Now the English husband of the German woman, though he had spent most

of his life in Hamburg, though perhaps he had been born in Germany,

had been interned and, however large his bank account, was taking

his place with his pannikin in the stalls in front of some cookhouse

for his ration of cabbage soup. Germans were kind to English friends

personally; but when it came to the national feeling of Germany against

England, nowhere was it so bitter as in Hamburg. Here the hate was

born of more than national sentiment; it was of the pocket; of seeing

fortunes that had been laboriously built dwindling, once thriving

businesses in suspended animation. There was no moratorium in name;

there was worse than one in fact. A patriotic freemasonry in misfortune

took its place. No business man could press another for the payment of

debts lest he be pressed in turn. What would happen when the war was

over? How long would it last?

It was not quite as cruel to give one’s opinion as two years to the

inquirers in Hamburg as to the director of the great Rudolph Virchow

Hospital in Berlin. Here, again, the system; the submergence of the

individual in the organisation. The wounded men seemed parts of a

machine; the human touch which may lead to disorganisation less in

evidence than at home, where the thought is: This is an individual

human being, with his own peculiarities of temperament, his own

theories of life, his own ego; not just a quantity of brain, tissue,

blood, and bone which is required for the organism called man. A human

mechanism wounded at the German front needed repairs and the repairs

were made to that mechanism. The niceties might be lacking, but the

repair factory ran steadily and efficiently at full blast. Germany had

to care for her wounded by the millions and by the millions she cared

for them.

“Two years!”

I was sorry that I had said this to the director, for its effect on

him was like a blow in the chest. The vision of more and more wounded

seemed to rise before the eyes of this kindly man weary with the strain

of doing the work which he knew so well how to do as a cog in the

system. But for only a moment. He stiffened; he became the drillmaster

again; and the tragic look in his eyes was succeeded by one of that

strange exaltation I had seen in the eyes of so many Germans, which

appeared to carry their mind away from you and their surroundings to

the battlefield where they were fighting for their “place in the sun.”

“Two years, then. We shall see it through!”

He had a son who had been living in a French family near Lille studying

French and he had heard nothing of him since the war began. They were

good people, this French family; his son liked them. They would be kind

to him; but what might not the French Government do to him, a German!

He had heard terrible stories--the kind of stories that hardened

the fighting spirit of German soldiers--about the treatment German

civilians had received in France. He could think of one French family

which he knew as being kind, but not of the whole French people as a

family. As soon as the national and racial element were considered the

enemy became a beast.

To him, at least, Berlin was not normal; nor was it to that keeper of

a small shop off Unter den Linden which sold prints and etchings and

cartoons. What a boon my order of cartoons was to him! He forgot his

psychology code and turned human and confidential. The war had been

hard on him; there was no business at all, not even in cartoons.

The Opera alone seemed something like normal to one who trusted

his eyes rather than his ears for information. There was almost a

full house for the “Rosenkavalier”; for music is a solace in time

of trouble, as other capitals than Berlin revealed. Officers with

close-cropped heads wearing Iron Crosses, some with arms in slings,

promenading in the refreshment room of the Berlin Opera House between

the acts--this in the hour of victory should mean a picture of gaiety.

But there was a telling hush about the scene. Possibly music had

brought out the truth in men’s hearts that war, this kind of war, was

not gay or romantic, only murderous and destructive. One had noticed

already that the Prussian officer, so conscious of his caste, who

had worked so indefatigably to make an efficient army, had become

chastened. He had found that common men, butchers and bakers and

candlestick makers, could be as brave for their Kaiser as he. And more

of these officers had the Iron Cross than not.

The plenitude of Iron Crosses appealed to the risibilities of the

superficial observer. But in this, too, there was system. An officer

who had been in several battles without winning one must feel a trifle

declassed and that it was time for him to make amends to his pride. If

many were given to privates then the average soldier would not think

the Cross a prize for the few who had luck, but something that he, too,

might win by courage and prompt obedience to orders.

The masterful calculation, the splendid pretence and magnificent

offence, could not hide the suspense and suffering. Nowhere were you

able to forget the war or to escape the all-pervading influence of

the Kaiser. The empty royal box at the opera, his opera, called him

to mind. What would happen before he reappeared there for a gala

performance? When again in the shuffle of European politics would the

audience see the Czar of Russia or the King of England by his side?

It was his Berlin, the heart of his Berlin, that was before you when

you left the opera--the new Berlin, taking few pages of a guide

book compared to Paris, which he had fathered in its boom growth.

In front of his palace Russian field guns taken by von Hindenburg

at Tannenberg were exhibited as the spoils of his war; while the

Never-to-be-Forgotten Grandfather in bronze rode home in triumph from

Paris not far away.

One wondered what all the people in the ocean of Berlin flats were

thinking as one walked past the statue of Frederick the Great, with his

sharp nose pointing the way for future conquerors, and on along Unter

den Linden, with its broad pavements gleaming in a characteristic,

misty winter night, through the Brandenburg Gate of his Brandenburg

dynasty, or to the statue of the blood-and-iron Bismarck, with his

strong jaw and pugnacious nose--the statesman militant in uniform with

a helmet over his bushy brow--who had made the German Empire, that

young empire which had not yet known defeat because of the system which

makes ready and chooses the hour for its blow.

Not far away one had glimpses of the white statues of My Ancestors

of the Sièges Allée, or avenue of victory,--the present Kaiser’s own

idea,--with the great men of the time on their right and left hands.

People whose sense of taste, not to say of humour, may limit their

statecraft had smiled at this monotonous and grandiose row of all

the dead bones of distinguished and mediocre royalty immortalised in

marble to the exact number of thirty-two. But they were My Ancestors,

O Germans, who made you what you are! Right dress and keep that line

of royalty in mind! It is your royal line, older than the trees in the

garden, firm as the rocks, Germany itself. The last is not the least in

might nor the least advertised in the age of publicity. He is to make

the next step in advance for Germany and bring more tribute home, if

all Germans will be loyal to him.

One paused to look at the photograph of the Kaiser in a shop window; a

big photograph of that man whose photograph is everywhere in Germany.

It is a stern face, this face, as the leader wishes his people to

see him, with its erectile moustache, the lips firm set, the eyes

challenging and the chin held so as to make it symbolic of strength: a

face that strives to say in that pose: “Onward! I lead!” Germans have

seen it every day for a quarter of a century. They have lived with it

and the character of it has grown into their natures.

In the same window was a smaller photograph of the Crown Prince, with

his cap rakishly on the side of his head, as if to give himself a

distinctive characteristic in the German eye; but his is the face of

a man who is not mature for his years and a trifle dissipated. For a

while after the war began he, as leader of the war party, knew the

joy of being more popular than the Kaiser. But the tide turned soon

in favour of a father, who appeared to be drawn reluctantly into

the ordeal of death and wounds for his people in “defence of the

Fatherland,” and against a son who had clamoured for the horror which

his people had begun to realise, particularly as his promised entry

into Paris had failed. There can be no question which of the two has

the wiser head.

The Crown Prince had passed into the background. He was marooned with

ennui in the face of the French trenches in the West, while all the

glory was being won in the East. Indeed, father had put son in his

place. One day, the gossips said, son might have to ask father, in the

name of the Hohenzollerns, to help him recover his popularity. His

photograph had been taken down from shop windows and in its place,

on the right hand of the Kaiser in the Sièges Allée of contemporary

fame, was the bull-dog face of von Hindenburg, victor of Tannenberg.

The Kaiser shared von Hindenburg’s glory; he has shared the glory of

all victorious generals; such is his histrionic gift in the age of the

spotlight.

Make no mistake--his people, deluded or not, love him not only because

he is Kaiser but also for himself. He is a clever man, who began his

career with the enormous capital of being emperor and made the most of

his position to amaze the world with a more versatile and also a more

inscrutable personality than most people realise. Poseur, perhaps, but

an emperor these days may need to be a poseur in order to wear the

ermine of Divine Right convincingly to most of his subjects.

His pose is always that of the anointed King of My People. He has never

given down on that point, however much he has applied State Socialism

to appease the Socialistic agitation. He has personified Germany

and German ambition with an adroit egoism and the sentiment of his

inheritance. Those critics who see the machinery of the throne may say

that he has the mind of a journalist, quick of perception, ready of

assimilation, knowing many things in their essentials but no one thing

thoroughly. But this is the kind of mind that a ruler requires, plus

the craft of the politician.

Is he a good man? Is he a great man? Banal questions! He is the Kaiser

on the background of the Sièges Allée, who has first promoted himself,

then the Hohenzollerns, and then the interests of Germany with all the

zest of the foremost shareholder and president of the corporation. No

German in the German hothouse of industry has worked harder than he.

He has kept himself up to the mark and tried to keep his people up to

the mark. It may be the wrong kind of a mark; but we are not discussing

that, and we may beg leave to differ without threshing the old straw of

argument.

That young private I met in the grounds at Charlottenberg, that

wounded man helping with the harvest, that tired hospital director,

the small trader in Hamburg, the sturdy Red Cross woman in the station

at Hanover, the peasants and the workers throughout Germany, kept

unimaginatively at their tasks, do not see the machinery of the throne,

only the man in the photograph who supplies them with a national

imagination. His indefatigable goings and comings and his poses fill

their minds with a personality which typifies the national spirit.

Will this change after the war? But that, too, is not a subject for

speculation here.

Through the war his pose has met the needs of the hour. An emperor

bowed down with the weight of his people’s sacrifice, a grey,

determined emperor hastening to honour the victors, covering up

defeats, urging his legions on, himself at the front, never seen by

the general public in the rear, a mysterious figure, not saying much

and that foolish to the Allies but appealing to the Germans, rather

appearing to submerge his own personality in the united patriotism

of the struggle--such is the picture which the throne machinery has

impressed on the German mind. The histrionic gift may be at its best in

creating a saga.

Always the offensive! Germany would keep on striking as long as she

had strength for a blow, while making the pretence that she had

the strength for still heavier blows. One wonders, should she gain

peace by her blows, if the Allies would awaken after the treaty was

signed to find how near exhaustion she had been, or that she was so

self-contained in her production of war material that she had only

borrowed from Hans to pay Fritz, who were both Germans. Russia did not

know how nearly she had Japan beaten until after Portsmouth. Japan’s

method was the German method; she learned it from Germany.

At the end of my journey I was hearing the same din of systematic

optimism in my ears as in the beginning.

“Warsaw, then Paris, then our Zeppelins will finish London,” said the

restaurant keeper on the German side of the Dutch frontier; “and our

submarines will settle the British navy before the summer is over. No,

the war will not last a year.”

“And is America next on the programme?” I asked.

“No. America is too strong; too far away.”

I was guilty of a faint suspicion that he was a diplomatist.

IX

IN BELGIUM UNDER THE GERMANS

British hospitality to the Belgians--A Dutch refugee camp--The

American Commission for relief--Its generals--From Holland to

Belgium--A forlorn Landsturm guard--Life in a conquered Land--

The overlords in Antwerp--Belgium’s hatred--The problem of

feeding Belgium--American volunteers--“Some experience”--The

conqueror’s net--Relics of the former régime.

No week at the front, where war is made, left the mind so full as this

week beyond the sound of the guns with war’s results. It taught the

meaning of the simple words life and death, hunger and food, love and

hate. One was in a house with sealed doors, where a family of seven

millions sat in silence and idleness, thinking of nothing but war and

feeling nothing but war. He had war cold as the fragments of a shrapnel

shell beside a dead man on a frozen road; war analysed and docketed for

exhibition, without its noise, its distraction, and its hot passion.

In Ostend I had seen the Belgian refugees in flight and I had seen them

pouring into London stations, bedraggled outcasts of every class, with

the staring uncertainty of the helpless human flock flying from the

storm. England, who considered that they had suffered for her sake,

opened her purse and her heart to them; she opened her homes, both

modest suburban homes and big country houses which are particular about

their guests in time of peace. No British family without a Belgian

was doing its duty. Bishop’s wife and publican’s wife took whatever

Belgian was sent to her. The refugee packet arrived without the nature

of contents on the address label. All Belgians had become heroic and

noble by grace of the defenders of Liége.

Perhaps the bishop’s wife received a young woman who smoked cigarettes

and asked her hostess for rouge and the publican’s wife received a

countess. Mrs. Smith of Clapham, who had brought up her children in the

strictest propriety, welcomed as playmates for her dears, whom she had

kept away from the contaminating associations of the alleys, Belgian

children from the toughest quarters of Antwerp, who had a precocity

that led to baffling confusion in Mrs. Smith’s mind between parental

responsibility and patriotic duty. Smart society gave the run of its

houses sometimes to gentry who were used to getting the run of that

kind of houses by lifting a window with a jimmy on a dark night. It

was a refugee lottery. When two hosts met one said: “My Belgian is

charming!” and the other said: “Mine isn’t. Just listen--” But the

English are game; they are loyal; they bore their burden of hospitality

bravely.

The strange things that happened were not the more agreeable because of

the attitude of some refugees, who when they were getting better fare

than they ever had at home, thought that, as they had given their “all”

for England, they should be getting still better, not to mention wine

on the table in temperance families; while there was a disinclination

toward self-support by means of work on the part of certain heroes

which promised a Belgian occupation of England that would last as long

as the German occupation of Belgium. England was learning that there

are Belgians and Belgians. She had received not a few of the “and

Belgians.”

It was only natural. When the German cruisers bombarded Scarborough

and the Hartlepools, the first to the station were not the finest and

sturdiest. Those with good bank accounts and a disinclination to take

any bodily or gastronomic risks, the young idler who stands on the

street corner ogling girls and the girls who are always in the street

to be ogled, the flighty-minded, the irresponsible, the tramp, the

selfish, and the cowardly are bound to be in the van of flight from any

sudden disaster and to make the most of the generous sympathy of those

who succour them.

The courageous, the responsible, those with homes and property at

stake, those with an inborn sense of real patriotism which means

loyalty to locality and to their neighbours, are more inclined to

remain with their homes and their property. Besides, a refugee hardly

appears at his best. He is in a strange country, forlorn, homesick, a

hostage of fate and personal misfortune. The Belgian nation had taken

the Allies’ side and now all individual Belgians expected the Allies to

help them.

England did not get the worst of the refugees. They could travel no

farther than Holland, where the Dutch Government appropriated money to

care for them at the same time that it was under the expense of keeping

its army mobilised. Looking at the refugees in the camp at Bergen op

Zoom, an observer might share some of the contempt of the Germans for

the Belgians. Crowded in temporary huts in the chill, misty weather

of a Dutch winter, they seemed listless, marooned human wreckage.

They would not dig ditches to drain their camp; they were given to

pilfering from one another the clothes which the world’s charity

supplied. The heart was out of them. They were numbed by disaster.

“Are all these men and women who are living together married?” I asked

the Dutch officer in charge.

“It is not for us to inquire,” he replied. “Most of them say that they

have lost their marriage certificates.”

They were from the slums of that polyglot seaport town Antwerp, which

Belgians say is anything but real Belgium. To judge Belgium by them is

like judging an American town by the worst of its back streets, where

saloons and pawnshops are numerous and the red lights twinkle from dark

doorways.

Around a table in a Rotterdam hotel one met some generals, who were

organising a different kind of campaign from that which brought glory

to the generals who conquered Belgium. It was odd that Dr. Rose--

that Dr. Rose who had discovered and fought the hook worm among the

mountaineers of the Southern States--should be succouring Belgium, and

yet only natural. Where else should he and Henry James, Jr., of the

Rockefeller Foundation, and Mr. Bicknell, of the American Red Cross,

be, if not here directing the use of an endowment fund set aside for

just such purposes?

They had been all over Belgium and up into the Northern departments of

France occupied by the Germans, investigating conditions. For they were

practical men, trained for solving the problem of charity with wisdom,

who wanted to know that their money was well spent. They had nothing

for the refugees in London, but they found that the people who had

stayed at home in Belgium were worthy of help. The fund was allowing

five hundred thousand dollars a month for the American Commission for

Relief in Belgium, which was the amount that the Germans had spent in a

single day in the destruction of the town of Ypres with shells. Later

they were to go to Poland; then to Serbia.

With them was Herbert C. Hoover, a celebrated mining engineer, the

head of the Commission. When American tourists were stranded over

Europe at the outset of the war, with letters of credit which could

not be cashed, their route homeward must lie through London. They must

have steamer passage. Hoover took charge. When this work was done and

Belgium must be helped, he took charge of a task that could be done

only by a neutral. For the adjutants and field officers of his force

he turned to American business men in London, to Rhodes scholars at

Oxford, and to other volunteers hastening from America.

When Harvard, 1914, who had lent a hand in the American refugees’

trials, appeared in Hoover’s office to volunteer for the new campaign,

Hoover said:

“You are going to Rotterdam to-night.”

“So I am!” said Harvard, 1914, and started accordingly. Action and not

red tape must prevail in such an organisation.

The Belgians whom I wished to see were those behind the line of guards

on the Belgo-Dutch frontier; those who had remained at home under the

Germans to face humiliation and hunger. This was possible if you had

the right sort of influence and your passport the right sort of visés

to accompany a _Besheinigung_, according to the form of “31 Oktober,

1914, Sect. 616, Nr. 1083,” signed by the German consul at Rotterdam,

which put me in the same automobile with Harvard, 1914, that stopped

one blustery, snowy day of late December before a gate, with Belgium on

one side and Holland on the other side of it on the Rosendaal-Antwerp

road.

“Once more!” said Harvard, 1914, who had made this journey many times

as a despatch rider.

One of the conquerors, the sentry representing the majesty of German

authority in Belgium, examined the pass. The conqueror was a good deal

larger around the middle than when he was young, but not so large

as when he went to war. He had a scarf tied over his ears under a

cracked old patent leather helmet, which the Saxon Landsturm must have

taken from their garrets when the Kaiser sent the old fellows to keep

the Belgians in order, so that the young men could be spared to get

rheumatism in the trenches if they escaped death.

You could see that the conqueror missed his wife’s cooking and Sunday

afternoon in the beer garden with his family. However much he loved the

Kaiser, it did not make him love home any the less. His nod admitted us

into German-ruled Belgium. He looked so lonely that as our car started

I sent him a smile. Surprise broke on his face. Somebody not a German

in uniform had actually smiled at him in Belgium! My last glimpse of

him was of a grin spreading under the scarf toward his ears.

Belgium was webbed with these old Landsturm guards. If your

_Passerschein_ was not right, you might survive the first set of

sentries and even the second, but the third, and if not the third some

succeeding one of the dozens on the way to Brussels, would hale you

before a _Kommandatur_. Then you were in trouble. In travelling about

Europe I became so used to passes that when I returned to New York I

could not have thought of going to Hoboken without the German consul’s

visa, or of dining at a French restaurant without the French consul’s.

“And again!” said Harvard, 1914, as we came to another sentry. There

was good reason why Harvard had his pass in a leather-bound case

under a celluloid face. Otherwise, it would soon have been worn out

in showing. He had been warned by the Commission not to talk and he

did not talk. He was neutrality personified. All he did was to show

his pass. He could be silent in three languages. The only time I got

anything like partisanship out of him and two sentences in succession

was when I mentioned the Harvard-Yale football game.

“My! Wasn’t that a smear! In their new stadium, too! Oh, my! Wish I had

been there!”

When the car broke a spring halfway to Antwerp, he remarked,

“Naturally!” or, rather, a more expressive monosyllable which did not

sound neutral.

While he and the Belgian chauffeur, with the help of a Belgian farmer

as spectator, were patching up the broken spring, I had a look at the

farm. The winter crops were in; the cabbages and Brussels sprouts in

the garden were untouched. It happened that the scorching finger of

war’s destruction had not been laid on this little property. In the

yard the wife was doing the week’s washing, her hands in hot water

and her arms exposed to weather so cold that I felt none too warm in

a heavy overcoat. At first sight she gave me a frown, which instantly

dissipated into a smile when she saw that I was not German.

My Year of the Great War · 第 7 / 30 段