There was a big assemblage in the Commons to hear the PRIME MINISTER'S
statement on Poland. The Duke of YORK was over the Clock, flanked by the
Archbishop of CANTERBURY on one side and Messrs. KAMENEFF and KRASSIN (who
sound, but do not look, like a music-hall "turn") on the other.
Some facts bearing, more or less, on the situation were revealed at
Question-time. Mr. CHURCHILL denied that he had ever suggested an alliance
with the Germans against Bolshevism, and, as we are keeping the Watch on
the Rhine with only thirteen thousand men--just three thousand more than it
takes to garrison London--perhaps it is just as well. He has, I gathered,
no great opinion of the Bolshevists as soldiers. In his endeavour to
describe the disgust of our troops in North Russia at being ordered to
retire before "an enemy they cordially despised" he nearly dislocated his
upper lip.
For two-thirds of his speech the PRIME MINISTER was the sober statesman,
discussing with due solemnity the grave possibilities of the Russo-Polish
crisis. The Poles had been rash and must take the consequences. We should
not help them unless the Bolshevists, not content with punishment,
threatened the extinction of Poland's independence.
Then his mood changed, and for a sparkling quarter of an hour he chaffed
the Labour Party for its support of the Soviet Government, an
unrepresentative self-appointed oligarchy. To make his point he even
sacrificed a colleague. LENIN was an aristocrat, TROTSKY a journalist. "In
fact"--turning to Mr. CHURCHILL--"my right honourable friend is an
embodiment of both."
A brief struggle for precedence between Mr. ASQUITH and Mr. ADAMSON ended
in favour of the EX-PREMIER, who doubted whether the best way to ensure
peace was to attack one of the parties to the dispute, and proceeded to
make things more or less even by vigorously chiding Poland for her
aggression. Mr. CLYNES, while admitting that the Labour Party would have to
reconsider its position if the independence of Poland was threatened, still
maintained that we had not played a straight game from Russia.
Later on, through the medium of Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHY, communication
was established between the Treasury Bench and the Distinguished Strangers'
Gallery. Mr. LLOYD GEORGE read the terms offered by the Soviet to the
Poles, and gave them a guarded approval.
_Wednesday, August 11th._--A Bill to prohibit ready-money betting on
football matches was introduced by Lord GAINFORD (who played for Cambridge
forty years ago) and supported by Lord MEATH, "a most enthusiastic player"
of a still earlier epoch. The Peers could not resist the pleading of these
experts and gave the Bill a second reading; but when Lord GAINFORD proposed
to rush it through goal straightaway his course was barred by Lord
BIRKENHEAD, an efficient Lord "Keeper."
A proposal for the erection at the public expense of a statue of the late
Mr. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN furnished occasion for the PRIME MINISTER and Mr.
ASQUITH to indulge in generous praise of a political opponent. Mr. LLOYD
GEORGE (with his eye on the Sovietists) pointed out that, as this was
"essentially a Parliamentary country," we did well to honour "a great
Parliamentarian"; and the EX-PREMIER (with his eye on Mr. LLOYD GEORGE)
selected for special note among Mr. CHAMBERLAIN'S characteristics that he
had "no blurred edges."
A humdrum debate on the Consolidation Fund Bill was interrupted by the
startling news that France had decided, in direct opposition to the policy
announced yesterday by the PRIME MINISTER, to give immediate recognition to
General WRANGEL. Mr. LLOYD GEORGE expressed his "surprise and anxiety" and
could only suppose that there had been an unfortunate misunderstanding. To
give time for its removal the House decided to postpone its holiday and
adjourned till Monday.
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