8. That election of members of parliament ought to be free.

9. That the freedom of speech, and debates or proceedings in parliament,

ought not to be impeached or questioned in any court or place out of

parliament.

10. That excessive bail ought not to be required, nor excessive fines

imposed; nor cruel and unusual punishment inflicted.

11. That jurors ought to be duly impanelled and returned, and jurors

which pass upon men in trials for high treason ought to be freeholders.

12. That all grants and promises of fines and forfeitures of particular

persons before conviction, are illegal and void.

13. And that for redress of all grievances, and for the amending,

strengthening, and preserving of the laws, parliaments ought to be held

frequently.

And they do claim, demand, and insist upon all and singular the

premises, as their undoubted rights and liberties; and that no

declarations, judgments, doings or proceedings, to the prejudice of the

people in any of the said premises, ought in any wise to be drawn

hereafter into consequence or example.

To which demand of their rights they are particularly encouraged by the

declaration of his Highness the Prince of Orange, as being the only

means for obtaining a full redress and remedy therein.

Having therefore an entire confidence that his said Highness the Prince

of Orange will perfect the deliverance so far advanced by him, and will

still preserve them from the violation of their rights, which they have

here asserted, and from all other attempts upon their religion, rights,

and liberties:

II. The said Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, assembled at

Westminster, do resolve, that William and Mary, Prince and Princess of

Orange, be, and be declared, King and Queen of England, France, and

Ireland, and the dominions thereunto belonging, to hold the Crown and

royal dignity of the said kingdom and dominions to them the said Prince

and Princess during their lives, and the life of the survivor of them;

and that the sole and full exercise of the regal power be only in, and

executed by, the said Prince of Orange, in the names of the said Prince

and Princess, during their joint lives; and after their deceases, the

said Crown and royal dignity of the said kingdoms and dominions to be to

the heirs of the body of the said Princess; and for default of such

issue to the Princess Anne of Denmark, and the heirs of her body and for

default of such issue to the heirs of the body of the said Prince of

Orange. And the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, do pray the

said Prince and Princess to accept the same accordingly.

III. And that the oaths hereafter mentioned be taken by all persons of

whom the oaths of allegiance and supremacy might be required by law,

instead of them; and that the said oaths of allegiance and supremacy be

abrogated.

I, A. B., do sincerely promise and swear, That I will be faithful and

bear true allegiance to their Majesties King William and Queen Mary:

So help me God.

I, A. B., do swear, That I do from my heart, abhor, detest, and abjure

as impious and heretical, that damnable doctrine and position, that

Princes excommunicated or deprived by the Pope, or any authority of the

See of Rome, may be deposed or murdered by their subjects, or any other

whatsoever. And I do declare, that no foreign prince, person, prelate,

state, or potentate hath, or ought to have, any jurisdiction, power,

superiority, pre-eminence, or authority ecclesiastical or spiritual,

within this realm:

So help me God.

IV. Upon which their said Majesties did accept the Crown and royal

dignity of the kingdoms of England, France, and Ireland, and the

dominions thereunto belonging, according to the resolution and desire of

the said Lords and Commons contained in the said declaration.

V. And thereupon their Majesties were pleased, that the said Lords

Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, being the two Houses of Parliament,

should continue to sit, and with their Majesties' royal concurrence make

effectual provision for the settlement of the religion, laws, and

liberties of this kingdom, so that the same for the future might not be

in danger again of being subverted; to which the said Lords Spiritual

and Temporal, and Commons, did agree and proceed to act accordingly.

VI. Now in pursuance of the premises, the said Lords Spiritual and

Temporal, and Commons, in parliament assembled, for the ratifying,

confirming, and establishing the said declaration, and the articles,

clauses, matters, and things therein contained, by the force of a law

made in due form by authority of parliament, do pray that it may be

declared and enacted, That all and singular the rights and liberties

asserted and claimed in the said declaration, are the true, ancient, and

indubitable rights and liberties of the people of this kingdom, and so

shall be esteemed, allowed, adjudged, deemed, and taken to be, and that

all and every the particulars aforesaid shall be firmly and strictly

holden and observed, as they are expressed in the said declaration; and

all officers and ministers whatsoever shall serve their Majesties and

their successors according to the same in all times to come.

VII. And the said Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons ... declare,

that King James II. having abdicated the government, and their Majesties

having accepted the Crown and royal dignity aforesaid, their said

Majesties did become, were, are, and of right ought to be, by the laws

of this realm, our sovereign liege Lord and Lady, King and Queen of

England, France, and Ireland, and the dominions thereunto belonging....

VIII. And for preventing all questions and divisions in this realm, by

reason of any pretended titles to the Crown, and for preserving a

certainty in the succession thereof, in and upon which the unity, peace,

tranquillity, and safety of this nation doth, under God, wholly consist

and depend, the said Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, do

beseech their Majesties that it may be enacted, established, and

declared, that the Crown and regal government of the said kingdoms and

dominions, with all and singular the premises thereunto belonging and

appertaining, shall be and continue to their said Majesties, and the

survivor of them, during their lives, and the life of the survivor of

them. And that the entire, perfect, and full exercise of the regal power

and government be only in, and executed by, his Majesty, in the names of

both their Majesties during their joint lives; and after their deceases

the said Crown and premises shall be and remain to the heirs of the body

of her Majesty: and for default of such issue, to her Royal Highness the

Princess Anne of Denmark, and the heirs of her body; and for default of

such issue, to the heirs of the body of his said Majesty....

IX. And whereas it hath been found by experience, that it is

inconsistent with the safety and welfare of this Protestant kingdom, to

be governed by a Popish prince, or by any king or queen marrying a

Papist, the said Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, do further

pray that it may be enacted, That all and every person and persons that

is, are, or shall be reconciled to, or shall hold communion with, the

See or Church of Rome, or shall profess the Popish religion, or shall

marry a Papist, shall be excluded, and be for ever incapable to inherit,

possess, or enjoy the Crown and government of this realm, and Ireland,

and the dominions thereunto belonging, or any part of the same, or to

have, use, or exercise any regal power, authority, or jurisdiction

within the same; and in all and every such case or cases the people of

these realms shall be and are hereby absolved of their allegiance; and

the said Crown and Government shall from time to time descend to, and be

enjoyed by, such persons or persons, being protestants, as should have

inherited and enjoyed the same in case the said person or persons so

reconciled, holding communion, or professing, or marrying as aforesaid,

were naturally dead....

XII. And be it further declared and enacted by the authority aforesaid,

That from and after this present session of parliament, no dispensation

by _non obstante_ of or to any statute, or any part thereof, shall be

allowed, but that the same shall be held void and of no effect, except a

dispensation be allowed of in such statute, and except in such cases as

shall be specially provided for by one or more bill or bills to be

passed during this present session of parliament....

CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO THE NON-JURORS

(1691).

+Source.+--_Letters between Ambrose Bonwicke and Richard Blechynden

(Cambridge in the Days of Queen Anne_, by J. E. B. Mayor, pp. 217-221).

_Aug. 11. Bonwicke to Blechynden_.

I suppose ... that king _James_ had a right to my allegiance, and that

secured by an oath; and unless he has given away this right or forfeited

it, it is still in him. Now to me it does not appear that he has done

either, therefore I dare not give it to another, which ... is the design

of the new oaths.... I ought not to have entered into the obligation if

I had not designed to have kept it.

_Aug. 15. Blechynden to Bonwicke._

He that has no longer a right to the government has no longer a right to

my allegiance.... King _James_ has shewn, that he neither has the

qualifications for government, nor for this of the _English_.... A full

possession of the power, especially when recognised by the grandees and

main body of the people, gives him that has it a title to the obedience

and fidelity (or, if you will, allegiance) of all within his

territories; at least they are guilty of no sin that promise fidelity to

him.

_Aug. 20. Bonwicke to Blechynden._

I should be glad to find my friends and relations (whom I have so great

a concern for) are in the right, and that it is prejudice in me has

blinded me so long. Though I suppose it would be perjury in me to quit

that oath that I still think obligatory, yet I have a very charitable

opinion of those that have taken the new one, and suppose that

conscience has been as much their guide in taking it, as it has been

mine in refusing it.... I suppose a man may be dispossessed of a legal

right no otherwise than by law.... I am to consider how I am to behave

myself under a king, that has possession and not right. The execution of

those laws that protect me are (_sic_) in his hands; I will give him all

the obedience that is necessary for that purpose.... But to take an oath

of allegiance to the king _de facto_, certainly cancels my oath of

allegiance to the former.... If it were barely submitting to him in

power, I suppose we should have no great dispute.

_Aug. 25. Blechynden to Bonwicke._

Municipal laws are not the sole measure of right and wrong. There is a

superior law of right reason, which respects the common good of mankind,

which gave beginning to all civil societies.... You say treason against

the king _de facto_ is not treason _de jure_; hereby you must mean

according to equity and right reason; for treason against a king _de

facto_ is the only treason by the law of the land, if _Coke_ and

_Hales_[27] may be credited.... You call for a legal forfeiture; nothing

else, say you, will forfeit a legal right to a crown. But if you please

to consult the gentlemen that write politics, who surely are the best

guides in this affair, you will find them assign a great many others....

The assemblies of the grandees and parliaments have near forty times

either deposed their prince or waived the next of kin for the good of

the community.

_Aug. 31. Bonwicke to Blechynden._

Reason must be our best guide, and she has directed you to take the

oaths, as she does me to refuse them. I consider on one side there is

only a little temporal concern, and on the other the danger of

perjury.... For what you urge, that therefore I ought to have no

protection from king _William_, I must be contented; but I think it is

the law that protects us both. At present it only deprives us of our

livings, and that we must submit to. When the laws become more severe,

we must shift as well as we can, and if we cannot live in this country,

fly to another.... A whole nation can as ill dispense with their oaths

as a single person.

_Sept. 5. Bonwicke to Blechyenden._

I do really take those laws which have been made since king _William's_

coming to the crown to be good laws.... King _James_ has lost thus much

by losing possession: he has lost the assistance of his people, for it

would be treason and illegal to fight against king _William_, who has

now the law on his side.

_Sept. 8. Blechynden to Bonwicke._

The defence of the society being the sole ground (and measure too) of

our obedience and fidelity to our chief governor, it is plain that it is

due to him, and to him only, that can and does defend society.... If you

will rightly weigh the matter, it is not only a little temporal concern

that pleads for your taking oaths. For (pardon my plain dealing) you are

chargeable with disobedience to the powers that be, with depriving your

country (for which we are all in a great measure made) of the good you

may do in your present station, or in the ministry; and with the making

or strengthening a party against the public establishment, to the great

prejudice of church and state; besides the injury to yourself and

family, which an honest man ought not to prejudice but upon very good

grounds. All this, I say, you are chargeable with, if the taking the

oaths be not manifestly sinful. For the danger or fear of its being so

is not sufficient to justify the neglect of any duty, and an opposition

to a public establishment and the benefits of it. Reason will prefer the

good of the community before that of a single man, especially of one

already very false to his trust.... It is not plain that I am sworn to

king _James_; the oath in an equitable interpretation not reaching the

present case; nor has king _James_ any reason to insist on it as the

present circumstances are; nor ought you to oblige me by my oath to hurt

my neighbours, or my country, how rigorous soever I might be otherwise

to myself. There is a great deal of difference between a private oath

relating to my own concerns of which I am master; and a public, which

was made for the good of the public, and therefore ought in no wise to

be strained to the prejudice of the same.... The affection that men are

bred up with towards the memory of king _Charles_ the first, and the

abhorrence of the parliament of 1641, does extremely prejudice men for

kings and against parliament; but both extremes are to be carefully

shunned.

[27] Coke and Hales were amongst the most eminent of Stuart lawyers.

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