospels,
and did not merely from the first, like his master Justin, make use of
Gospels different from those which afterwards became canonical, he must
have composed the work after the death of Justin, up to which time he
is stated to have remained quite orthodox.(2) The date may with much
greater probability be set between a.d. 170--180.(3)
The earliest writer who mentions Tatian's Gospel is Eusebius,(4) who
wrote some century and a half after its supposed composition, without,
however, having himself seen the work at all, or being really acquainted
with its nature and contents.(5) Eusebius says: "Tatian, however, their
former chief, having put together a certain amalgamation and collection,
I know not how, of the Gospels, named this the Diatessaron, which even
now is current with some."(6)
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It is clear that such hearsay information is not to be relied on.
Neither Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, nor Jerome, who refer to other
works of Tatian, make any mention of this one. Epiphanius, however, does
so, but, like Eusebius, evidently without having himself seen it.(1)
This second reference to Tatian's Gospel is made upwards of two
centuries after its supposed composition. Epiphanius says: "It is said
that he (Tatian) composed the Diatessaron, which is called by some the
Gospel according to the Hebrews."(2) It must be observed that it is not
said that Tatian himself gave this Gospel the name of Diates-saron,(3)
but on the contrary the expression of Epiphanius implies that he did
not do so,(4) and the fact that it was also called by some the Gospel
according to the Hebrews, and Diapente, shows that the work had no
superscription from Tatian of a contradictory character. Theodoret,
Bishop of Cyrus (+457), is the next writer who mentions Tatian's Gospel,
and he is the only one who had personally seen it He says: "He (Tatian)
also composed the Gospel which is called _Diatessaron_, excising the
genealogies and all the other parts which declare that the Lord was born
of the seed of David according to the flesh. This was used not only
by those of his own sect, but also by those who held the apostolic
doctrines, who did not perceive the evil of the composition, but made
use of the book in simplicity on account of its conciseness. I myself
found upwards of two hundred such books held in honour among our
churches, and collecting them all together, I had them put aside and,
instead, introduced the Gospels of the four Evangelists." Again it must
be observed that Theodoret does not say that the Gospel of Tatian _was_
a Diatessaron, but merely that it was called so [------].(1)
After quoting this passage, and that from Epiphanius, Canon Westcott
says with an assurance which, considering the nature of the evidence,
is singular:--"Not only then was the Diatessaron grounded on the four
canonical Gospels, but in its general form it was so orthodox as to
enjoy a wide ecclesiastical popularity. The heretical character of the
book was not evident upon the surface of it, and consisted rather in
faults of defect than in erroneous teaching. Theodoret had certainly
examined it, and he, like earlier writers, regarded it as a compilation
from the four Gospels. He speaks of omissions which were at least in
part natural in a Harmony, but notices no such apocryphal additions
as would have found place in any Gospel not derived from canonical
sources."(2) Now it must be remembered that the evidence regarding
Tatian's Gospel is of the very vaguest description. It is not mentioned
by any writer until a century and a half after the date of its supposed
2 On the Canon, p. 281. [In the 4th edition, the first
sentence in the above passage is altered to: "From this
statement it is clear that the Diatessaron was so orthodox
as to enjoy a wide ecclesiastical popularity." P. 320.]
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composition, and then only referred to by Eusebius, who had not seen the
work, and candidly confesses his ignorance with regard to it, so that a
critic who is almost as orthodox as Canon Westcott himself acknowledges:
"For the truth is that we know no more about Tatian's work than what
Eusebius, who never saw it, knew."(1) The only other writer who refers
to it, Epiphanius, had not seen it either, and while showing that the
title of Diatessaron had not been given to it by Tatian himself, he
states the important fact that some called it the Gospel according to
the Hebrews. Theodoret, the last writer who mentions it, and of whom
Dr. Donaldson also says: "Theodoret's information cannot be depended
upon,"(2) not only does not say that it is based upon our four Gospels,
but, on the contrary, points out that Tatian's Gospel did not contain
the genealogies and passages tracing the descent of Jesus through the
race of David, which our Synoptics possess, and he so much condemned
the mischievous design of the work that he confiscated the copies in
circulation in his diocese as heretical. Canon Westcott's assertion
that Theodoret regarded it as a compilation of our four Gospels is
most arbitrary. Omissions, as he himself points out, are natural to a
Harmony, and conciseness certainly would be the last quality for which
it could have been so highly prized, if every part of the four Gospels
had been retained. The omission of the parts referred to, which are
equally omitted from the canonical fourth Gospel, could not have been
sufficient to merit the condemnation of the work as heretical, and had
Tatian's Gospel not been different in various respects from our four
Gospels, such summary treatment would have been totally
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unwarrantable. The statement, moreover, that in place of Tatian's
Gospel, Theodoret "introduced the Gospels of the four Evangelists,"
seems to indicate that the displaced Gospel was not a compilation from
them, but a substantially different work. Had this not been the case,
Theodoret would naturally have qualified such an expression.
Speaking of the difficulty of distinguishing Tatian's Harmony from
others which must, the writer supposes, have been composed in his time,
Dr. Donaldson points out: "And then we must remember that the Harmony of
Tatian was confounded with the Gospel according to the Hebrews; and it
is not beyond the reach of possibility that Theodoret should have made
some such mistake."(1) That is to say, that the only writer who refers
to Tatian's Gospel who professes to have seen the work is not only "not
to be depended on," but may actually have mistaken for it the Gospel
according to the Hebrews. There is, therefore, no authority for saying
that Tatian's Gospel was a harmony of four Gospels at all, and the name
Diatessaron was not only not given by Tatian himself to the work, but
was probably the usual foregone conclusion of the Christians of the
third and fourth centuries, that everything in the shape of evangelical
literature must be dependent on the Gospels adopted by the Church.
Those, however, who called the Gospel used by Tatian the Gospel
according to the Hebrews must apparently have read the work, and all
that we know confirms their conclusion. The Gospel was, in point of
fact, found in wide circulation precisely in the places in which,
earlier, the Gospel according to the Hebrews was more particularly
current.(2) The singular
{155}
fact that the earliest reference to Tatian's "Harmony," is made a
century and a half after its supposed composition, and that no writer
before the fifth century had seen the work itself, indeed that only
two writers before that period mention it at all, receives its natural
explanation in the conclusion that Tatian did not compose any Harmony at
all, but simply made use of the same Gospel as his master Justin Martyr,
namely, the Gospel according to the Hebrews,(1) by which name his Gospel
had been actually called by those best informed.
Although Theodoret, writing in the fifth century, says in the usual
arbitrary manner of early Christian writers, that Tatian "excised" from
his Gospel the genealogies and certain passages found in the Synoptics,
he offers no explanation or proof of his assertion, and the utmost that
can be received is that Tatian's Gospel did not contain them.(3) Did he
omit them or merely use a Gospel which never included them? The latter
is the more probable conclusion. Neither Justin's Gospel nor the Gospel
according to the Hebrews contained the genealogies or references to the
Son of David, and why, as Credner suggests, should Tatian have taken the
trouble to prepare a Harmony with these omissions when he already found
one such as he desired in Justin's Gospel? Tatian's Gospel, like that of
his master Justin, or the Gospel according to the Hebrews, was different
from, yet nearly related to, our canonical Gospels, and as we have
already seen, Justin's Gospel, like Tatian's, was considered by many to
be a harmony of our Gospels.(3) No
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one seems to have seen Tatian's "Harmony," probably for the very simple
reason that there was no such work, and the real Gospel used by him was
that according to the Hebrews, as some distinctly and correctly called
it. The name Diatessaron is first heard of in a work of the fourth
century, when it is naturally given by people accustomed to trace every
such work to our four Gospels, but as we have clearly seen, there is not
up to the time of Tatian any evidence even of the existence of three of
our Gospels, and much less of the four in a collected form. Here is an
attempt to identify a supposed, but not demonstrated, harmony of Gospels
whose separate existence has not been heard of. Even Dr. Westcott states
that Tatian's Diatessaron "is apparently the first recognition of a
fourfold Gospel,"(1) but, as we have seen, that recognition emanates
only from a writer of the fourth century who had not seen the work
of which he speaks. No such modern ideas, based upon mere foregone
conclusions, can be allowed to enter into a discussion regarding a work
dating from the time of Tatian.(2)
The fact that the work found by Theodoret in his diocese was used by
orthodox Christians without
2 Dr. Lightfoot (Contemp. Rev., 1876-77, p. 1137) refers to
an apocryphal work, "The Doctrine of Addai," recently edited
and published by Dr. Phillips, in which it is stated that a
large multitude assembled daily at Edessa for prayer and the
reading of the Old Testament, "and the new of the
Diatessaron." Dr. Lightfoot assumes that this is Tatian's
Gospel. Even if it were so, however, we cannot discover in
this any addition to our information regarding the
composition of the work. We have already the fuller
statement of Theodoret respecting the use of Tatian's work
in the churches of his diocese, so that beyond an
interesting reference, no fresh light is thrown upon the
question by the phrase quoted. But we cannot see any ground
for asserting that the Diatessaron here spoken of was
Tatian's Gospel. On the contrary, it seems perfectly clear
that the writer speaks only of the four Gospels of the New
Testament.
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consciousness of its supposed heterodoxy, is quite consistent with the
fact that it was the Gospel according to the Hebrews, which at one
time was in very general use, but later gradually became an object of
suspicion and jealousy in the Church as our canonical Gospels took its
place. The manner in which Theodoret dealt with Tatian's Gospel, or that
"according to the Hebrews," recalls the treatment by Serapion of another
form of the same work: the Gospel according to Peter. He found that work
in circulation and greatly valued amongst the Christians of Rhossus, and
allowed them peaceably to retain it for a time, until, alarmed at the
Docetic heresy, he more closely examined the Gospel, and discovered in
it what he considered heretical matter.(1) The Gospel according to the
Hebrews, which narrowly missed a permanent place in the Canon of the
Church, might well seem orthodox to the simple Christians of Cyrus, yet
as different from, though closely related to, the Canonical Gospels, it
would seem heretical to their Bishop. As different from the Gospels
of the four evangelists, it was doubtless suppressed by Theodoret with
perfect indifference as to whether it were called Tatian's Gospel or the
Gospel according to the Hebrews. It is obvious that there is no evidence
of any value connecting Tatian's Gospel with those in our Canon. We
know so little about the work in question, indeed, that as Dr. Donaldson
frankly admits, "we should not be able to identify it, even if it did
come down to us, unless it told us something reliable about itself."(2)
Its earlier history is enveloped in obscurity, and as Canon Westcott
observes: "The later history of the Diatessaron is
{158}
involved in confusion."(1) We have seen that in the sixth century it
was described by Victor of Capua as Diapente, "by five," instead of "by
four." It was also confounded with another Harmony written, not
long after Tatian's day, by Ammonius of Alexandria (+243). Dionysius
Bar-Salibi,(2) a writer of the latter half of the twelfth century,
mentions that the Syrian Ephrem, about the middle of the fourth century,
wrote a commentary on the Diatessaron of Tatian, which Diatessaron
commenced with the opening words of the fourth Gospel: "In the beginning
was the word." The statement of Bar-Salibi, however, is contradicted by
Gregory Bar-Hebraeus,
Bishop of Tagrit, who says that Ephrem Syrus wrote his Commentary on the
Diatessaron of Ammonius, and that this Diatessaron commenced with the
words of the fourth Gospel: "In the beginning was the word."(3) The
Syrian Ebed-Jesu (+l308) held Tatian and Ammonius to be one and the
same person; and it is probable that Dionysius mistook the Harmony of
Ammonius for that of Tatian. It is not necessary further to follow this
discussion, for it in no way affects our question, and no important
deduction can be derived from it.(4) We allude to the point for the mere
sake of showing that, up to the last, we have no certain information
throwing light on the composition of Tatian's Gospel. All that we
do know of it,--what it did not contain--the places where it largely
circulated, and the name by which it was
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called, tends to identify it with the Gospel according to the Hebrews.
For the rest, Tatian had no idea of a New Testament Canon, and evidently
did not recognize as inspired, any Scriptures except those of the Old
Testament.(1) It is well known that the sect of the Encratites made
use of apocryphal Gospels until a much later period, and rejected
the authority of the Apostle Paul, and Tatian himself is accused of
repudiating some of the Pauline Epistles, and of altering and mutilating
others.(2)
2.
Dionysius of Corinth need not detain us long. Eusebius informs us
that he was the author of seven Epistles addressed to various Christian
communities, and also of a letter to Chrysophora, "a most faithful
sister." Eusebius speaks of these writings as Catholic Epistles, and
briefly characterizes each, but with the exception of a few short
fragments preserved by him, none of these fruits of the "inspired
industry" [------] of Dionysius are now extant.(3) These fragments are
all from an Epistle said to have been addressed to Soter, Bishop of
Rome, and give us a clue to the time at which they were written. The
Bishopric of Soter is generally dated between a.d. 168--176,(4) during
which years the Epistle must have been composed. It could not have
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been written, however, until after Dionysius became Bishop of Corinth in
a.d. 170,(1) and it was probably written some years after.(2)
No quotation from, or allusion to, any writing of the New Testament
occurs in any of the fragments of the Epistles still extant; nor does
Eusebius make mention of any such reference in the Epistles which have
perished. As testimony for our Gospels, therefore, Dionysius is an
absolute blank. Some expressions and statements, however, are put
forward by apologists which we must examine. In the few lines which
Tischendorf accords to Dionysius he refers to two of these. The first
is an expression used, not by Dionysius himself, but by Eusebius, in
speaking of the Epistles to the Churches at Amastris and at Pontus.
Eusebius says that Dionysius adds some "expositions of Divine
Scriptures" [------].(3) There can be no doubt, we think, that this
refers to the Old Testament only, and Tischendorf himself does not deny
it.(4)
The second passage which Tischendorf(5) points out, and which he claims
with some other apologists as evidence of the actual existence of a
New Testament Canon when Dionysius wrote, occurs in a fragment from the
Epistle
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to Soter and the Romans which is preserved by Eusebius. It is as
follows: "For the brethren having requested me to write Epistles, I
wrote them. And the Apostles of the devil have filled these with tares,
both taking away parts and adding others; for whom the woe is destined.
It is not surprising then if some have recklessly ventured to adulterate
the Scriptures of the Lord [------] when they have formed designs
against these which are not of such importance."(1) Regarding this
passage, Canon Westcott, with his usual boldness, says: "It is
evident that the 'Scriptures of the Lord'--the writings of the New
Testament--were at this time collected, that they were distinguished
from other books, that they were jealously guarded, that they had been
corrupted for heretical purposes."(2) We have seen, however, that there
has not been a trace of any New Testament Canon in the writings of the
Fathers before and during this age, and it is not permissible to put
such an interpretation upon the remark of Dionysius. Dr. Donaldson, with
greater critical justice and reserve, remarks regarding the expression
"Scriptures of the
2 On the Canon, p. 166. Dr. Westcott, in the first instance,
translates the expression: [------] "the Scriptures of the
New Testament." In a note to his fourth edition, however, he
is kind enough to explain: "Of course it is not affirmed
that the collection here called [------] was identical with
our 'New Testament,' but simply that the phrase shows that a
collection of writings belonging to the New Testament
existed," p. 188, n. 2. Such a translation, in such a work,
assuming as it does the whole question, and concealing what
is doubtful, is most unwarrantable. The fact is that not
only is there no mention of the New Testament at all, but
the words as little necessarily imply a "collection" of
writings as they do a "collection" of the Epistles of
Dionyaius.
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Lord:" "It is not easy to settle what this term means," although he adds
his own personal opinion, "but most probably it refers to the Gospels
as containing the sayings and doings of the Lord. It is not likely, as
Lardner supposes, that such a term would be applied to the whole of the
New Testament"(1) The idea of our collected New Testament being referred
to is of course quite untenable, and although it is open to argument
that Dionysius may have referred to evangelical works, it is obvious
that there are no means of proving the fact, and much less that he
referred specially to our Gospels. In fact, the fragments of Dionysius
present no evidence whatever of the existence of our Synoptics.
In order further to illustrate the inconclusiveness of the arguments
based upon so vague an expression, we may add that it does not of
necessity apply to any Gospels or works of Christian history at all,
and may with perfect propriety have indicated the Scriptures of the
Old Testament. We find Justin Martyr complaining in the same spirit as
Dionysius, through several chapters, that the Old Testament Scriptures,
and more especially those relating to the Lord, had been adulterated,
that parts had been taken away, and others added, with the intention
of destroying or weakening their application to Christ.(2) Justin's
argument throughout is, that the whole of the Old Testament Scriptures
refer to Christ, and Tryphon, his antagonist, the representative of
Jewish opinion, is made to avow that the Jews not only wait for Christ,
but, he adds: "We admit that all the Scriptures which you have cited
refer to him."(3) Not only, therefore, were the Scriptures of the Old
Testament
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closely connected with their Lord by the Fathers and, at the date of
which we are treating, were the only "Holy Scriptures" recognised, but
they made the same complaints which we meet with in Dionysius that these
Scriptures were adulterated by omissions and interpolations.(1) The
expression of Eusebius regarding "expositions of Divine Scriptures"
[------] added by Dionysius, which applied to the Old Testament, tends
to connect the Old Testament also with this term "Scriptures of the
Lord."
If the term "Scriptures of the Lord," however, be referred to Gospels,
the difficulty of using it as evidence continues undiminished. We have
no indication of the particular evangelical works which were in the
Bishop's mind. We have seen that other Gospels were used by the Fathers,
and in exclusive circulation amongst various communities, and even until
much later times many works were regarded by them as divinely inspired
which have no place in our Canon. The Gospel according to the Hebrews
for instance was probably used by some at least of the Apostolic
Fathers,(2) by pseudo-Ignatius,(3) Polycarp,(4) Papias,(5)
Hegesippus,(6) Justin Martyr,(7) and at least employed along with our
Gospels by Clement of Alexandria, Origen, and Jerome.(8) The fact that
Serapion, in the third century allowed the Gospel of Peter to be used
in the church of Rhossus(9) shows at the same time the consideration in
which it was held, and the incompleteness of the Canonical position of
the New Testament writings. So does the circumstance
1 This charge is made with insistance throughout the
Clementine Homilies.
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that in the fifth century Theodoret found the Gospel according to the
Hebrews, or Tatians Gospel, widely circulated and held in honour amongst
orthodox churches in his diocese.(1) The Pastor of Hermas, which was
read in the Churches and nearly secured a permanent place in the Canon,
was quoted as inspired by Irenaeus.(2) The Epistle of Barnabas was held
in similar honour, and quoted as inspired by Clement of Alexandria(3)
and by Origen,(4) as was likewise the Epistle of the Roman Clement. The
Apocalypse of Peter was included by Clement of Alexandria in his account
of the Canonical Scriptures and those which are disputed, such as the
Epistle of Jude and the other Catholic Epistles,(5) and it stands side
by side with the Apocalypse of John in the Canon of Muratori, being long
after publicly read in the Churches of Palestine.(6) Tischendorf indeed
conjectures that a blank in the Codex Sinaiticus after the New Testament
was formerly filled by it. Justin, Clement of Alexandria, and Lactantius
quote the Sibylline books as the Word of God, and pay similar honour to
the Book of Hystaspes.(7) So great indeed was the consideration and use
of the Sibylline Books in the Church of the second and third centuries,
that Christians from that fact were nicknamed Sibyllists.(8) It is
unnecessary to multiply, as
7 Justin, Apol., i. 20, 44; Clem. Al., Strom., vi. 5, Sec.Sec. 42,
43; Ladantius, Instit. Div., i. 6, 7, vii. 15, 19. Clement
of Alexandria quotes with perfect faith and seriousness some
apocryphal book, in which, he says, the Apostle Paul
recommends the Hellenic books, the Sibyl and the books of
Hystaspes, as giving notably clear prophetic descriptions of
the Son of God. Strom., vi. 5, Sec. 42, 43.
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might so easily be done, these illustrations; it is too well known that
a vast number of Gospels and similar works, which have been excluded
from the Canon, were held in the deepest veneration by the Church in the
second century, to which the words of Dionysius may apply. So vague
and indefinite an expression at any rate is useless as evidence for the
existence of our Canonical Gospels.
Canon Westcott's deduction from the words of Dionysius, that not only
were the writings of the New Testament already collected, but that they
were "jealously guarded," is imaginative indeed. It is much and devoutly
to be wished that they had been as carefully guarded as he supposes,
but it is well known that this was not the case, and that numerous
interpolations have been introduced into the text. The whole history of
the Canon and of Christian literature in the second and third centuries
displays the most deplorable carelessness and want of critical judgment
on the part of the Fathers. "Whatever was considered as conducive to
Christian edification was blindly adopted by them, and a vast number of
works were launched into circulation and falsely ascribed to Apostles
and others likely to secure for them greater consideration. Such pious
fraud was rarely suspected, still more rarely detected in the early ages
of Christianity, and several of such pseudographs have secured a place
in our New Testament. The words of Dionysius need not receive any wider
signification than a reference to well-known Epistles. It is clear from
the words attributed to the Apostle Paul in 2 Thess. ii. 2, iii. 17,
that his Epistles were falsified, and setting aside some of those which
bear his name in our Canon, spurious Epistles were long
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ascribed to him, such as the Epistle to the Laodiceans and a third
Epistle to the Corinthians. We need not do more than allude to the
second Epistle falsely bearing the name of Clement of Rome, as well as
the Clementine Homilies and Recognitions, the Apostolical Constitutions,
and the spurious letters of Ignatius, the letters and legend of Abgarus
quoted by Eusebius, and the Epistles, of Paul and Seneca, in addition to
others already pointed out, as instances of the wholesale falsification
of that period, many of which gross forgeries were at once accepted
as genuine by the Fathers, so slight was their critical faculty and so
ready their credulity.(1) In one case the Church punished the author
who, from mistaken zeal for the honour of the Apostle Paul, fabricated
the _Acta Pauli et Theclae_ in his name,(2) but the forged production was
not the less made use of in the Church. There was, therefore, no lack
of falsification and adulteration of works of Apostles and others of
greater note than himself to warrant the remark of Dionysius, without
any forced application of it to our Gospels or to a New Testament Canon,
the existence of which there is nothing to substantiate, but on the
contrary every reason to discredit.
Before leaving this passage we may add that although even Tischendorf
does not, Canon Westcott does find in it references to our first
Synoptic, and to the Apocalypse. "The short fragment just quoted," he
says, "contains two obvious allusions, one to the Gospel of St Matthew,
and one to the Apocalypse."(3) The words: "the Apostles of the devil
have filled these with tares," are, he supposes,
1 The Epistle of Jude quotes as genuine the Assumption of
Moses, and also the Book of Enoch, and the defence of the
authenticity of the latter by Tertullian (de Cultu fem., i.
3) will not be forgotten.
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an allusion to Matt. xiii. 24 ff. But even if the expression were an
echo of the Parable of the Wheat and Tares, it is not permissible to
refer it in this arbitrary way to our first Gospel, to the exclusion
of the numerous other works which existed, many of which doubtless
contained it Obviously the words have no evidential value.
Continuing his previous assertions, however, Canon Westcott affirms with
equal boldness: "The allusion in the last clause"--to the "Scriptures of
the Lord"--"will be clear when it is remembered that Dionysius 'warred
against the heresy of Marcion and defended the rule of truth '"
[------].(1) Tischendorf, who is ready enough to strain every
expression into evidence, recognizes too well that this is not capable
of such an interpretation. Dr. Westcott omits to mention that the words,
moreover, are not used by Dionysius at all, but simply proceed from
Eusebius.(2) Dr. Donaldson distinctly states the fact that, "there is no
reference to the Bible in the words of Eusebius: he defends the rule of
the truth "(3) [------].
There is only one other point to mention. Canon Westcott refers to the
passage in the Epistle of Dionysius, which has already been quoted
in this work regarding the reading of Christian writings in churches.
"Today," he writes to Soter, "we have kept the Lord's holy day, in
which we have read your Epistle, from the reading of which we shall
ever derive admonition, as we do from the former one written to us by
Clement."(4) It is evident that there was no idea, in selecting the
works to be read at the weekly assembly of Christians, of any
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Canon of a New Testament. We here learn that the Epistles of Clement
and of Soter were habitually read, and while we hear of this, and of the
similar reading of Justin's "Memoirs of the Apostles,"(1) of the Pastor
of Hermas,(2) of the Apocalypse of Peter,(3) and other apocryphal works,
we do not at the same time hear of the public reading of our Gospels.
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CHAPTER IX. MELITO OF SARDIS--CLAUDIUS APOLLINARIS--ATHENAGORAS--THE EPISTLE OF VIENNE AND LYONS.
We might here altogether have passed over Melito, Bishop of Sardis in
Lydia, had it not been for the use of certain fragments of his writings
made by Canon Westcott. Melito, naturally, is not cited by Tischendorf
at all, but the English Apologist, with greater zeal, we think, than
critical discretion, forces him into service as evidence for the Gospels
and a New Testament Canon. The date of Melito, it is generally agreed,
falls after a.d. 176, a phrase in his apology presented to Marcus
Antoninus preserved in Eusebius(l) [------] indicating that Commodus had
already been admitted to a share of the Government.(3)
Canon Westcott affirms that, in a fragment preserved by Eusebius, Melito
speaks of the books of the New Testament in a collected form. He says:
"The words of Melito on the other hand are simple and casual, and
yet their meaning can scarcely be mistaken. He writes to Onesimus, a
fellow-Christian who had urged him 'to
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make selections for him from the Law and the Prophets concerning the
Saviour and the faith generally, and furthermore desired to learn the
accurate account of the Old [------] Books;' 'having gone therefore to
the East,' Melito says, 'and reached the spot where [each thing] was
preached and done, and having learned accurately the Books of the
Old Testament, I have sent a list of them.' The mention of 'the Old
Books'--'the Books of the Old Testament,' naturally implies a definite
New Testament, a written antitype to the Old; and the form of language
implies a familiar recognition of its contents."(1) This is truly
astonishing! The "form of language" can only refer to the words:
"concerning the Saviour and the faith generally," which must have an
amazing fulness of meaning to convey to Canon West-cott the implication
of a "familiar recognition" of the contents of a supposed already
collected New Testament, seeing that a simple Christian, not to say a
Bishop, might at least know of a Saviour and the faith generally from
the oral preaching of the Gospel, from a single Epistle of Paul, or from
any of the [------] of Luke. This reasoning forms a worthy pendant
to his argument that because Melito speaks of the books of the
Old Testament he implies the existence of a definite collected New
Testament. Such an assertion is calculated to mislead a large class of
readers.(2)
The fragment of Melito is as follows: "Melito to his
1 On the Canon, p. 193. [In the fourth edition Dr. Westcott
omits the last phrase, making a full stop at "Old." p. 218.]
2 It must be said, however, that Canon Westcott merely
follows and exaggerates Lardner, here, who says: "From this
passage I would conclude that there was then also a volume
or collection of books called the New Testament, containing
the writings of Apostles and Apostolical men, but we cannot
from hence infer the names or the exact number of those
books." Credibility, &c., Works, ii. p. 148.
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brother Onesimus, greeting. As thou hast frequently desired in thy zeal
for the word [------] to have extracts made for thee, both from the law
and the prophets concerning the Saviour and our whole faith; nay, more,
hast wished to learn the exact statement of the old books [------], how
many they are and what is their order, I have earnestly endeavoured to
accomplish this, knowing thy zeal concerning the faith, and thy desire
to be informed concerning the word [------], and especially that thou
preferrest these matters to all others from love towards God, striving
to gain eternal salvation. Having, therefore, gone to the East,
and reached the place where this was preached and done, and having
accurately ascertained the books of the Old Testament [------], I
have, subjoined, sent a list of them unto thee, of which these are the
names"--then follows a list of the books of the Old Testament, omitting,
however, Esther. He then concludes with the words: "Of these I have made
the extracts dividing them into six books."(1)
Canon Westcott's assertion that the expression "Old Books," "Books of
the Old Testament," involves here by antithesis a definite _written_ New
Testament, requires us to say a few words as to the name of "Testament"
as applied to both divisions of the Bible. It is of course well known
that this word came into use originally from the translation of the
Hebrew word "covenant" [------], or compact made between God and the
Israelites,(2) in the Septuagint version, by the Greek word [------],
which in a legal sense also means a will or Testament,(3) and that word
is adopted throughout the New
2 The legal sense of [------] as a Will or Testament is
distinctly intended in Heb. ix. 16. "For where a Testament
[------] is, there must also of necessity be the death of
the testator" [------]. The same word [------] is employed
throughout the whole passage. Heb. ix. 15--20.
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Testament.(l) The Vulgate translation, instead of retaining the original
Hebrew signification, translated the word in the Gospels and Epistles,
"Testamentum" and [------] became "Vetus Testamentum" instead of "Vetus
Foedus" and whenever the word occurs in the English version it is almost
invariably rendered "Testament" instead of covenant. The expression
"Book of the Covenant," or "Testament," [------], frequently occurs
in the LXX version of the Old Testament and its Apocrypha,(2) and in
Jeremiah xxxi. 31-34,(3) the prophet speaks of making a "new covenant"
[------] with the house of Israel, which is indeed quoted in Hebrews
viii. 8. It is the doctrinal idea of the new covenant, through Christ
confirming the former one made to the Israelites, which has led to the
distinction of the Old and New Testaments. Generally the Old Testament
was, in the first ages of Christianity, indicated by the simple
expressions "The Books" [------], "Holy Scriptures" [------],(5) or "The
Scriptures" [------,(6) but the preparation for the distinction of "Old
Testament" began very early in the development of the doctrinal idea
of the New Testament of Christ, before there was any part of the New
Testament books written at all. The expression "New Testament," derived
thus
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antithetically from the "Old Testament," occurs constantly throughout
the second part of the Bible. In the Epistle to the Hebrews viii. 6-13,
the Mosaic dispensation is contrasted with the Christian, and Jesus
is called the Mediator of a better Testament [------].(1) The first
Testament not being faultless, is replaced by the second, and the writer
quotes the passage from Jeremiah to which we have referred regarding a
New Testament, winding up his argument with the words, v. 13: "In that
he saith a new (Testament) he hath made the first old." Again, in our
first Gospel, during the Last Supper, Jesus is represented as saying:
"This is my blood of the New Testament" [------];(2) and in Luke he
says: "This cup is the New Testament [------] in my blood."(3) There is,
therefore, a very distinct reference made to the two Testaments as "New"
and "Old," and in speaking of the books of the Law and the Prophets
as the "Old Books" and "Books of the old Testament," after the general
acceptance of the Gospel of Jesus as the New Testament or Covenant,
there was no antithetical implication whatever of a written New
Testament, but a mere reference to the doctrinal idea. We might multiply
illustrations showing how ever-present to the mind of the early Church
was the contrast of the Mosaic and Christian Covenants as Old and New.
Two more we may venture to point out. In Romans ix. 4, and Gal. iv.
24, the two Testaments or Covenants [------], typified by Sinai and the
heavenly Jerusalem, are discussed, and the superiority of the latter
asserted. There is, however, a passage, still more clear and decisive.
Paul says in 2 Corinthians iii. 6: "Who also (God) made us sufficient to
be ministers of the New
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Testament [------] not of the letter, but of the spirit" [------]. Why
does not Canon Westcott boldly claim this as evidence of a definite
written New Testament, when not only is there reference to the name, but
a distinction drawn between the letter and the spirit of it, from which
an apologist might make a telling argument? But proceeding to contrast
the glory of the New with the Old dispensation, the Apostle, in
reference to the veil with which Moses covered his face, says: "But
their understandings were hardened: for until this very day remaineth
the same veil in the reading of the Old Testament" [------];(l ) and as
if to make the matter still clearer he repeats in the next verse: "But
even unto this day when Moses is read, the veil lieth upon their
heart." Now here the actual reading of the _Old_ Testament [------]
is distinctly mentioned, and the expression quite as aptly as that of
Melito, "implies a definite New Testament, a written antitype to the
Old," but even Canon Westcott would not dare to suggest that, when the
second Epistle to the Corinthians was composed, there was a "definite
written New Testament" in existence. This conclusively shows that the
whole argument from Melito's mention of the books of the Old Testament
is absolutely groundless.
On the contrary, Canon Westcott should know very well that the first
general designation for the New Testament collection was "The Gospel"
[------] and "The Apostle" [------], for the two portions of the
collection, in contrast with the divisions of the Old Testament, the Law
and the Prophets [------]
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[------],(1) and the name New Testament occurs for the very first time
in the third century, when Tertullian called the collection of Christian
Scriptures _Novum Instrumentum and Novum Testamentum._(2) The term
[------] is not, so far as we are aware, applied in the Greek to
the "New Testament" collection in any earlier work than Origen's _De
Principiis_, iv. 1. It was only in the second half of the third century
that the double designation [------] was generally abandoned.(3)
As to the evidence for a New Testament Canon, which Dr. Westcott
supposes he gains by his unfounded inference from Melito's expression,
we may judge of its value from the fact that he himself, like Lardner,
admits: "But there is little evidence in the fragment of Melito to show
what writings he would have included in the new collection."(4) Little
evidence? There is none at all.
There is, however, one singular and instructive point in this fragment
to which Canon Westcott does not in any way refer, but which well merits
attention as
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illustrating the state of religious knowledge at that time, and,
by analogy, giving a glimpse of the difficulties which beset early
Christian literature. We are told by Melito that Onesimus had frequently
urged him to give him exact information as to the number and order of
the books of the Old Testament, and to have extracts made for him from
them concerning the Saviour and the faith. Now it is apparent that
Melito, though a Bishop, was not able to give the desired information
regarding the number and order of the books of the Old Testament
himself, but that he had to make a journey to collect it. If this was
the extent of knowledge possessed by the Bishop of Sardis of what was
to the Fathers the only Holy Scripture, how ignorant his flock must have
been, and how unfitted, both, to form any critical judgment as to the
connection of Christianity with the Mosaic dispensation. The formation
of a Christian Canon at a period when such ignorance was not only
possible but generally prevailed, and when the zeal of believers led to
the composition of such a mass of pseudonymic and other literature, in
which every consideration of correctness and truth was subordinated to
a childish desire for edification, must have been slow indeed and
uncertain; and in such an age fortuitous circumstances must have mainly
led to the canonization or actual loss of many a work. So far from
affording any evidence of the existence of a New Testament Canon, the
fragment of Melito only shows the ignorance of the Bishop of Sardis as
to the Canon even of the Old Testament.
We have not yet finished with Melito in connection with Canon Westcott,
however, and it is necessary to follow him further in order fully to
appreciate the nature of the evidence for the New Testament Canon,
which, in default
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of better, he is obliged to offer. Eusebius gives a list of the works of
Melito which have come to his knowledge, and in addition to the fragment
already quoted, he extracts a brief passage from Melito's work on the
Passover, and some much longer quotations from his Apology, to which
we have in passing referred.(1) With these exceptions, none of Melito's
writings are now extant. Dr. Cureton, however, has published a Syriac
version, with translation, of a so-called "Oration of Meliton, the
Philosopher, who was in the presence of Antoninus Caesar," together with
five other fragments attributed to Melito.(2) With regard to this Syriac
Oration, Canon Westcott says: "Though if it be entire, it is not the
Apology with which Eusebius was acquainted, the general character of
the writing leads to the belief that it is a genuine book of Melito
of Sardis;"(3) and he proceeds to treat it as authentic. In the first
place, we have so little of Melito's genuine compositions extant,
that it is hazardous indeed to draw any positive deduction from the
"character of the writing." Cureton, Bunsen, and others maintain that
this Apology is not a fragment, and it cannot be the work mentioned
by Eusebius, for it does not contain the quotations from the authentic
Orations which he has preserved, and which are considerable. It is,
however, clear from the substance of the composition that it cannot have
been spoken before the Emperor,(4) and, moreover, it has in no way the
character of an "Apology," for there is not a single word in it about
either Christianity or Christians. There is
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every reason to believe that it is not a genuine work of Melito.(1)
There is no ground whatever for supposing that he wrote two Apologies,
nor is this ascribed to him upon any other ground than the inscription
of an unknown Syriac writer. This, however, is not the only spurious
work attributed to Melito. Of this work Canon Westcott says: "Like
other Apologies, this oration contains only indirect references to the
Christian Scriptures. The allusions in it to the Gospels are extremely
rare, and except so far as they show the influence of St. John's
writings, of no special interest."(2) It would have been more correct to
have said that there are no allusions in it to the Gospels at all.
Canon Westcott is somewhat enthusiastic in speaking of Melito and his
literary activity as evinced in the titles of his works recorded by
Eusebius, and he quotes a fragment, said to be from a treatise "On
Faith," amongst these Syriac remains, and which he considers to be "a
very striking expansion of the early historic creed of the Church."(3)
As usual, we shall give the entire fragment: "We have made collections
from the Law and the Prophets relative to those things which have been
declared respecting our Lord Jesus Christ, that we may prove to your
love that he is perfect Reason, the Word of God; who was begotten
before the light; who was Creator together with the Father; who was
the Fashioner of man; who was all in all; who among the Patriarchs was
Patriarch; who in the Law was the Law; among the Priests chief Priest;
among Kings Governor; among the Prophets the Prophet;
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among the Angels Archangel; in the voice the Word; among Spirits Spirit;
in the Father the Son; in God God the King for ever and ever. For this
was he who was Pilot to Noah; who conducted Abraham; who was bound with
Isaac; who was in exile with Jacob; who was sold with Joseph; who was
captain with Moses; who was the Divider of the inheritance with
Jesus the son of Nun; who in David and the Prophets foretold his own
sufferings; who was incarnate in the Virgin; who was born at Bethlehem;
who was wrapped in swaddling clothes in the manger; who was seen of
shepherds; who was glorified of angels; who was worshipped by the Magi;
who was pointed out by John; who assembled the Apostles; who preached
the kingdom; who healed the maimed; who gave light to the blind; who
raised the dead; who appeared in the Temple; who was not believed by the
people; who was betrayed by Judas; who was laid hold of by the Priests;
who was condemned by Pilate; who was pierced in the flesh; who was
hanged upon the tree; who was buried in the earth; who rose from the
dead; who appeared to the Apostles; who ascended to heaven; who sitteth
on the right hand of the Father; who is the Rest of those who are
departed; the Recoverer of those who are lost; the Light of those who
are in darkness; the Deliverer of those who are captives; the Finder of
those who have gone astray; the Refuge of the afflicted; the Bridegroom
of the Church; the Charioteer of the Cherubim; the Captain of the
Angels; God who is of God; the Son who is of the Father; Jesus Christ,
the King for ever and ever. Amen."(l)
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Canon Westcott commences his commentary upon this passage with the
remark: "No writer could state the fundamental truths of Christianity
more unhesitatingly, or quote the Scriptures of the Old and New
Testaments with more perfect confidence."(1) We need not do more than
remark that there is not a single quotation in the fragment, and that
there is not a single one of the references to Gospel history or
to ecclesiastical dogmas which might not have been derived from the
Epistles of Paul, from any of the forms of the Gospel according to the
Hebrews, the Protevangelium of James, or from many another apocryphal
Gospel, or the oral teaching of the Church. It is singular, however,
that the only hint which Canon Westcott gives of the more than doubtful
authenticity of this fragment consists of the introductory remark, after
alluding to the titles of his genuine and supposititious writings: "Of
these multifarious writings very few fragments remain in the original
Greek, but the general tone of them is so decided in its theological
character as to go far to establish the genuineness of those which are
preserved in the Syriac translation."(2)
Now, the fragment "On Faith" which has just been quoted is one of the
five Syriac pieces of Dr. Cureton to which we have referred, and which
even Apologists agree "cannot be regarded as genuine."(3) It is well
known that there were other writers in the early Church bearing the
names of Melito and Miletius or Meletius,(4)
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which were frequently confounded.
Of these five Syriac fragments one bears the superscription: "Of
Meliton, Bishop of the city of Attica," and another, "Of the holy
Meliton, Bishop of Utica," and Cureton himself evidently leant to the
opinion that they are not by our Melito, but by a Meletius or Melitius,
Bishop of Sebastopolis in Pontus.(1) The third fragment is said to be
taken from a discourse "On the Cross," which was unknown to Eusebius,
and from its doctrinal peculiarities was probably written after his
time.(2) Another fragment purports to be from a work on the "Soul and
Body;" and the last one from the treatise "On Faith," which we are
discussing. The last two works are mentioned by Eusebius, but these
fragments, besides coming in such suspicious company, must for other
reasons be pronounced spurious.(3) They have in fact no attestation
whatever except that of the Syriac translator, who is unknown, and which
therefore is worthless, and, on the other hand, the whole style and
thought of the fragments are unlike anything else of Melito's time, and
clearly indicate a later stage of theological development.(4) Moreover,
in the Mechitarist Library at Venice there is a shorter version of the
same passage in a Syriac MS., and an Armenian version of the extract as
given above, with some variation of the opening lines, in both of which
the passage is distinctly ascribed to Irenaeus.(5) Besides the Oration
and the five Syriac fragments, we have other two works extant falsely
attributed to Melito, one, "De Transitu Virginis Mariae," describing the
miraculous presence of the Apostles at the
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death of Mary;(1) and the other, "De Actibus Joannis Apostoli,"
relates the history of miracles performed by the Apostle John. Both are
universally admitted to be spurious,(2) as are a few other fragments
also bearing his name. Melito did not escape from the falsification to
which many of his more distinguished predecessors and contemporaries
were victims, through the literary activity and unscrupulous religious
zeal of the first three or four centuries of our era.
2.
Very little is known regarding Claudius Apollinaris to whom we must
now for a moment turn. Eusebius informs us that he was Bishop of
Hierapolis,(3) and in this he is supported by the fragment of a letter
of Serapion Bishop of Antioch preserved to us by him, which refers to
Apollinaris as the "most blessed."(4) Tischendorf, without any precise
date, sets him down as contemporary with Tatian and Theophilus (the
latter of whom, he thinks, wrote his work addressed to Autolycus about
A.D. 180--181 ).(5) Eusebius(6) mentions that, like his somewhat earlier
contemporary Melito of Sardis, Apollinaris presented an "Apology" to
the Emperor Marcus Antoninus, and he gives us further materials for a
date(7) by stating that Claudius Apollinaris, probably in his Apology,
refers to
1 It is worthy of remark that the Virgin is introduced into
all these fragments in a manner quite foreign to the period
at which Melito lived.
7 Eusebius himself sets him down in his Chronicle as
flourishing in the eleventh year of Marcus, or a.d. 171, a
year later than he dates Melito.
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the miracle of the "Thundering Legion," which is said to have occurred
during the war of Marcus Antoninus against the Marcomanni in a.d.
174.(1) The date of his writings may, therefore, with moderation be
fixed between a.d. 177--180.(2)
Eusebius and others mention various works composed by him,(3) none of
which, however, are extant; and we have only to deal with two brief
fragments in connection with the Paschal controversy, which are ascribed
to Apollinaris in the Paschal Chronicle of Alexandria. This controversy,
as to the day upon which the Christian Passover should be celebrated,
broke out about a.d. 170, and long continued to divide the Church.(4) In
the preface to the Paschal Chronicle, a work of the seventh century, the
unknown chronicler says: "Now even Apollinaris, the most holy Bishop of
Hiera-polis, in Asia, who lived near apostolic times, taught the like
things in his work on the Passover, saying thus: 'There are some,
however, who through ignorance raise contentions regarding these matters
in a way which
1 Eusebius, H. E., v. 5; Mosheim, Inst. Hist. Ecclee., Book
i. cent. ii. part. i. ch. i. Sec. 9. Apollinaris states that in
consequence of this miracle, the Emperor had bestowed upon
the Legion the name of the "Thundering Legion." We cannot
here discuss this subject, but the whole story illustrates
the rapidity with which a fiction is magnified into truth by
religious zeal, and is surrounded by false circumstantial
evidence. Cf. Tertullian, Apol. 5, ad Scapulam, 4; Dion
Cassius, lib. 55; Scaliyer, Animadv. in Euseb., p. 223 f.;
cf. Donaldson, Hist. Chr. Lit. and Doctr., iii. p. 241 f.
{184}
should be pardoned, for ignorance does not admit of accusation, but
requires instruction. And they say that the Lord, together with his
disciples, ate the sheep [------] on the 14th Nisan, but himself
suffered on the great day of unleavened bread. And they state [------]
that Matthew says precisely what they have understood; hence their
understanding of it is at variance with the law, and according to them
the Gospels seem to contradict each other.'"(1) The last sentence is
interpreted as pointing out that the first synoptic Gospel is supposed
to be at variance with our fourth Gospel. This fragment is claimed by
Teschendorf(2) and others as evidence of the general acceptance at that
time both of the Synoptics and the fourth Gospel. Canon Westcott, with
obvious exaggeration, says: "The Gospels are evidently quoted as books
certainly known and recognized; their authority is placed on the same
footing as the Old Testament.:(3) The Gospels are referred to merely for
the settlement of the historical fact as to the day on which the last
Passover had been eaten, a narrative of which they contained.
There are, however, very grave reasons for doubting the authenticity of
the two fragments ascribed to
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Apollinaris, and we must mention that these doubts are much less those
of German critics, who, on the whole, either do not raise the question
at all, or hastily dispose of it, than doubts entertained by orthodox
Apologists, who see little ground for accepting them as genuine.(1)
Eusebius, who gives a catalogue of the works of Apol-linaris which had
reached him,(2) was evidently not acquainted with any writing of his on
the Passover. It is argued, however, that "there is not any sufficient
ground for doubting the genuineness of these fragments 'On Easter,' in
the fact that Eusebius mentions no such book by Apollinaris."(3) It is
quite true that Eusebius does not pretend to give a complete list of
these works, but merely says that there are many preserved by many,
and that he mentions those with which he had met.(4) At the same time,
entering with great interest, as he does, into the Paschal Controversy,
and acquainted with the principal writings on the subject,(5) it would
indeed have been strange had he not met with the work itself, or at
least with some notice of it in the works of others. Eusebius gives
an account of the writings of Melito and Apollinaris together. He was
acquainted with the work of Melito on the Passover, and quotes it,(6)
and it is extremely improbable that he could have been ignorant of a
treatise by his distinguished contemporary
3 Westcott, On the Canon, p. 198, note 3; cf. Baur,
Unters. kan. Evv., p. 340 f. This is the only remark which
Dr. Westcott makes as to any doubt of the authenticity of
these fragments. Tischendorf does not mention a doubt at
all.
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on the same subject, had he actually written one. Not only, however,
does Eusebius seem to know nothing of his having composed such a work,
but neither do Theodoret,(1) Jerome,(2) nor Photius,(3) who refer to his
writings, mention it; and we cannot suppose that it was referred to
in the lost works of Irenaeus or Clement of Alexandria on the Passover.
Eusebius, who quotes from them,(4) would in that case have probably
mentioned the fact, as he does the statement by Clement regarding
Melito's work, or at least would have been aware of the existence
of such a writing, and alluded to it when speaking of the works of
Apollinaris.
This silence is equally significant whether we regard Apollinaris as a
Quartodeciman or as a supporter of the views of Victor and the Church
of Rome. On the one hand, Eusebius states that "all the churches of
Asia"(5) kept the 14th Nisan, and it is difficult to believe that, had
Apollinaris differed from this practice and, more especially, had he
written against it, the name of so eminent an exception would not have
been mentioned. The views of the Bishop of Hierapolis, as a prominent
representative of the Asiatic Church, must have been quoted in many
controversial works on the subject, and even if the writing itself had
not come into their hands, Eusebius and others could scarcely fail
to become indirectly acquainted with it. On the other hand, supposing
Apollinaris to have been a Quartodeciman, whilst the ignorance of
Eusebius and others regarding any contribution by him to the discussion
is scarcely less remarkable, it is still more surprising that no
allusion is made to
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him by Polycrates(1) when he names so many less distinguished men of
Asia, then passed away, who kept the 14th Nisan, such as Thaseas of
Eumenia, Sagoris of Laodicea, Papirius of Sardis, and the seven Bishops
of his kindred, not to mention Polycarp of Smyrna and the Apostles
Philip and John. He also cites Melito of Sardis: why does he not refer
to Apollinaris of Hierapolis? If it be argued that he was still living,
then why does Eusebius not mention him amongst those who protested
against the measures of Victor of Rome?(2)
There has been much discussion as to the view taken by the writer of
these fragments, Hilgenfeld and others(3) maintaining that he is opposed
to the Quartodeciman party. Into this it is not necessary for us to
enter, as our contention simply is that in no case can the authenticity
of the fragments be established. Supposing them, however, to be directed
against those who kept the 14th Nisan, how can it be credited that this
isolated convert to the views of Victor and the Roman Church, could
write of so vast and distinguished a majority of the Churches of Asia,
including Polycarp and Melito, as "some who through ignorance raised
contentions" on the point, when they really raised no new contention at
all, but, as Polycrates represented, followed the tradition handed
down to them from their Fathers, and authorized by the practice of the
Apostle John himself?
None of his contemporaries nor writers about his own time seem to have
known that Apollinaris wrote any work from which these fragments can
have been taken, and there is absolutely no independent evidence that he
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ever took any part in the Paschal controversy at all. The only ground
we have for attributing these fragments to him is the Preface to the
Paschal Chronicle of Alexandria, written by an unknown author of the
seventh century, some five hundred years after the time of Apollinaris,
whose testimony has rightly been described as "worth almost nothing."(1)
Most certainly many passages preserved by him are inauthentic,
and generally allowed to be so.(2) The two fragments have by some been
conjecturally ascribed to Pierius of Alexandria,(3) a writer of the
third century, who composed a work on Easter, but there is no evidence
on the point In any case, there is such exceedingly slight reason for
attributing these fragments to Claudius Apollinaris, and so many strong
grounds for believing that he cannot have written them, that they have
no material value as evidence for the antiquity of the Gospels.
3.
We know little or nothing of Athenagoras. He is not mentioned by
Eusebius, and our only information regarding him is derived from
a fragment of Philip Sidetes, a writer of the fifth century, first
published by
2 Dr. Donaldson rightly calls a fragment in the Chronicle
ascribed to Melito, "unquestionably spurious." Hist. Chr.
Lit. and Doctr., iii. p. 231.
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Dodwell.(1) Philip states that he was the first leader of the school of
Alexandria during the time of Hadrian and Antoninus, to the latter
of whom he addressed his Apology, and he further says that Clement of
Alexandria was his disciple, and that Pantsenus was the disciple
of Clement. Part of this statement we know to be erroneous, and the
Christian History of Philip, from which the fragment is taken, is very
slightingly spoken of both by Socrates(2) and Photius.(3) No reliance
can be placed upon this information.(4)
The only works ascribed to Athenagoras are an Apology--called an
Embassy, [------]--bearing the inscription: "The Embassy of Athenagoras
the Athenian, a philosopher and a Christian, concerning Christians, to
the Emperors Marcus Aurelius Antoninus and Lucius Aurelius Commodus,
Armeniaci Sarmatici and, above all, philosophers"; and further, a
Treatise: "On the Resurrection of the Dead," A quotation from the
Apology by Methodius in his work on the Resurrection of the Body, is
preserved by Epiphanius(5) and Photius,(6) and this, the mention by
Philip Sidetes, and the inscription by an unknown hand, just quoted, are
all the evidence we possess regarding the Apology. We have no
evidence at all regarding the treatise on the Resurrection, beyond the
inscription. The authenticity of neither, therefore, stands on very sure
grounds.(7) The address of the Apology and internal evidence furnished
by it, into which we need not go, show that it could not
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have been written before a.d. 176--177, the date assigned to it by most
critics,(1) although there are many reasons for dating it some years
later.
In the six lines which Tischendorf devotes to Athenagoras, he says that
the Apology contains "several quotations from Matthew and Luke,"(2)
without, however, indicating them. In the very few sentences which Canon
Westcott vouchsafes to him, he says: "Athenagoras quotes the words of
our Lord as they stand in St. Matthew four times, and appears to allude
to passages in St. Mark and St. John, But he nowhere mentions the name
of an Evangelist."(3) Here the third Synoptic is not mentioned. In
another place he says: "Athenagoras at Athens, and Theophilus at
Antioch, make use of the same books generally, and treat them with the
same respect;" and in a note: "Athenagoras quotes the Gospels of St
Matthew and St. John."(4) Here it will be observed that also the Gospel
of Mark is quietly dropped out of sight, but still the positive manner
in which it is asserted that Athenagoras quotes from "the Gospel of
St. Matthew," without further explanation, is calculated to mislead. We
shall refer to each of the supposed quotations.
Athenagoras not only does not mention any Gospel, but singularly enough
he never once introduces the
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name of "Christ" into the works ascribed to him, and all the "words of
the Lord" referred to are introduced simply by the indefinite "he says,"
[------], and without any indication whatever of a written source.(1)
The only exception to this is an occasion on which he puts into the
mouth of "the Logos" a saying which is not found in any of our Gospels.
The first passage to which Canon Westcott alludes is the following,
which we contrast with the supposed parallel in the Gospel:--
[------]
It is scarcely possible to imagine a greater difference in language
conveying a similar idea than that which exists between Athenagoras and
the first Gospel, and the parallel passage in Luke is in many respects
still more distant. No echo of the words in Matthew has lingered in
the ear of the writer, for he employs utterly different phraseology
throughout, and nothing can be more certain
{192}
than the fact that there is not a linguistic trace in it of acquaintance
with our Synoptics.
The next passage which is referred to is as follows:
[------]
The same idea is continued in the next chapter, in which the following
passage occurs:
[------]
There is no parallel at all in the first Gospel to the phrase "and lend
to them that lend to you," and in Luke vi. 34, the passage reads: "and
if ye lend to them of whom ye hope to receive, what thank have ye?"
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[------]; It is evident, therefore, that there are decided variations
here, and that the passage of Athenagoras does not agree with either of
the Synoptics. We have seen the persistent variation in the quotations
from the "Sermon on the Mount" which occur in Justin,(1) and there is no
part of the discourses of Jesus more certain to have been preserved by
living Christian tradition, or to have been recorded in every form of
Gospel. The differences in these passages from our Synoptic present the
same features as mark the several versions of the same discourse in
our first and third Gospels, and indicate a distinct source. The same
remarks also apply to the next passage:
[------]
The omission of [------], "with her," is not accidental, but is an
important variation in the sense, which we have already met with in the
Gospel used by Justin Martyr.(4) There is another passage, in the next
chapter, the parallel to which follows closely on this in the great
Sermon as reported in our first Gospel, to which Canon Westcott does not
refer, but which we must point out:
[------]
{104}
[------]
It is evident that the passage in the Apology is quite different from
that in the "Sermon on the Mount" in the first Synoptic. If we compare
it with Matt. xix. 9, there still remains the express limitation
[------], which Athenagoras does not admit, his own express doctrine
being in accordance with the positive declaration in his text. In the
immediate context, indeed, he insists that even to marry another wife
after the death of the first is cloaked adultery. We find in Luke
xvi. 18, the reading of Athenagoras,(3) but with important linguistic
variations:
[------]
It cannot, obviously, be rightly affirmed that Athenagoras must have
derived this from Luke, and the sense of the passage in that Gospel,
compared with the passage in Matthew xix. 9, on the contrary, rather
makes it certain that the reading of Athenagoras was derived from a
source combining the language of the one and the thought of the other.
In Mark x. 11, the reading is nearer that of Athenagoras and confirms
this conclusion; and the addition there of [------] "against her" after
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[------], further tends to prove that his source was not that Gospel.
We may at once give the last passage which is supposed to be a quotation
from our Synoptics, and it is that which is affirmed to be a reference
to Mark. Athenagoras states in almost immediate context with the above:
"for in the beginning God formed one man and one woman."(1) This is
compared with Mark x. 6: "But from the beginning of the creation God
made them male and female":
[------]
Now this passage differs materially in every way from the second
Synoptic. The reference to "one man" and "one woman" is used in a
totally different sense, and enforces the previous assertion that a man
may only marry one wife. Such an argument directly derived from the Old
Testament is perfectly natural to one who, like Athenagoras, derived
all his authority from it alone. It is not permissible to claim it as
evidence of the use of Mark.
Now we must repeat that Athenagoras does not name any source from which
he derives his knowledge of the sayings of Jesus. These sayings are
all from the Sermon on the Mount, and are introduced by the indefinite
phrase [------], and it is remarkable that all differ distinctly from
the parallels in our Gospels. The whole must be taken together as coming
from one source, and while the decided variation excludes the inference
that they must have been taken from our Gospels, there is reasonable
ground for assigning them to a different
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source. Dr. Donaldson states the case with great fairness: "Athenagoras
makes no allusion to the inspiration of any of the New Testament
writers. He does not mention one of them by name, and one cannot be sure
that he quotes from any except Paul. All the passages taken from the
Gospels are parts of our Lord's discourses, and may have come down to
Athenagoras by tradition."(1) He might have added that they might also
have been derived from the gospel according to the Hebrews or many
another collection now unhappily lost. One circumstance strongly
confirming this conclusion is the fact already mentioned, that
Athenagoras, in the same chapter in which one of these quotations
occurs, introduces an apocryphal saying of the Logos, and connects it
with previous sayings by the expression "The Logos again [------] saying
to us." This can only refer to the sayings previously introduced by
the indefinite [------]. The sentence, which is in reference to the
Christian salutation of peace, is as follows: "The Logos again saying
to us: 'If any one for this reason kiss a second time because it pleased
him (he sins);' and adding: 'Thus the kiss or rather the salutation must
be used with caution, as, if it be defiled even a little by thought, it
excludes us from the life eternal.'"(2) This saying, which is directly
attributed to the Logos, is not found in our Gospels. The only natural
deduction is that it comes from the same source as the other sayings,
and that source was not our synoptic Gospels.
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The total absence of any allusion to New Testament Scriptures in
Athenagoras, however, is rendered more striking and significant by
the marked expression of his belief in the inspiration of the Old
Testament.(1) He appeals to the prophets for testimony as to the
truth of the opinions of Christians: men, he says, who spoke by the
inspiration of God, whose Spirit moved their mouths to express God's
will as musical instruments are played upon:(2) "But since the voices of
the prophets support our arguments, I think that you, being most learned
and wise, cannot be ignorant of the writings of Moses, or of those
of Isaiah and Jeremiah and of the other prophets, who being raised in
ecstasy above the reasoning that was in themselves, uttered the things
which were wrought in them, when the Divine Spirit moved them, the
Spirit using them as a flute player would blow into the flute."(3) He
thus enunciates the theory of the mechanical inspiration of the writers
of the Old Testament, in the clearest manner,(4) and it would indeed
have been strange, on the supposition that he extended his views of
inspiration to any of the Scriptures of the New Testament, that he never
names a single one of them, nor indicates to the Emperors in the same
way, as worthy of their attention, any of these Scriptures along with
the Law and the Prophets. There can be no doubt that he nowhere gives
reason for supposing that he regarded any other writings than the Old
Testament as inspired or "Holy Scripture."(5)
5 In the treatise on the Resurrection there are no
arguments derived from Scripture.
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4.
In the 17th year of the reign of Marcus Aurelius, between the 7th March,
177-178, a fierce persecution was, it is said,(1) commenced against the
Christians in Gaul, and more especially at Vienne and Lyons, during the
course of which the aged Bishop Pothinus, the predecessor of Irenaeus,
suffered martyrdom for the faith. The two communities some time after
addressed an Epistle to their brethren in Asia and Phrygia, and also to
Eleutherus, Bishop of Rome,(2) relating the events which had occurred,
and the noble testimony which had been borne to Christ by the numerous
martyrs who had been cruelly put to death. The Epistle has in great part
been preserved by Eusebius,(3) and critics generally agree in dating it
about a.d. 177,(4) although it was most probably not written until the
following year.(5)
No writing of the New Testament is mentioned in this Epistle,(6) but
it is asserted that there are "unequivocal coincidences of language"(7)
with the Gospel of Luke, and others of its books. The passage which is
referred to as
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showing knowledge of our Synoptic, is as follows. The letter speaks of
one of the sufferers, a certain Vettius Epagathus, whose life was
so austere that, although a young man, "he was thought worthy of the
testimony [------] borne by the elder [------] Zacharias. He had
walked, of a truth, in all the commandments and ordinances of the Lord
blameless, and was untiring in every kind office towards his neighbour;
having much zeal for God and being fervent in spirit."(1) This is
compared with the description of Zacharias and Elizabeth in Luke i.
6: "And they were both righteous before God, walking in all the
commandments and ordinances of the Lord blameless."(2) A little further
on in the Epistle it is said of the same person: "Having in himself the
advocate [------], the spirit [------], more abundantly than Zacharias,"
&c.(3) which again is referred to Luke i. 67, "And his father Zacharias
was filled with the Holy Spirit and prophesied, saying," &c.(4)
A few words must be said regarding the phrase [------], "the testimony
of the presbyter Zacharias." This, of course, may either be rendered:
"the testimony borne to Zacharias," that is to say, borne by others to
his holy life; or, "the
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testimony borne by Zacharias," his own testimony to the Faith: his
martyrdom. We adopt the latter rendering for various reasons. The
Epistle is an account of the persecution of the Christian community of
Vienne and Lyons, and Vettius Epagathus is the first of the martyrs who
is named in it: [------] was at that time the term used to express the
supreme testimony of Christians--martyrdom, and the Epistle seems here
simply to refer to the martyrdom, the honour of which he shared
with Zacharias. It is, we think, very improbable that, under such
circumstances, the word [------] would have been used to express a mere
description of the character of Zacharias given by some other writer.
The interpretation which we prefer is that adopted by Tischendorf.1 We
must add that the Zacharias here spoken of is generally understood to
be the father of John the Baptist, and no critic, so far as we can
remember, has suggested that the reference in Luke xi. 51, applies
to him.(2) Since the Epistle, therefore, refers to the martyrdom of
Zacharias, the father of John the Baptist, when using the expressions
which are supposed to be taken from our third Synoptic, is it not
reasonable to suppose that those expressions were derived from some work
which likewise contained an account of his death, which is not found
in the Synoptic? When we examine the matter more closely, we find that,
although none of the Canonical Gospels, except the third, gives any
narrative of the birth of John the Baptist, that portion of the Gospel,
in which are the words we are discussing, cannot be considered an
original
2 The great majority of critics consider it a reference to
2 Chron. xxiv., 21, though some apply it to a later
Zacharias.
{201}
production by the third Synoptist, but like the rest of his work is
merely a composition based upon earlier written narratives.(1) Ewald,
for instance, assigns the whole of the first chapters of Luke (i. 5--ii.
40) to what he terms "the eighth recognizable book."(2)
However this may be, the fact that other works existed at an earlier
period in which the history of Zacharias the father of the Baptist was
given, and in which not only the words used in the Epistle were found
but also the martyrdom, is in the highest degree probable, and, so far
as the history is concerned, this is placed almost beyond doubt by the
Protevangclium Jacobi which contains it. Tischendorf, who does not make
use of this Epistle at all as evidence for the Scriptures of the New
Testament, does refer to it, and to this very allusion in it to the
martyrdom of Zacharias, as testimony to the existence and use of the
Protevangelium Jacobi, a work whose origin he dates so far back as the
first three decades of the second century,(3) and which he considers was
also used by Justin, as Hilgenfeld had already observed.(4) Tischendorf
and Hilgenfeld, therefore, agree in affirming that the reference to
Zacharias which we have quoted, indicates acquaintance with a different
Gospel from our third Synoptic. Hilgenfeld rightly maintains that the
Protevangelium Jacobi in its present shape is merely an
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altered form of an older work,(1) which he conjectures to have been the
Gospel according to Peter, or the Gnostic work [------],(2) and both he
and Tischendorf show that many of the Fathers(3) were either acquainted
with the Protevangelium itself or the works on which it was based.
The state of the case, then, is as follows: We find a coincidence in a
few words in connection with Zacharias between the Epistle and our third
Gospel, but so far from the Gospel being in any way indicated as their
source, the words in question are connected with a reference to events
unknown to our Gospel, but which were indubitably chronicled elsewhere.
As part of the passage in the epistle, therefore, could not have been
derived from our third Synoptic, the natural inference is that the whole
emanates from a Gospel, different from ours, which likewise contained
that part In any case, the agreement of these few words, without the
slightest mention of the third Synoptic in the epistle, cannot be
admitted as proof that they must necessarily have been derived from it
and from no other source.
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