We must now turn back to an earlier period, and consider any evidence
regarding the Synoptic Gospels which may be furnished by the so-called
heretical writers of the second century. The first of these who claims
our attention is Basilides, the founder of a system of Gnosticism, who
lived in Alexandria about the year 125 of our era.(1) With the exception
of a very few brief fragments,(2) none of the writings of this Gnostic
have been preserved, and all our information regarding them is,
therefore, derived at second-hand from ecclesiastical writers opposed
to him and his doctrines; and their statements, especially where
acquaintance with, and the use of, the New Testament Scriptures are
assumed, must be received with very great caution. The uncritical and
inaccurate character of the Fathers rendered them peculiarly liable to
be misled by foregone devout conclusions.
Eusebius states that Agrippa Castor, who had written a refutation of
the doctrines of Basilides: "says that he had composed twenty-four books
upon the Gospel."(3)
{42}
This is interpreted by Tischendorf, without argument, and in a most
arbitrary and erroneous manner, to imply that the work was a commentary
upon our four canonical Gospels;(1) a conclusion the audacity of which
can scarcely be exceeded. This is, however, almost surpassed by the
treatment of Canon Westcott, who writes regarding Basilides: "It
appears, moreover, that he himself published a Gospel--a 'Life of
Christ' as it would perhaps be called in our days, or 'The Philosophy
of Christianity,(2)--but he admitted the historic truth of all the facts
contained in the canonical Gospels, and used them as Scripture. For,
in spite of his peculiar opinions, the testimony, of Basilides to our
'acknowledged' books is comprehensive and clear. In the few pages of his
writings which remain there are certain references to the Gospels of
St. Matthew, St. Luke, and St. John,"(3) &c. Now in making, in such
a manner, these assertions: in totally ignoring the whole of the
discussion with regard to the supposed quotations of Basilides in the
work commonly ascribed to Hippolytus and the adverse results of learned
criticism: in the unqualified assertions thus made and the absence
either of explanation of the facts or the reasons for the conclusion:
this statement must be condemned as only calculated to mislead readers
who must generally be ignorant of the actual facts of the case. We know
from the evidence of antiquity that Basilides made use of a Gospel,
written by himself it is said, but certainly called after his own
name.(4) An attempt has
2 These names are pure inventions of Dr. Westcott's fancy,
of course.
3 On the Canon, p. 255 f. [Since these remarks were first
made, Dr. Westcott has somewhat enlarged his account of
Basilides, but we still consider that his treatment of the
subject is deceptive and incomplete.]
{43}
been made to explain this by suggesting that perhaps the work mentioned
by Agrippa Castor may have been mistaken for a Gospel;(1) but the
fragments of that work which are still extant(2) are of a character
which precludes the possibility that any writing of which they formed a
part could have been considered a Gospel.(3) Various opinions have been
expressed as to the exact nature of the Gospel of Basilides. Neander
affirmed it to be the Gospel according to the Hebrews which he brought
from Syria to Egypt;(4) whilst Schneckenburger held it to be the Gospel
according to the Egyptians.(5) Others believe it to have at least been
based upon one or other of these Gospels.(6) There seems most reason
for the hypothesis that it was a form of the Gospel according to the
Hebrews, which was so generally in use.
Returning to the passage already quoted, in which Eusebius states, on
the authority of Agrippa Castor, whose works are no longer extant, that
Basilides had composed a work in twenty-four books on the Gospel
{44}
[------], and to the unwarrantable inference that this must have been
a work on our four Gospels, we must add that, so far from deriving
his doctrines from our Gospels or other New Testament writings, or
acknowledging their authority, Basilides professed that he received his
knowledge of the truth from Glaucias, "the interpreter of Peter," whose
disciple he claimed to be,(1) and thus practically sets Gospels aside
and prefers tradition.(2) Basilides also claimed to have received from
a certain Matthias the report of private discourses which he had heard
from the Saviour for his special instruction.(3) Agrippa Castor further
stated, according to Eusebius, that in his [------] Basilides named for
himself, as prophets, Barcabbas and Barcoph (Parchor(4)), as well as
invented others who never existed, and claimed their authority for his
doctrines.(5) With regard to all this Canon Westcott writes: "Since
Basilides lived on the verge of the apostolic times, it is not
surprising that he made use of other sources of Christian doctrine
besides the canonical books. The belief in Divine Inspiration was still
fresh and real,"(6) &c. It is apparent, however, that Basilides, in
basing his doctrines upon tradition and
{45}
upon these Apocryphal books as inspired, and in having a special Gospel
called after his own name, which, therefore, he clearly adopts as
the exponent of his ideas of Christian truth, completely ignores the
canonical Gospels, and not only does not offer any evidence for their
existence, but proves, on the contrary, that he did not recognize
any such works as of authority. There is no ground, therefore, for
Tischendorfs assumption that the commentary of Basilides "on the
Gospel" was written upon our Gospels, but that idea is negatived in
the strongest way by all the facts of the case.(1) The perfectly
simple interpretation of the statement is that long ago suggested by
Valesius,(2) that the Commentary of Basilides was composed upon his own
Gospel,(3) whether it was the Gospel according to the Hebrews or the
Egyptians.
Moreover, it must be borne in mind that Basilides used the word "Gospel"
in a peculiar sense. Hippolytus, in the work usually ascribed to him,
writing of the Basilidians and describing their doctrines, says: "When
therefore it was necessary, he (?) says, that we, the children of God,
should be revealed, in expectation of whose revelation, he says, the
creation groaned and travailed, the Gospel came into the world, and
passed through every principality and power and dominion, and every name
that is named."(4) "The Gospel, therefore,
{46}
came first from the Sonship, he says, through the Son, sitting by the
Archon, to the Archon, and the Archon learnt that he was not the God of
all things but begotten,"(1) &c. "The Gospel, according to them, is
the knowledge of supramundane matters,"(2) &c. This may not be very
intelligible, but it is sufficient to show that "the Gospel" in a
technical sense(3) formed a very important part of the system of
Basilides. Now there is nothing whatever to show that the twenty-four
books which he composed "on the Gospel" were not in elucidation of the
Gospel as technically understood by him, illustrated by extracts from
his own special Gospel and from the tradition handed down to him by
Glaucias and Matthias. The emphatic assertion of Canon Westcott that
Basilides "admitted the historic truth of all the facts contained in the
canonical Gospels," is based solely upon the following sentence of the
work attributed to Hippolytus; Jesus, however, was generated according
to these (followers of Basilides) as we have already said.(4) But when
the generation which has already been declared had taken place, all
things regarding the Saviour, according to them, occurred in like manner
as they have been written in the Gospel."(5) There are, however, several
important points to be borne in mind in reference to this passage. The
statement in question is not made in
{47}
connection with Basilides himself, but distinctly in reference to his
followers, of whom there were many in the time of Hippolytus and long
after him. It is, moreover, a general observation the accuracy of which
we have no means of testing, and upon the correctness of which there
is no special reason to rely. The remark, made at the beginning of the
third century, however, that the followers of Basilides believed that
the actual events of the life of Jesus occurred in the way in which they
have been written in the Gospels, is no proof whatever that either
they or Basilides used or admitted the authority of our Gospels. The
exclusive use by any one of the Gospel according to the Hebrews, for
instance, would be perfectly consistent with the statement. No one who
considers what is known of that Gospel, or who thinks of the use made
of it in the first half of the second century by perfectly orthodox
Fathers, can doubt this. The passage is, therefore, of no weight as
evidence for the use of our Gospels. Canon Westcott himself admits that
in the extant fragments of Isidorus, the son and disciple of Basilides,
who "maintained the doctrines of his father," he has "noticed nothing
bearing on the books of the New Testament.."(1) On the supposition that
Basilides actually wrote a Commentary on our Gospels, and used them as
Scripture, it is indeed passing strange that we have so little evidence
on the point.
We must now, however, examine in detail all of the quotations, and they
are few, alleged to show the use of our Gospels, and we shall commence
with those of Tischendorf. The first passage which he points out is
found in the Stromata of Clement of Alexandria. Tischendorf guards
himself, in reference to these quotations,
{48}
by merely speaking of them as "Basilidian" (Basilidianisch),(1) but
it might have been more frank to have stated clearly that Clement
distinctly assigns the quotation to the followers of Basilides
[------],(2) and not to Basilides himself.(3) The supposed quotation,
therefore, however surely traced to our Gospels, could really not prove
anything in regard to Basilides. The passage itself compared with the
parallel in Matt. xix. 11, 12, is as follows:--
[------]
Now this passage in its affinity to, and material variation from, our
first Gospel might be quoted as evidence for the use of another Gospel,
but it cannot reasonably be cited as evidence for the use of Matthew.
Apologists in their anxiety to grasp at the faintest analogies as
testimony seem altogether to ignore the history of the creation of
written Gospels, and to forget the very existence of the [------] of
Luke.(4)
The next passage referred to by Tischendorf(5) is one
{49}
quoted by Epiphanius(1) which we subjoin in contrast with the parallel
in Matt. vii. 6:--
[------]
Here, again, the variation in order is just what one might have expected
from the use of the Gospel according to the Hebrews or a similar work,
and there is no indication whatever that the passage did not end here,
without the continuation of our first Synoptic. What is still more
important, although Teschendorf does not mention the fact, nor otherwise
hint a doubt than by the use, again, of an unexplained description of
this quotation as "Basilidianisch" instead of a more direct ascription
of it to Basilides himself, this passage is by no means attributed by
Epiphanius to that heretic. It is introduced into the section of his
work directed against the Basilidians, but he uses, like Clement, the
indefinite [------], and as in dealing with all these heresies there is
continual interchange of reference to the head and the later followers,
there is no certainty who is referred to in these quotations and, in
this instance, nothing to indicate that this passage is ascribed to
Basilides himself, His name is mentioned in the first line of the first
chapter of this "heresy," but not again before this [------] occurs in
chapter v. Teschendorf does not claim any other quotations.
{50}
Canon Westcott states: "In the few pages of his (Basilides') writings
which remain there are certain references to the Gospels of St. Matthew,
St. Luke,"(1) &c. One might suppose from this that the "certain"
references occurred in actual extracts made from his works, and that
the quotations, therefore, appeared sc(5) (sp.) in a context of his own
words. This impression is strengthened when we read as an introduction
to the instances: "The following examples will be sufficient to show his
method of quotation."(2) The fact is, however, that these examples
are found in the work of Hippolytus, in an epitome of the views of
the school by that writer himself, with nothing more definite than a
subjectless [------] to indicate who is referred to. The only examples
Canon Westcott can give of these "certain references" to our first
and third Synoptics, do not show his "method of quotation" to much
advantage. The first is not a quotation at all, but a mere reference to
the Magi and the Star. "But that every thing, he says [------], has its
own seasons, the Saviour sufficiently teaches when he says:... and
the Magi having seen the star,"(3) &c. This of course Canon Westcott
considers a reference to Matt. ii. 1, 2, but we need scarcely point out
that this falls to the ground instantly, if it be admitted, as it must
be, that the Star and the Magi may have been mentioned in other Gospels
than the first Synoptic. We have already seen, when examining the
evidence of Justin, that this is the case. The only quotation asserted
to be taken from Luke is the phrase: "The Holy Spirit shall come upon
thee, and the power of the Highest shall overshadow
{51}
thee,"(1) which agrees with Luke i. 35. This again is introduced by
Hippolytus with another subjectless "he says," and apart from the
uncertainty as to who "he" is, this is very unsatisfactory evidence as
to the form of the quotation in the original text, for it may easily
have been corrected by Hippolytus, consciously or unconsciously, in the
course of transfer to his pages. We have already met with this passage
as quoted by Justin from a Gospel different from ours.
As we have already stated, however, none of the quotations which we have
considered are directly referred to Basilides himself, but they are all
introduced by the utterly vague expression, "he says," [------] without
any subject accompanying the verb. Now it is admitted that writers of
the time of Hippolytus, and notably Hippolytus himself, made use of the
name of the founder of a sect to represent the whole of his school,
and applied to him, apparently, quotations taken from unknown and later
followers.(2) The passages which he cites, therefore, and which appear
to indicate the use of Gospels, instead of being extracted from the
works of the founder himself, in all probability were taken from
writings of Gnostics of his own time. Canon Westcott himself admits the
possibility of this, in writing of other early heretics. He says: "The
evidence that has been collected from
{52}
the documents of these primitive sects is necessarily somewhat vague. It
would be more satisfactory to know the exact position of their authors,
and the precise date of their being composed. It is just possible that
Hippolytus made use of writings which were current in his own time
without further examination, and transferred to the apostolic age forms
of thought and expression which had been the growth of two, or even of
three generations."(1) So much as to the reliance to be placed on
the work ascribed to Hippolytus. It is certain, for instance, that
in writing of the sect of Naaseni and Ophites, Hippolytus perpetually
quotes passages from the writings of the school, with the indefinite
[------],(2) as he likewise does in dealing with the Peratici,(3) and
Docetae,(4) no individual author being named; yet he evidently quotes
various writers, passing from one to another without explanation, and
making use of the same unvarying [------] In one place,(5) where he
has "the Greeks say," [------] he gives, without further indication,
a quotation from Pindar.(6) A still more apt instance of his method is
that pointed out by Volkmar,(7) where Hippolytus, writing of "Marcion,
or some one of his hounds," uses, without further explanation, the
subjectless [------] to introduce matter from the later followers of
Marcion.(8) Now, with regard to
{53}
Basilides, Hippolytus directly refers not only to the heretic chief, but
also to his disciple Isidorus and all their followers,(1) [------]
and then proceeds to use the indefinite "he says," interspersed with
references in the plural to these heretics, exhibiting the same careless
method of quotation, and leaving the same complete uncertainty as to
the speaker's identity as in the other cases mentioned.(2) On the
other hand, it has been demonstrated by Hilgenfeld, that the gnosticism
ascribed to Basilides by Hippolytus, in connection with these
quotations, is of a much later and more developed type than that which
Basilides himself held,(3) as shown in the actual fragments of his own
writings which are still extant, and as reported by Irenaeus,(4) Clement
of Alexandria,(5) and the work "Adversus omnes Haereses," annexed to the
"Praescriptio haereticorum" of Tertullian, which is
{54}
considered to be the epitome of an earlier work of Hippolytus. The
fact probably is that Hippolytus derived his views of the doctrines of
Basilides from the writings of his later followers, and from them made
the quotations which are attributed to the founder of the school.(1)
In any case there is no ground for referring these quotations with an
indefinite [------] to Basilides himself.
Of all this there is not a word from Canon Westcott,(2) but he ventures
to speak of "the testimony of Basilides to our 'acknowledged' books," as
"comprehensive and clear."(3) We have seen, however, that the passages
referred to have no weight whatever as evidence for the use of our
Synoptics. The formulae (as [------] to that compared with Luke i. 35,
and [------] with references compared with some of the Epistles) which
accompany these quotations, and to which Canon Westcott points as an
indication that the New Testament writings were already recognized as
Holy Scripture,(4) need no special attention, because, as it cannot be
shown that the expressions were used by Basilides himself at all,
they do not come into question. If anything, however, were required to
complete the evidence that these quotations are not from the works of
Basilides himself, but from later writings by his followers, it would
be the use of such formulae, for as the writings of pseudo-Ignatius,
Polycarp, Justin Martyr, Papias, Hegesippus,
{55}
and others of the Fathers in several ways positively demonstrate, the
New Testament writings were not admitted, even amongst orthodox Fathers,
to the rank of Holy Scripture, until a very much later period.(1)
2.
Much of what has been said with regard to the claim which is laid to
Basilides, by some apologists, as a witness for the Gospels and the
existence of a New Testament Canon, and the manner in which that claim
is advanced, likewise applies to Valentinus, another Gnostic leader,
who, about the year 140, came from Alexandria to Rome and flourished
till about a.d. 160.(2) Very little remains of the writings of this
Gnostic, and we gain our only knowledge of them from a few short
quotations in the works of Clement of Alexandria, and some doubtful
fragments preserved by others. We shall presently have occasion to refer
more directly to these, and need not here more particularly mention
them.
Tischendorf, the self-constituted modern Defensor fidei,(3) asserts,
with an assurance which can scarcely be characterized otherwise than
as an unpardonable calculation upon the ignorance of his readers, that
Valentinus used
{56}
the whole of our four Canonical Gospels. To do him full justice, we
shall as much as possible give his own words; and, although we set aside
systematically all discussion regarding the fourth Gospel for separate
treatment hereafter, we must, in order to convey the full sense of
Dr. Tischendorf s proceeding, commence with a sentence regarding that
Gospel. Referring to a statement of Irenaeus, that the followers of
Valentinus made use of the fourth Gospel, Tischendorf continues:
"Hippolytus confirms and completes the statement of Irenaeus, for he
quotes several expressions of John, which Valentinus employed. This most
clearly occurs in the case of John x. 8; for Hippolytus writes: 'Because
the prophets and the law, according to the doctrine of Valentinus, were
only filled with a subordinate and foolish spirit, Valentinus says: On
account of this, the Saviour says: All who came before me were thieves
and robbers.'"(l) Now this, to begin with, is a practical falsification
of the text of the Philosophumena, which reads: "Therefore all the
Prophets and the Law spoke under the influence of the Demiurge, a
foolish God, he says, (they themselves being) foolish, knowing nothing.
On this account, he says, the Saviour saith: All who came before me,"
&c. &c.(2) There is no mention whatever of the name of Valentinus in the
passage, and, as we shall presently
{57}
show, there is no direct reference in the whole chapter to Valentinus
himself. The introduction of his name in this manner into the text,
without a word of explanation, is highly reprehensible. It is true
that in a note Tischendorf gives a closer translation of the passage,
without, however, any explanation; and here again he adds, in
parenthesis to the "says he," "namely, Valentinus." Such a note,
however, which would probably be unread by a majority of readers, does
not rectify the impression conveyed by so positive and emphatic an
assertion as is conveyed by the alteration in the text.
Tischendorf continues: "And as the Gospel of John, so also were the
other Gospels used by Valentinus. According to the statement of Irenaeus
(I. 7, Sec. 4), he found the said subordinate spirit, which he calls
Demiurge, Masterworker, emblematically represented by the Centurion of
Capernaum (Matt. viii. 9, Luke vii. 8); in the dead and resuscitated
daughter of Jairus, when twelve years old, (Luke viii. 41), he
recognized a symbol of his 'Wisdom' (Achamoth), the mother of the
Masterworker (I. 8, Sec. 2); in like manner, he saw represented in the
history of the woman who had suffered twelve years from the bloody
issue, and was cured by the Lord (Matt. ix. 20), the sufferings and
salvation of his twelfth primitive spirit (Aeon) (I. 3, Sec. 3); the
expression of the Lord (Matt. v. 18) on the numerical value of the iota
('the smallest letter') he applied to his ten aeons in repose."l Now,
in every instance where Tischendorf here speaks of Valentinus by the
singular "he," Irenaeus uses the plural "they," referring not to the
original founder of the sect, but to his followers in his own day, and
the
{58}
text is thus again in every instance falsified by the pious zeal of the
apologist. In the case of the Centurions "they say" [------] that he is
the Demiurge;(1) "they declare" [------] that the daughter of Jairus is
the type of Achamoth;(2) "they say" [------] that the apostasy of Judas
points to the passion in connection with the twelfth aeon, and also the
fact that Jesus suffered in the twelfth month after his baptism; for
they will have it [------] that he only preached for one year. The case
of the woman with the bloody issue for twelve years, and the power
which went forth from the Son to heal her, "they will have to be Horos"
[------]{3} In like manner they assert that the ten aeons are indicated
[------] by the letter "Iota," mentioned in the Saviour's expression,
Matt v. 18.(4) At the end of these and numerous other similar references
in this chapter to New Testament expressions and passages, Irenaeus says:
"Thus they interpret," &c. [------].(5) The plural "they" is employed
throughout.
Tischendorf proceeds to give the answer to his statement which is
supposed to be made by objectors.: "They say: all that has reference to
the Gospel of John was not advanced by Valentinus himself, but by his
disciples. And in fact, in Irenaeus, 'they--the Valen-tinians--say,'
occurs much oftener than 'he--Valentinus--says.' But who is there so
sapient as to draw the line between what the master alone says, and that
which the disciples state without in the least repeating the
{59}
master?"(1) Tischendorf solves the difficulty by referring everything
indiscriminately to the master. Now, in reply to these observations,
we must remark in the first place that the admission here made by
Tischendorf, that Irenaeus much more often uses "they say" than "he
says" is still quite disingenuous, inasmuch as invariably, and without
exception, Irenaeus uses the plural in connection with the texts in
question. Secondly, it is quite obvious that a Gnostic, writing about
a.d. 185-195, was likely to use arguments which were never thought of by
a Gnostic, writing at the middle of the second century At the end of the
century, the writings of the New Testament had acquired consideration
and authority, and Gnostic writers had therefore a reason to refer to
them, and to endeavour to show that they supported their peculiar views,
which did not exist at all at the time when Valentinus propounded his
system. Tischendorf, however, cannot be allowed the benefit even of such
a doubt as he insinuates, as to what belongs to the master, and what to
the followers. Such doubtful testimony could not establish anything, but
it is in point of fact also totally excluded by the statement of Irenaeus
himself.
In the preface to the first book of his great work, Irenaeus clearly
states the motives and objects for which he writes. He says: "I
considered it necessary, having read the commentaries [------] _of
the disciples of Valentinus_, as they call themselves, and having had
personal intercourse with some of them and acquired full knowledge of
their opinions, to unfold to thee," &c., and he goes on to say that
he intends to set forth "the opinions of those who are _now_ teaching
heresy; I speak
{60}
particularly of the followers of Ptolemaeus, whose system is an offshoot
of the school of Valentinus."(1) Nothing could be more explicit than
this statement that Irenaeus neither intended nor pretended to write
upon the works of Valentinus himself, but upon the commentaries of
his followers of his own time, with some of whom he had had personal
intercourse, and that the system which he intended to attack was that
actually being taught in his day by Ptolemaeus and his school, the
offshoot from Valentinus. All the quotations to which Tischendorf refers
are made within a few pages of this explicit declaration. Immediately
after the passage about the Centurion, he says: "such is their system"
[------, and three lines below he states that they derive their views
from unwritten sources [------].(2) The first direct reference to
Valentinus does not occur until after these quotations, and is for the
purpose of showing the variation of opinion of his followers. He says:
"Let us now see the uncertain opinions of these heretics, for there are
two or three of them, how they do not speak alike of the same things,
but contradicted one another in facts and names." Then he continues:
"For the first of them, Valentinus, having derived his principles from
the so-called Gnostic heresy, and adapted them to the peculiar character
of his school declared this:" &c., &c.3 And
{61}
after a brief description of his system, in which no Scriptural allusion
occurs, he goes on to compare the views of the rest, and in chap. xii.
he returns to Ptolemaeus and his followers [------].
In the preface to Book ii, he again says that he has been exposing the
falsity of the followers of Valentinus (qui sunt a Valentino) and will
proceed to establish what he has advanced; and everywhere he uses the
plural "they," with occasional direct references to the followers of
Valentinus (qui sunt a Valentino).(1) The same course is adopted in
Book iii., the plural being systematically used, and the same distinct
definition introduced at intervals.(2) And again, in the preface to Book
iv. he recapitulates that the preceding books had been written against
these, "qui sunt a Valentino" (Sec. 2). In fact, it would almost be
impossible for any writer more frequently and emphatically to show that
he is not, as he began by declaring, dealing with the founder of the
school himself, but with his followers living and teaching at the time
at which he wrote.
Canon Westcott, with whose system of positively enunciating unsupported
and controverted statements we are already acquainted, is only slightly
outstripped by the German apologist in his misrepresentation of the
evidence of Valentinus. It must be stated, however, that, acknowledging,
as no doubt he does, that Irenaeus never refers to Valentinus himself,
Canon Westcott passes over in complete silence the supposed references
upon
{62}
which Teschendorf relies as his only evidence for the use of
the Synoptics by that Gnostic. He, however, makes the following
extraordinary statement regarding Valentinus:
"The fragments of his writings which remain show the same natural and
trustful use of Scripture as other Christian works of the same period;
and there is no diversity of character in this respect between the
quotations given in Hippolytus and those found in Clement of Alexandria.
He cites the Epistle to the Ephesians as 'Scripture,' and refers clearly
to the Gospels of St. Matthew, St. Luke, and St. John, to the Epistles
to the Romans,"(1) &c.
We shall now give the passages which he points out in support of these
assertions.(2) The first two are said to occur in the Stromata of the
Alexandrian Clement, who professes to quote the very words of a letter
of Valentinus to certain people regarding the passions, which are
called by the followers of Basilides "the appendages of the soul." The
passage is as follows: "But one only is good, whose presence is the
manifestation through the Son, and
1 On the Canon, p. 259 f. [In the 4th ed. of his work, published since
the above remarks were made, Dr. Westcott has modified or withdrawn
his assertions regarding Valentinus. As we cannot well omit the above
passage, it is right to state that the lines quoted now read: "The few
unquestionable fragments of Valentinus contain but little which points
to passages of Scripture. If it were clear that the anonymous quotations
in Hippolytus were derived from Valentinus himself, the list would be
much enlarged, and include a citation of the Epistle to the Ephesians
as 'Scripture,' and clear references to the Gospels of St. Luke and St.
John, to 1 Corinthians, perhaps also to the Epistle to the Hebrews, and
the first Epistle of St. John," (p. 295 f.). In a note he adds: "But a
fresh and careful examination of the whole section of Hippolytus makes
me feel that the evidence is so uncertain, that I cannot be sure in this
case, as in the case of Basilides, that Hippolytus is quoting the words
of the Founder" (p. 295, n. 5). Under these circumstances the statements
even in the amended edition present many curious features.]
{63}
through Him alone will the heart be enabled to become pure, by the
expulsion of every evil spirit from the heart. For many spirits dwelling
in it do not allow it to be pure, but each of them, while in divers
parts they riot there in unseemly lusts, performs its own works. And, it
seems to me, the heart is somewhat like an inn. For that, also, is both
bored and dug into, and often filled with the ordure of men, who abide
there in revelry, and bestow not one single thought upon the place,
seeing it is the property of another. And in such wise is it with the
heart, so long as no thought is given to it, being impure, and the
dwelling-place of many demons, but as soon as the alone good Father
has visited it, it is sanctified and shines through with light, and the
possessor of such a heart becomes so blessed, that he shall see God."(1)
According to Canon Westcott this passage contains two of the "clear
references" to our Gospels upon which he bases his statement, namely to
Matt. v. 8, and to Matt. xix. 17.
Now it is clear that there is no actual quotation from any evangelical
work in this passage from the Epistle of Valentinus, and the utmost
for which the most zealous apologist could contend is, that there is a
slight similarity with some words in the Gospel, and Canon
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Westcott himself does not venture to call them more than "references."
That such distant coincidences should be quoted as evidence for the
use of the first Gospel shows how weak is his case. At best such vague
allusions could not prove anything, but when the passages to which
reference is supposed to be made are examined, it will be apparent that
nothing could be more unfounded or arbitrary than the claim of reference
specially to our Gospel, to the exclusion of the other Gospels then
existing, which to our knowledge contained both passages. We may,
indeed, go still further, and affirm that if these coincidences are
references to any Gospel at all, that Gospel is not the canonical, but
one different from it.
The first reference alluded to consists of the following two phrases:
"But one only is good [------]..... the alone good Father" [------].
This is compared with Matt. xix. 17:{1} "Why askest thou me concerning
good? there is one that is good" [------].(2) Now the passage in the
epistle, if a reference to any parallel episode, such as Matt. xix. 17,
indicates with certainty the reading: "One is good the Father" [------].
There is no such reading in any of our Gospels. But although this
reading does not exist in any of the Canonical Gospels, it is well known
that it did exist in uncanonical Gospels no longer extant, and that
the passage was one upon which various sects of so-called heretics laid
great stress. Irenseus quotes it as one of
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the texts to which the Marcosians, who made use of apocryphal
Gospels,(1) and notably of the Gospel according to the Hebrews, gave a
different colouring: [------](2) Epiphanius also quotes this reading as
one of the variations of the Marcionites: [------].(3) Origen, likewise,
remarks that this passage is misused by some Heretics: "Velut proprie
sibi datum scutum putant (haeretici) quod dixit Dominus in Evangelio:
Nemo bonus nisi unus Deus pater."(4) Justin Martyr quotes the same
reading from a source different from our Gospels,(5) [------](6) and in
agreement with the repeated similar readings of the Clementine Homilies,
which likewise derived it from an extra canonical source,(7) [------.8
The use of a similar expression by Clement of Alexandria,9 as well as
by Origen, only serves to prove the existence of the reading in extinct
Gospels, although it is not found in any MS. of any of our Gospels.
The second of the supposed references is more diffuse: "One is good and
through him alone will the heart be enabled to become pure [------]...
but when the alone good Father has visited it, it is sanctified and
shines through with light, and the possessor of such a heart becomes so
blessed, that he shall see God" [------]
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[------]. This is compared(1) with Matthew v. 8: "Blessed are the pure
in heart, for they shall see God" [------]. It might be argued that this
is quite as much a reference to Psalm xxiv. 3-6 as to Matt. v. 8, but
even if treated as a reference to the Sermon on the Mount, nothing is
more certain than the fact that this discourse had its place in much
older forms of the Gospel than our present Canonical Gospels,(2) and
that it formed part of the Gospel according to the Hebrews and other
evangelical writings in circulation in the early Church. Such a
reference as this is absolutely worthless as evidence of special
acquaintance with our first Synoptic.(3)
Tischendorf does not appeal at all to these supposed references
contained in the passages preserved by Clement, but both the German
and the English apologist join in relying upon the testimony of
Hippolytus,(4) with regard to the use of the Gospels by Valentinus,
although it must be admitted that the former does so with greater
fairness of treatment than Canon Westcott. Tischendorf does refer to,
and admit, some of the difficulties of the case, as we shall presently
see, whilst Canon Westcott, as in the case of Basilides, boldly makes
his assertion, and totally ignores all adverse facts. The only Gospel
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reference which can be adduced even in the Philosophumena, exclusive
of one asserted to be to the fourth Gospel, which will be separately
considered hereafter, is advanced by Canon Westcott, for Teschendorf
does not refer to it, but confines himself solely to the supposed
reference to the fourth Gospel. The passage is the same as one also
imputed to Basilides: "The Holy Spirit shall come upon thee and the
power of the Highest shall overshadow thee;" which happens to agree with
the words in Luke i. 35; but, as we have seen in connection with Justin,
there is good reason for concluding that the narrative to which it
belongs was contained in other Gospels.(1) In this instance, however,
the quotation is carried further and presents an important variation
from the text of Luke. "The Holy Spirit shall come upon thee, and the
power of the Highest shall overshadow thee; therefore the thing begotten
of thee shall be called holy"(2) [------]. The reading of Luke is:
"Therefore also the holy thing begotten shall be called the Son of God"
[------]. It is probable that the passage referred to in connection with
the followers of Basilides may have ended in the same way as this, and
been derived from the same source. Nothing, however, can be clearer than
the fact that this quotation, by whoever made, is not taken from our
third Synoptic, inasmuch as there does not exist a single MS. which
contains such a passage.
We again, however, come to the question: Who really made the quotations
which Hippolytus introduces so indefinitely? We have already, in
speaking of Basilides,
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pointed out the loose manner in which Hippolytus and other early
writers, in dealing with different schools of heretics, indifferently
quote the founder or his followers without indicating the precise person
quoted. This practice is particularly apparent in the work of Hippolytus
when the followers of Valentinus are in question. Tischendorf himself
is obliged to admit this. He asks: "Even though it be also incontestable
that the author (Hippolytus) does not always sharply distinguish between
the sect and the founder of the sect, does this apply to the present
case"?(1) He denies that it does in the instance to which he refers,
but he admits the general fact. In the same way another apologist of
the fourth Gospel (and as the use of that Gospel is maintained in
consequence of a quotation in the very same chapter as we are now
considering, only a few lines higher up, both the third and fourth are
in the same position) is forced to admit: "The use of the Gospel of John
by Valentinus cannot so certainly be proved from our refutation-writing
(the work of Hippolytus). Certainly in the statement of these doctrines
it gives abstracts, which contain an expression of John (x. 8), and
there cannot be any doubt that this is taken from some writing of the
sect. But the apologist, in his expressions regarding the Valentinian
doctrines, does not seem to confine himself to one and the same work,
but to have alternately made use of different writings of the school,
for which reason we cannot say anything as to the age of this quotation,
and from this testimony, therefore, we merely have further confirmation
that the Gospel was early(2) (?) used in the
2 Why "early"? since Hippolytus writes about a.d. 225.
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School of the Valentinians,"(1) &c. Of all this not a word from Canon
Westcott, who adheres to his system of bare assertion.
Now we have already quoted(2) the opening sentence of Book vi. 35, of
the work ascribed to Hippolytus, in which the quotation from John x.
8, referred to above occurs, and ten line3 further on, with another
intermediate and equally indefinite "he says" [------], occurs the
supposed quotation from Luke i. 35, which, equally with that from
the fourth Gospel, must, according to Weizsaecker, be abandoned as a
quotation which can fairly be ascribed to Valentinus himself, whose
name is not once mentioned in the whole chapter. A few lines below the
quotation, however, a passage occurs which throws much light upou the
question. After explaining the views of the Valentinians regarding
the verse: "The Holy Ghost shall come upon thee," &c., the writer thus
proceeds: "Regarding this there is among them [------] a great question,
a cause both of schism and dissension. And hence their [------] teaching
has become divided, and the one teaching according to them [------] is
called Eastern ['------] and the other Italian. They from Italy, of
whom is Heracleon and Ptolemaeus, say [------] that the body of Jesus was
animal, and on account of this, on the occasion of the baptism, the Holy
Spirit like a dove came down--that is, the Logos from the Mother above,
Sophia--and became joined to the animal, and raised him from the dead.
This, _he says_ [------] is the declaration [------],"--and here be it
observed we come to another of the "clear
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references" which Canon Westcott ventures, deliberately and without a
word of doubt, to attribute to Valentinus himself,(1)--"This, he says,
is the declaration: 'He who raised Christ from the dead shall also
quicken your mortal bodies,'(3) that is animal. For the earth has come
under a curse: 'For dust, he says [------] thou art and unto dust shalt
thou return.'(3) On the other hand, those from the East [------], of
whom is Axionicus and Bardesanes, say [------] that the body of the
Saviour was spiritual, for the Holy Spirit came upon Mary, that is the
Sophia and the power of the Highest."(4) &c.
In this passage we have a good illustration of the mode in which the
writer introduces his quotations with the subjectless "he says." Here he
is conveying the divergent opinions of the two parties of Valentinians,
and explaining the peculiar doctrines of the Italian school "of whom is
Heracleon and Ptolemaeus," and he suddenly departs from the plural "they"
to quote the passage from Romans viii. 11, in support of their views
with the singular "he says." Nothing can be more obvious than that "he"
cannot possibly be Valentinus himself, for the schism is represented as
taking place
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amongst his followers, and the quotation is evidently made by one
of them to support the views of his party in the schism, but whether
Hippolytus is quoting from Heraclcon or Ptolemaeus or some other of the
Italian(1) school, there is no means of knowing. Of all this, again,
nothing is said by Canon Westcott, who quietly asserts without
hesitation or argument, that Valentinus himself is the person who here
makes the quotation.
We have already said that the name of Valentinus does not occur once in
the whole chapter (vi. 35) which we have been examining, and if we turn
back we find that the preceding context confirms the result at which we
have arrived, that the [------] has no reference to the Founder himself,
but is applicable only to some later member of his school, most probably
contemporary with Hippolytus. In vi. 21, Hippolytus discusses the heresy
of Valentinus, which he traces to Pythagoras and Plato, but in Ch. 29
he passes from direct reference to the Founder to deal entirely with
his school. This is so manifest, that the learned editors of the work
of Hippolytus, Professors Duncker and Schneidewin, alter the preceding
heading at that part from "Valentinus" to "Valentiniani." At the
beginning of Ch. 29 Hippolytus writes: "Valentinus, therefore, and
Heracleon and Ptolemaeus and the whole school of these (heretics)...
have laid down as the fundamental principle of their teaching the
arithmetical system. For according to these," &c. And a few lines
lower down: "There is discernible amongst them, however, considerable
difference of opinion. For many of them, in order that
1 The quotation from an Epistle to the Romans by the Italian
school is appropriate.
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the Pythagorean doctrine of Valentinus may be wholly pure, suppose, &c.,
but others," &c. He shortly after says that he will proceed to state
their doctrines as they themselves teach them [------]. He then
continues: "There is, he says [------]" &c. &c., quoting evidently one
of these followers who want to keep the doctrine of Valentinus pure, or
of the "others," although without naming him, and three lines further
on again, without any preparation, returning to the plural "they say"
[------] and so on through the following chapters, "he says" alternating
with the plural, as the author apparently has in view something said
by individuals or merely expresses general views. In the Chapter (34)
preceding that which we have principally been examining, Hippolytus
begins by referring to "the Quaternion according to Valentinus,"
but after five lines on it, he continues: "This is what they say:
[------]"(1) and then goes on to speak of "their whole teaching"
[------], and lower down he distinctly sets himself to discuss the
opinions of the school in the plural: "Thus these (Valentinians)
subdivide the contents of the Pleroma," &c. [------], and continues with
an occasional "according to them "[------] until, without any name being
mentioned, he makes use of the indefinite "he says" to introduce the
quotation referred to by Canon Westcott as a citation by Valentinus
himself of "the Epistle to the Ephesians as Scripture."(2) "This is,
he says, what is written in Scripture," and there follows a quotation
which, it may merely be mentioned as Canon Westcott says nothing of it,
differs considerably from the passage in the Epistle
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iii. 14--18. Immediately after, another of Canon West-cott's quotations
from 1 Cor. ii. 14, is given, with the same indefinite "he says," and in
the same way, without further mention of names, the quotations in Ch. 35
compared with John x. 8, and Luke i. 35. There is, therefore, absolutely
no ground whatever for referring these [------] to Valentinus himself;
but, on the contrary, Hippolytus shows in the clearest way that he is
discussing the views of the later writers of the sect, and it is one of
these, and not the Founder himself, whom in his usual indefinite way he
thus quotes.
We have been forced by these bald and unsupported assertions of
apologists to go at such length into these questions at the risk of
being very wearisome to our readers, but it has been our aim as much
as possible to make no statements without placing before those who are
interested the materials for forming an intelligent opinion. Any other
course would be to meet mere assertion by simple denial, and it is only
by bold and unsubstantiated statements which have been simply and in
good faith accepted by ordinary readers who have not the opportunity, if
they have even the will, to test their veracity, that apologists have so
long held their ground. Our results regarding Valentinus so far may be
stated as follows: the quotations which without any explanation are
so positively imputed to Valentinus are not made by him, but by
later writers of his school;(1) and, moreover, the passages which are
indicated by the English apologist as references to our two Synoptic
Gospels not only do
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not emanate from Valentinus, but do not agree with our Gospels, and are
apparently derived from other sources.(1)
The remarks of Canon Westcott with regard, to the connection of
Valentinus with our New Testament are on a par with the rest of his
assertions. He says: "There is no reason to suppose that Valentinus
differed from Catholic writers on the Canon of the New Testament."(2) We
might ironically adopt this sentence, for as no writer whatever of the
time of Valentinus, as we have seen, recognized any New Testament Canon
at all, he certainly did not in this respect differ from the other
writers of that period. Canon Westcott relies upon the statement of
Tertullian, but even here, although he quotes the Latin passage in a
note, he does not fully give its real sense in his text. He writes in
immediate continuation of the quotation given above: "Tertullian says
that in this he differed from Marcion, that he at least professed to
accept 'the whole instrument,' perverting the interpretation, where
Marcion mutilated the text." Now the assertion of Tertullian has a
very important modification, which, to any one acquainted with the very
unscrupulous boldness of the "Great African" in dealing with religious
controversy, is extremely significant. He does not make the assertion
positively and of his own knowledge, but modifies it by saying: "Nor,
indeed, if Valentinus seems to use the
2 On the Canon, p. 259. [Dr. Westcott omits these words
from his 4th ed., but he uses others here and elsewhere
which imply very nearly the same assertion.]
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whole instrument, (neque enim si Valentinus integro instrumento uti
videtur),"(1) &c. Tertullian evidently knew very little of Valentinus
himself, and had probably not read his writings at all.(2) His treatise
against the Valentinians is avowedly not original, but, as he himself
admits, is compiled from the writings of Justin, Miltiades, Irenaeus, and
Proclus.(3) Tertullian would not have hesitated to affirm anything
of this kind positively, had there been any ground for it, but his
assertion is at once too uncertain, and the value of his statements
of this nature much too small, for such a remark to have any weight as
evidence.(4) Besides, by his own showing Valentinus altered Scripture
(sine dubio emen-dans),(5) which he could not have done had he
recognized it as of canonical authority.(6) We cannot, however, place
any reliance upon criticism emanating from Tertullian.
All that Origen seems to know on this subject is that the followers of
Valentinus [------] have altered the form of the Gospel [------].(7)
Clement of Alexandria, however, informs us that Valentinus, like
Basilides, professed to have direct traditions from the Apostles, his
teacher being Theodas, a disciple of the Apostle Paul.(8) If he had
known any Gospels which he believed to have apostolic authority, there
would clearly not have been any need of such tradition. Hippolytus
distinctly affirms that Valentinus derived his system from Pythagoras
and Plato,
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and "not from the Gospels" [-----], and that consequently he might more
properly be considered a Pythagorean and Platonist than a Christian.(1)
Irenaeus, in like manner, asserts that the Valentinians derive their
views from unwritten sources [------],(2) and he accuses them of
rejecting the Gospels, for after enumerating them,(3) he continues:
"When, indeed, they are refuted out of the Scriptures, they turn round
in accusation of these same Scriptures, as though they were not correct,
nor of authority....
For (they say) that it (the truth) was not conveyed by written records
but by the living voice."(4) In the same chapter he goes on to show that
the Valen-tinians not only reject the authority of Scripture, but also
reject ecclesiastical tradition. He says: "But, again, when we refer
them to that tradition which is from the Apostles, which has been
preserved through a succession of Presbyters in the Churches, they
are opposed to tradition, affirming themselves wiser not only than
Presbyters, but even than the Apostles, in that they have discovered the
uncorrupted truth. For (they say) the Apostles mixed up matters which
are of the law with the words of the Saviour, &c.... It comes to this,
they neither consent to Scripture nor to tradition. (Evenit itaque,
neque Scripturis jam, neque Traditioni consentire eos.)"(6) We find,
therefore, that even in the time of Irenaeus the Valentinians rejected
the writings
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of the New Testament as authoritative documents, which they certainly
would not have done had the Founder of their sect himself acknowledged
them. So far from this being the case, there was absolutely no New
Testament Canon for Valentinus himself to deal with,(1) and his
perfectly orthodox contemporaries recognized no other Holy Scriptures
than those of the Old Testament.
Irenaeus, however, goes still further, and states that the Valentinians
of his time not only had many Gospels, but that they possessed one
peculiar to themselves. "Those indeed who are followers of Valentinus,"
he says, "again passing beyond all fear, and putting forth their own
compositions, boast that they have more Gospels than there actually are.
Indeed they have proceeded so far in audacity that they entitle their
not long written work, agreeing in nothing with the Gospels of the
Apostles, the Gospel of Truth, so that there cannot be any Gospel among
them without blasphemy."(2) It follows clearly, from the very name of
the Valentinian Gospel, that they did not consider that others contained
the truth,(3) and indeed Irenaeus himself perceived this, for he
continues: "For if what is published by them be the Gospel of Truth,
yet is dissimilar from those which have been delivered to us by the
Apostles, any may perceive who please, as is demonstrated by these very
Scriptures, that that which has been handed down from the Apostles is
not the Gospel of Truth."(4) These passages speak for
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themselves. It has been suggested that the "Gospel of Truth" was a
harmony of the four Gospels.(1) This, however, cannot by any possibility
have been the case, inasmuch as Irenaeus distinctly says that it did
not agree in anything with the Gospels of the Apostles. We have been
compelled to devote too much space to Valentinus, and we now leave him
with the certainty that in nothing does he afford any evidence even of
the existence of our Synoptic Gospels.
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