Whatsoever of pessimism appeared in the British press was telegraphed

to America. Pessimism was not permitted in the German press. Imagine

Germany holding control of the cable and allowing press despatches

from Germany to pass over it with the freedom that England allowed!

Imagine Germany having waited as long as England before making cotton

contraband! The British press demanded information from the government

which the German press would never have dared to ask. I have known an

American correspondent, fed out of hand in Germany and thankful for

anything that the fearful German war machine might vouchsafe, turning a

belligerent when he was in London for privileges which he would never

have thought of demanding in Berlin.

If an English ship were reported sunk, he believed it must be, despite

the government’s denial. Did he go to the Germans and demand that he

might publish the rumours of what had happened to the _Moltke_ in the

Gulf of Riga, or how many submarines Germany had really lost? Indeed,

he was unconsciously paying a compliment to British free institutions.

He expected more in England; it seemed a right to him, as it would

at home. Englishmen talked frankly to him about mistakes; he heard

all the gossip; and sometimes he concluded that England was in a bad

way. In Germany such talk was not allowed. Every German said that the

government was absolutely truthful; every German believed all of its

reports. But ask this critical American how he would like to live

under German rule, and then you found how anti-German he was at heart.

Nothing succeeds like success, and Germany was winning and telling no

one if she had any setbacks.

If there were a strike, the British press made the most of it for it

was big news. Pessimism is the Englishman’s natural way of arousing

himself to fresh energy. It is also against habit to be demonstrative

in his effort; so it is not easy to understand how much he is doing.

Then, pessimism brought recruits; it made the Englishman say, “I’ve

got to put my back into it!” Muddling there was and mistakes, such as

that of the method of attack at Gallipoli; but in the midst of all

this disspiriting pessimism, no Englishman thought of anything but of

putting his back into it more and more. Lord Kitchener had said that it

was to be a long war and evidently it must be. Of course, England’s

misfortune was in having the war catch her in the transition from an

old order of things to social reforms.

But if the war shows anything it is that basically English character

has not changed. She still has unconquerable, dogged persistence, and

her defects for this kind of war are not among the least admirable of

her traits to those who desire to live their own lives in their own

way, as the English-speaking people have done for five hundred years,

without having a _verboten_ sign on every street corner.

It is still the law that when a company of infantry marches through

London it must be escorted by a policeman. This means a good deal:

that civil power is superior to military power. It is a symbol of what

Englishmen have fought for with spades and pitchforks and what we

have fought Englishmen for. My own idea is that England is fighting

for it in this struggle; and starting unready against a foe which was

ready, as the free peoples always have, she was fighting for time and

experience before she could strike her sturdiest blows.

THE END

Transcriber’s Notes

Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling were made consistent when a

predominant preference was found in this book; otherwise they were not

changed.

Simple typographical errors were corrected; occasional unbalanced

quotation marks retained.

Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained.

End of Project Gutenberg's My Year of the Great War, by Frederick Palmer

My Year of the Great War · 第 30 / 30 段