Constantine.—Part IV.
When Valerian was consul for the third, and Gallienus for the
fourth time, Paternus, proconsul of Africa, summoned Cyprian to
appear in his private council-chamber. He there acquainted him
with the Imperial mandate which he had just received, 81 that
those who had abandoned the Roman religion should immediately
return to the practice of the ceremonies of their ancestors.
Cyprian replied without hesitation, that he was a Christian and a
bishop, devoted to the worship of the true and only Deity, to
whom he offered up his daily supplications for the safety and
prosperity of the two emperors, his lawful sovereigns.
With modest confidence he pleaded the privilege of a citizen, in
refusing to give any answer to some invidious and indeed illegal
questions which the proconsul had proposed. A sentence of
banishment was pronounced as the penalty of Cyprian’s
disobedience; and he was conducted without delay to Curubis, a
free and maritime city of Zeugitania, in a pleasant situation, a
fertile territory, and at the distance of about forty miles from
Carthage. 82 The exiled bishop enjoyed the conveniences of life
and the consciousness of virtue. His reputation was diffused over
Africa and Italy; an account of his behavior was published for
the edification of the Christian world; 83 and his solitude was
frequently interrupted by the letters, the visits, and the
congratulations of the faithful. On the arrival of a new
proconsul in the province the fortune of Cyprian appeared for
some time to wear a still more favorable aspect. He was recalled
from banishment; and though not yet permitted to return to
Carthage, his own gardens in the neighborhood of the capital were
assigned for the place of his residence. 84
81 (return) [ It should seem that these were circular orders,
sent at the same time to all the governors. Dionysius (ap. Euseb.
l. vii. c. 11) relates the history of his own banishment from
Alexandria almost in the same manner. But as he escaped and
survived the persecution, we must account him either more or less
fortunate than Cyprian.]
82 (return) [ See Plin. Hist. Natur. v. 3. Cellarius, Geograph.
Antiq. part iii. p. 96. Shaw’s Travels, p. 90; and for the
adjacent country, (which is terminated by Cape Bona, or the
promontory of Mercury,) l’Afrique de Marmol. tom. ii. p. 494.
There are the remains of an aqueduct near Curubis, or Curbis, at
present altered into Gurbes; and Dr. Shaw read an inscription,
which styles that city _Colonia Fulvia_. The deacon Pontius (in
Vit. Cyprian. c. 12) calls it “Apricum et competentem locum,
hospitium pro voluntate secretum, et quicquid apponi eis ante
promissum est, qui regnum et justitiam Dei quærunt.”]
83 (return) [ See Cyprian. Epistol. 77, edit. Fell.]
84 (return) [ Upon his conversion, he had sold those gardens for
the benefit of the poor. The indulgence of God (most probably the
liberality of some Christian friend) restored them to Cyprian.
See Pontius, c. 15.]
At length, exactly one year 85 after Cyprian was first
apprehended, Galerius Maximus, proconsul of Africa, received the
Imperial warrant for the execution of the Christian teachers. The
bishop of Carthage was sensible that he should be singled out for
one of the first victims; and the frailty of nature tempted him
to withdraw himself, by a secret flight, from the danger and the
honor of martyrdom; 8511 but soon recovering that fortitude which
his character required, he returned to his gardens, and patiently
expected the ministers of death. Two officers of rank, who were
intrusted with that commission, placed Cyprian between them in a
chariot, and as the proconsul was not then at leisure, they
conducted him, not to a prison, but to a private house in
Carthage, which belonged to one of them. An elegant supper was
provided for the entertainment of the bishop, and his Christian
friends were permitted for the last time to enjoy his society,
whilst the streets were filled with a multitude of the faithful,
anxious and alarmed at the approaching fate of their spiritual
father. 86 In the morning he appeared before the tribunal of the
proconsul, who, after informing himself of the name and situation
of Cyprian, commanded him to offer sacrifice, and pressed him to
reflect on the consequences of his disobedience. The refusal of
Cyprian was firm and decisive; and the magistrate, when he had
taken the opinion of his council, pronounced with some reluctance
the sentence of death. It was conceived in the following terms:
“That Thascius Cyprianus should be immediately beheaded, as the
enemy of the gods of Rome, and as the chief and ringleader of a
criminal association, which he had seduced into an impious
resistance against the laws of the most holy emperors, Valerian
and Gallienus.” 87 The manner of his execution was the mildest
and least painful that could be inflicted on a person convicted
of any capital offence; nor was the use of torture admitted to
obtain from the bishop of Carthage either the recantation of his
principles or the discovery of his accomplices.
85 (return) [ When Cyprian; a twelvemonth before, was sent into
exile, he dreamt that he should be put to death the next day. The
event made it necessary to explain that word, as signifying a
year. Pontius, c. 12.]
8511 (return) [ This was not, as it appears, the motive which
induced St. Cyprian to conceal himself for a short time; he was
threatened to be carried to Utica; he preferred remaining at
Carthage, in order to suffer martyrdom in the midst of his flock,
and in order that his death might conduce to the edification of
those whom he had guided during life. Such, at least, is his own
explanation of his conduct in one of his letters: Cum perlatum ad
nos fuisset, fratres carissimi, frumentarios esse missos qui me
Uticam per ducerent, consilioque carissimorum persuasum est, ut
de hortis interim recederemus, justa interveniente causâ,
consensi; eo quod congruat episcopum in eâ civitate, in quâ
Ecclesiæ dominicæ præest, illie. Dominum confiteri et plebem
universam præpositi præsentis confessione clarificari Ep. 83.—G]
86 (return) [ Pontius (c. 15) acknowledges that Cyprian, with
whom he supped, passed the night custodia delicata. The bishop
exercised a last and very proper act of jurisdiction, by
directing that the younger females, who watched in the streets,
should be removed from the dangers and temptations of a nocturnal
crowd. Act. Preconsularia, c. 2.]
87 (return) [ See the original sentence in the Acts, c. 4; and in
Pontius, c. 17 The latter expresses it in a more rhetorical
manner.]
As soon as the sentence was proclaimed, a general cry of “We will
die with him,” arose at once among the listening multitude of
Christians who waited before the palace gates. The generous
effusions of their zeal and their affection were neither
serviceable to Cyprian nor dangerous to themselves. He was led
away under a guard of tribunes and centurions, without resistance
and without insult, to the place of his execution, a spacious and
level plain near the city, which was already filled with great
numbers of spectators. His faithful presbyters and deacons were
permitted to accompany their holy bishop. 8711 They assisted him
in laying aside his upper garment, spread linen on the ground to
catch the precious relics of his blood, and received his orders
to bestow five-and-twenty pieces of gold on the executioner. The
martyr then covered his face with his hands, and at one blow his
head was separated from his body. His corpse remained during some
hours exposed to the curiosity of the Gentiles: but in the night
it was removed, and transported in a triumphal procession, and
with a splendid illumination, to the burial-place of the
Christians. The funeral of Cyprian was publicly celebrated
without receiving any interruption from the Roman magistrates;
and those among the faithful, who had performed the last offices
to his person and his memory, were secure from the danger of
inquiry or of punishment. It is remarkable, that of so great a
multitude of bishops in the province of Africa, Cyprian was the
first who was esteemed worthy to obtain the crown of martyrdom.
88
8711 (return) [ There is nothing in the life of St. Cyprian, by
Pontius, nor in the ancient manuscripts, which can make us
suppose that the presbyters and deacons in their clerical
character, and known to be such, had the permission to attend
their holy bishop. Setting aside all religious considerations, it
is impossible not to be surprised at the kind of complaisance
with which the historian here insists, in favor of the
persecutors, on some mitigating circumstances allowed at the
death of a man whose only crime was maintaining his own opinions
with frankness and courage.—G.]
88 (return) [ Pontius, c. 19. M. de Tillemont (Mémoires, tom. iv.
part i. p. 450, note 50) is not pleased with so positive an
exclusion of any former martyr of the episcopal rank. * Note: M.
de. Tillemont, as an honest writer, explains the difficulties
which he felt about the text of Pontius, and concludes by
distinctly stating, that without doubt there is some mistake, and
that Pontius must have meant only Africa Minor or Carthage; for
St. Cyprian, in his 58th (69th) letter addressed to Pupianus,
speaks expressly of many bishops his colleagues, qui proscripti
sunt, vel apprehensi in carcere et catenis fuerunt; aut qui in
exilium relegati, illustri itinere ed Dominum profecti sunt; aut
qui quibusdam locis animadversi, cœlestes coronas de Domini
clarificatione sumpserunt.—G.]
It was in the choice of Cyprian, either to die a martyr, or to
live an apostate; but on the choice depended the alternative of
honor or infamy. Could we suppose that the bishop of Carthage had
employed the profession of the Christian faith only as the
instrument of his avarice or ambition, it was still incumbent on
him to support the character he had assumed; 89 and if he
possessed the smallest degree of manly fortitude, rather to
expose himself to the most cruel tortures, than by a single act
to exchange the reputation of a whole life, for the abhorrence of
his Christian brethren, and the contempt of the Gentile world.
But if the zeal of Cyprian was supported by the sincere
conviction of the truth of those doctrines which he preached, the
crown of martyrdom must have appeared to him as an object of
desire rather than of terror. It is not easy to extract any
distinct ideas from the vague though eloquent declamations of the
Fathers, or to ascertain the degree of immortal glory and
happiness which they confidently promised to those who were so
fortunate as to shed their blood in the cause of religion. 90
They inculcated with becoming diligence, that the fire of
martyrdom supplied every defect and expiated every sin; that
while the souls of ordinary Christians were obliged to pass
through a slow and painful purification, the triumphant sufferers
entered into the immediate fruition of eternal bliss, where, in
the society of the patriarchs, the apostles, and the prophets,
they reigned with Christ, and acted as his assessors in the
universal judgment of mankind. The assurance of a lasting
reputation upon earth, a motive so congenial to the vanity of
human nature, often served to animate the courage of the martyrs.
The honors which Rome or Athens bestowed on those citizens who
had fallen in the cause of their country, were cold and unmeaning
demonstrations of respect, when compared with the ardent
gratitude and devotion which the primitive church expressed
towards the victorious champions of the faith. The annual
commemoration of their virtues and sufferings was observed as a
sacred ceremony, and at length terminated in religious worship.
Among the Christians who had publicly confessed their religious
principles, those who (as it very frequently happened) had been
dismissed from the tribunal or the prisons of the Pagan
magistrates, obtained such honors as were justly due to their
imperfect martyrdom and their generous resolution. The most pious
females courted the permission of imprinting kisses on the
fetters which they had worn, and on the wounds which they had
received. Their persons were esteemed holy, their decisions were
admitted with deference, and they too often abused, by their
spiritual pride and licentious manners, the preëminence which
their zeal and intrepidity had acquired. 91 Distinctions like
these, whilst they display the exalted merit, betray the
inconsiderable number of those who suffered, and of those who
died, for the profession of Christianity.
89 (return) [ Whatever opinion we may entertain of the character
or principles of Thomas Becket, we must acknowledge that he
suffered death with a constancy not unworthy of the primitive
martyrs. See Lord Lyttleton’s History of Henry II. vol. ii. p.
592, &c.]
90 (return) [ See in particular the treatise of Cyprian de
Lapsis, p. 87-98, edit. Fell. The learning of Dodwell (Dissertat.
Cyprianic. xii. xiii.,) and the ingenuity of Middleton, (Free
Inquiry, p. 162, &c.,) have left scarcely any thing to add
concerning the merit, the honors, and the motives of the
martyrs.]
91 (return) [ Cyprian. Epistol. 5, 6, 7, 22, 24; and de Unitat.
Ecclesiæ. The number of pretended martyrs has been very much
multiplied, by the custom which was introduced of bestowing that
honorable name on confessors. Note: M. Guizot denies that the
letters of Cyprian, to which he refers, bear out the statement in
the text. I cannot scruple to admit the accuracy of Gibbon’s
quotation. To take only the fifth letter, we find this passage:
Doleo enim quando audio quosdam improbe et insolenter discurrere,
et ad ineptian vel ad discordias vacare, Christi membra et jam
Christum confessa per concubitûs illicitos inquinari, nec a
diaconis aut presbyteris regi posse, sed id agere ut per paucorum
pravos et malos mores, multorum et bonorum confessorum gloria
honesta maculetur. Gibbon’s misrepresentation lies in the
ambiguous expression “too often.” Were the epistles arranged in a
different manner in the edition consulted by M. Guizot?—M.]
The sober discretion of the present age will more readily censure
than admire, but can more easily admire than imitate, the fervor
of the first Christians, who, according to the lively expressions
of Sulpicius Severus, desired martyrdom with more eagerness than
his own contemporaries solicited a bishopric. 92 The epistles
which Ignatius composed as he was carried in chains through the
cities of Asia, breathe sentiments the most repugnant to the
ordinary feelings of human nature. He earnestly beseeches the
Romans, that when he should be exposed in the amphitheatre, they
would not, by their kind but unseasonable intercession, deprive
him of the crown of glory; and he declares his resolution to
provoke and irritate the wild beasts which might be employed as
the instruments of his death. 93 Some stories are related of the
courage of martyrs, who actually performed what Ignatius had
intended; who exasperated the fury of the lions, pressed the
executioner to hasten his office, cheerfully leaped into the
fires which were kindled to consume them, and discovered a
sensation of joy and pleasure in the midst of the most exquisite
tortures. Several examples have been preserved of a zeal
impatient of those restraints which the emperors had provided for
the security of the church. The Christians sometimes supplied by
their voluntary declaration the want of an accuser, rudely
disturbed the public service of paganism, 94 and rushing in
crowds round the tribunal of the magistrates, called upon them to
pronounce and to inflict the sentence of the law. The behavior of
the Christians was too remarkable to escape the notice of the
ancient philosophers; but they seem to have considered it with
much less admiration than astonishment. Incapable of conceiving
the motives which sometimes transported the fortitude of
believers beyond the bounds of prudence or reason, they treated
such an eagerness to die as the strange result of obstinate
despair, of stupid insensibility, or of superstitious frenzy. 95
“Unhappy men!” exclaimed the proconsul Antoninus to the
Christians of Asia; “unhappy men! if you are thus weary of your
lives, is it so difficult for you to find ropes and precipices?”
96 He was extremely cautious (as it is observed by a learned and
picus historian) of punishing men who had found no accusers but
themselves, the Imperial laws not having made any provision for
so unexpected a case: condemning therefore a few as a warning to
their brethren, he dismissed the multitude with indignation and
contempt. 97 Notwithstanding this real or affected disdain, the
intrepid constancy of the faithful was productive of more
salutary effects on those minds which nature or grace had
disposed for the easy reception of religious truth. On these
melancholy occasions, there were many among the Gentiles who
pitied, who admired, and who were converted. The generous
enthusiasm was communicated from the sufferer to the spectators;
and the blood of martyrs, according to a well-known observation,
became the seed of the church.
92 (return) [ Certatim gloriosa in certamina ruebatur; multique
avidius tum martyria gloriosis mortibus quærebantur, quam nunc
Episcopatus pravis ambitionibus appetuntur. Sulpicius Severus, l.
ii. He might have omitted the word _nunc_.]
93 (return) [ See Epist. ad Roman. c. 4, 5, ap. Patres Apostol.
tom. ii. p. 27. It suited the purpose of Bishop Pearson (see
Vindiciæ Ignatianæ, part ii. c. 9) to justify, by a profusion of
examples and authorities, the sentiments of Ignatius.]
94 (return) [ The story of Polyeuctes, on which Corneille has
founded a very beautiful tragedy, is one of the most celebrated,
though not perhaps the most authentic, instances of this
excessive zeal. We should observe, that the 60th canon of the
council of Illiberis refuses the title of martyrs to those who
exposed themselves to death, by publicly destroying the idols.]
95 (return) [ See Epictetus, l. iv. c. 7, (though there is some
doubt whether he alludes to the Christians.) Marcus Antoninus de
Rebus suis, l. xi. c. 3 Lucian in Peregrin.]
96 (return) [ Tertullian ad Scapul. c. 5. The learned are divided
between three persons of the same name, who were all proconsuls
of Asia. I am inclined to ascribe this story to Antoninus Pius,
who was afterwards emperor; and who may have governed Asia under
the reign of Trajan.]
97 (return) [ Mosheim, de Rebus Christ, ante Constantin. p. 235.]
But although devotion had raised, and eloquence continued to
inflame, this fever of the mind, it insensibly gave way to the
more natural hopes and fears of the human heart, to the love of
life, the apprehension of pain, and the horror of dissolution.
The more prudent rulers of the church found themselves obliged to
restrain the indiscreet ardor of their followers, and to distrust
a constancy which too often abandoned them in the hour of trial.
98 As the lives of the faithful became less mortified and
austere, they were every day less ambitious of the honors of
martyrdom; and the soldiers of Christ, instead of distinguishing
themselves by voluntary deeds of heroism, frequently deserted
their post, and fled in confusion before the enemy whom it was
their duty to resist. There were three methods, however, of
escaping the flames of persecution, which were not attended with
an equal degree of guilt: first, indeed, was generally allowed to
be innocent; the second was of a doubtful, or at least of a
venial, nature; but the third implied a direct and criminal
apostasy from the Christian faith.
98 (return) [ See the Epistle of the Church of Smyrna, ap. Euseb.
Hist. Eccles. Liv. c. 15 * Note: The 15th chapter of the 10th
book of the Eccles. History of Eusebius treats principally of the
martyrdom of St. Polycarp, and mentions some other martyrs. A
single example of weakness is related; it is that of a Phrygian
named Quintus, who, appalled at the sight of the wild beasts and
the tortures, renounced his faith. This example proves little
against the mass of Christians, and this chapter of Eusebius
furnished much stronger evidence of their courage than of their
timidity.—G——This Quintus had, however, rashly and of his own
accord appeared before the tribunal; and the church of Smyrna
condemn “_his indiscreet ardor_,” coupled as it was with weakness
in the hour of trial.—M.]
I. A modern inquisitor would hear with surprise, that whenever an
information was given to a Roman magistrate of any person within
his jurisdiction who had embraced the sect of the Christians, the
charge was communicated to the party accused, and that a
convenient time was allowed him to settle his domestic concerns,
and to prepare an answer to the crime which was imputed to him.
99 If he entertained any doubt of his own constancy, such a delay
afforded him the opportunity of preserving his life and honor by
flight, of withdrawing himself into some obscure retirement or
some distant province, and of patiently expecting the return of
peace and security. A measure so consonant to reason was soon
authorized by the advice and example of the most holy prelates;
and seems to have been censured by few except by the Montanists,
who deviated into heresy by their strict and obstinate adherence
to the rigor of ancient discipline. 100
II.The provincial governors, whose zeal was less prevalent than
their avarice, had countenanced the practice of selling
certificates, (or libels, as they were called,) which attested,
that the persons therein mentioned had complied with the laws,
and sacrificed to the Roman deities. By producing these false
declarations, the opulent and timid Christians were enabled to
silence the malice of an informer, and to reconcile in some
measure their safety with their religion.101 A slight penance
atoned for this profane dissimulation. 1011
III. In every persecution there were great numbers of unworthy
Christians who publicly disowned or renounced the faith which
they had professed; and who confirmed the sincerity of their
abjuration, by the legal acts of burning incense or of offering
sacrifices. Some of these apostates had yielded on the first
menace or exhortation of the magistrate; whilst the patience of
others had been subdued by the length and repetition of tortures.
The affrighted countenances of some betrayed their inward
remorse, while others advanced with confidence and alacrity to
the altars of the gods. 102 But the disguise which fear had
imposed, subsisted no longer than the present danger. As soon as
the severity of the persecution was abated, the doors of the
churches were assailed by the returning multitude of penitents
who detested their idolatrous submission, and who solicited with
equal ardor, but with various success, their readmission into the
society of Christians. 103 1031
99 (return) [ In the second apology of Justin, there is a
particular and very curious instance of this legal delay. The
same indulgence was granted to accused Christians, in the
persecution of Decius: and Cyprian (de Lapsis) expressly mentions
the “Dies negantibus præstitutus.” * Note: The examples drawn by
the historian from Justin Martyr and Cyprian relate altogether to
particular cases, and prove nothing as to the general practice
adopted towards the accused; it is evident, on the contrary, from
the same apology of St. Justin, that they hardly ever obtained
delay. “A man named Lucius, himself a Christian, present at an
unjust sentence passed against a Christian by the judge Urbicus,
asked him why he thus punished a man who was neither adulterer
nor robber, nor guilty of any other crime but that of avowing
himself a Christian.” Urbicus answered only in these words: “Thou
also hast the appearance of being a Christian.” “Yes, without
doubt,” replied Lucius. The judge ordered that he should be put
to death on the instant. A third, who came up, was condemned to
be beaten with rods. Here, then, are three examples where no
delay was granted.——[Surely these acts of a single passionate and
irritated judge prove the general practice as little as those
quoted by Gibbon.—M.] There exist a multitude of others, such as
those of Ptolemy, Marcellus, &c. Justin expressly charges the
judges with ordering the accused to be executed without hearing
the cause. The words of St. Cyprian are as particular, and simply
say, that he had appointed a day by which the Christians must
have renounced their faith; those who had not done it by that
time were condemned.—G. This confirms the statement in the
text.—M.]
100 (return) [ Tertullian considers flight from persecution as an
imperfect, but very criminal, apostasy, as an impious attempt to
elude the will of God, &c., &c. He has written a treatise on this
subject, (see p. 536—544, edit. Rigalt.,) which is filled with
the wildest fanaticism and the most incoherent declamation. It
is, however, somewhat remarkable, that Tertullian did not suffer
martyrdom himself.]
101 (return) [ The _libellatici_, who are chiefly known by the
writings of Cyprian, are described with the utmost precision, in
the copious commentary of Mosheim, p. 483—489.]
1011 (return) [ The penance was not so slight, for it was exactly
the same with that of apostates who had sacrificed to idols; it
lasted several years. See Fleun Hist. Ecc. v. ii. p. 171.—G.]
102 (return) [ Plin. Epist. x. 97. Dionysius Alexandrin. ap.
Euseb. l. vi. c. 41. Ad prima statim verba minantis inimici
maximus fratrum numerus fidem suam prodidit: nec prostratus est
persecutionis impetu, sed voluntario lapsu seipsum prostravit.
Cyprian. Opera, p. 89. Among these deserters were many priests,
and even bishops.]
103 (return) [ It was on this occasion that Cyprian wrote his
treatise De Lapsis, and many of his epistles. The controversy
concerning the treatment of penitent apostates, does not occur
among the Christians of the preceding century. Shall we ascribe
this to the superiority of their faith and courage, or to our
less intimate knowledge of their history!]
1031 (return) [ Pliny says, that the greater part of the
Christians persisted in avowing themselves to be so; the reason
for his consulting Trajan was the periclitantium numerus.
Eusebius (l. vi. c. 41) does not permit us to doubt that the
number of those who renounced their faith was infinitely below
the number of those who boldly confessed it. The prefect, he says
and his assessors present at the council, were alarmed at seeing
the crowd of Christians; the judges themselves trembled. Lastly,
St. Cyprian informs us, that the greater part of those who had
appeared weak brethren in the persecution of Decius, signalized
their courage in that of Gallius. Steterunt fortes, et ipso
dolore pœnitentiæ facti ad prælium fortiores Epist. lx. p.
142.—G.]
IV. Notwithstanding the general rules established for the
conviction and punishment of the Christians, the fate of those
sectaries, in an extensive and arbitrary government, must still
in a great measure, have depended on their own behavior, the
circumstances of the times, and the temper of their supreme as
well as subordinate rulers. Zeal might sometimes provoke, and
prudence might sometimes avert or assuage, the superstitious fury
of the Pagans. A variety of motives might dispose the provincial
governors either to enforce or to relax the execution of the
laws; and of these motives the most forcible was their regard not
only for the public edicts, but for the secret intentions of the
emperor, a glance from whose eye was sufficient to kindle or to
extinguish the flames of persecution. As often as any occasional
severities were exercised in the different parts of the empire,
the primitive Christians lamented and perhaps magnified their own
sufferings; but the celebrated number of _ten_ persecutions has
been determined by the ecclesiastical writers of the fifth
century, who possessed a more distinct view of the prosperous or
adverse fortunes of the church, from the age of Nero to that of
Diocletian. The ingenious parallels of the _ten_ plagues of
Egypt, and of the _ten_ horns of the Apocalypse, first suggested
this calculation to their minds; and in their application of the
faith of prophecy to the truth of history, they were careful to
select those reigns which were indeed the most hostile to the
Christian cause. 104 But these transient persecutions served only
to revive the zeal and to restore the discipline of the faithful;
and the moments of extraordinary rigor were compensated by much
longer intervals of peace and security. The indifference of some
princes, and the indulgence of others, permitted the Christians
to enjoy, though not perhaps a legal, yet an actual and public,
toleration of their religion.
104 (return) [ See Mosheim, p. 97. Sulpicius Severus was the
first author of this computation; though he seemed desirous of
reserving the tenth and greatest persecution for the coming of
the Antichrist.]