Though she laboured so unceasingly for the good of her country, she

also did her utmost to defend her sex from the indiscriminate censure

which had been heaped upon it, for the evil spoken seemed to her far

to outweigh the good. A century before, Dante had also idealised

woman--even if, as some think, he personified some abstract

quality--and placed her in heaven beside the Deity. Chivalry had also

idealised woman, but in an exotic, exaggerated manner, which was bound

to reach its zenith, and bound also to have its darker side. So we

find that to speak good or ill of womankind became a conventionalism

in the Middle Ages. Black or white was the tone chosen by the artist

in words. There was no blending, no shading. Women were either

deified, or held to be evil incarnate. The material side of life men

understood, and could depict with some exactness, but to grasp in any

way its subtler aspects required an education which could be attained

only by slow degrees, since it meant the gradual modification of the

long-cherished illusion that brute force is the world's only weapon. A

want of capacity to discern is often responsible for a depreciatory

opinion, and we can but ascribe this strangely narrow-minded and

superficial attitude towards woman to some such want. Christine set

herself the task of trying to remedy this evil, not by shouting in the

market-place, but by studying men and women as God made them and as

she found them. Before she began her work, a new day seemed to be

dawning. Just as, when classicism was in full decadence, Plutarch

wrote _De mulierum virtutibus_ (of the virtue of women), so, in the

fourteenth century, Boccaccio gave to the world _De claris mulieribus_

(of right-renowned women). We do not expect to find woman treated on

a very high plane by Boccaccio, but we recognise that, in a way, this

work forms a fresh starting-point in the eternal controversy. Perhaps

we should not have had this curious collection of stories of women,

virtuous and vicious, mythological and historical--stories which are

certainly very inferior as art to those of the _Decameron_--had not a

crisis occurred in Boccaccio's life. One day a Carthusian monk came to

him with a warning message from the dead, and, much troubled in mind,

he resolved to try to begin life afresh. But he was a better

story-teller than a moraliser. He would fain save his soul, but he

liked and courted popularity, and knew well the deeper meaning of the

proverb, "A terreno dolce, vanga di legno." And so he mingles virtue

and vice, hoping, as he says, that "some utility and profit shall come

of the same." To us of to-day, the chief interest of this work is that

Boccaccio's fame perhaps gave a definite impetus to the discussion of

the sex, instead of wholesale assertion, and also that it probably

suggested to Chaucer the idea for his _Legend of Good Women_. How

refreshing to find ourselves in the atmosphere of the kindly Chaucer!

Let us pause for a moment, and recall what he says of women, he who

was not only a knightly Court-poet, but also a popular singer, well

versed in the practical wisdom of life. In the prologue we read, "Let

be the chaf, and wryt wel of the corn," and in allusion to his

library of sixty books, old and new, of history and love-stories, he

says that for every bad woman, mention was duly made of a hundred good

ones. Time and experience in no way dull this appreciation, for when,

later, _The Canterbury Tales_ appear, his estimate has risen ten-fold,

since in the prologue to "The Miller's Tale" we read, "and ever a

thousand gode ageyn one badde." From this time onwards, literature on

the subject increases almost _ad infinitum_. Treatises and imaginary

debates seem to vie with each other for popularity. All these make

intensely interesting reading, for these fanciful discussions, which

are supposed to take place, sometimes between a man and a woman,

sometimes between a mixed company in a garden or villa or some bath

resort where many are gathered together, are really a record of the

intellectual amusements of the late Middle Ages and the Renaissance.

"Que devez-vous préférer, du plaisir qui va vous échapper bientôt, ou

d'une espérance toujours vive, quoique toujours trompée?" "Which sex

loves the more easily or can do the better without love?" "It is not

enough to know how to win love, but one must also know how to keep

such love when it has been won." Such-like were the subtle problems

which on these occasions folk set themselves to solve.

But whilst love problems could be treated as a pastime, they also had

their serious side. Of this there is an example in Christine's story

of _The Duke of True Lovers_. Although much in its narration is

evidently the mere invention of the poetess, it is quite possible,

nay even probable, that it has some historical basis. Christine begins

her story by saying that it had been confided to her by a young prince

who did not wish his name to be divulged, and who desired only to be

known as "The Duke of True Lovers." It has been suggested, with much

likelihood, that this is in truth the love-story of Jean, Duc de

Bourbon, and of Marie, Duchesse de Berri, daughter of the famous Jean,

Duc de Berri, and the inheritor of his MSS. When the story opens, the

heroine of it, whoever she may have been, is already wedded. Hence all

the difficulties of the hero, and indeed of both. Christine, with her

womanly sympathy and psychological insight, makes all so intensely

real that we are quite carried away in imagination to the courtly life

of the fifteenth century. We read of the first meeting; of the Duke's

love at first sight; of Castle daily life; of a three days' tournament

given in honour of the lady; of devices for secret meetings and the

interchange of letters; of the inevitable scandal-monger; of a letter

from a former _gouvernante_--whose aid as go-between had been

sought--containing a most comprehensive and remarkable treatise on

feminine morality, the dangers of illicit love, and the satisfaction

of simple wifely duty; of the separation which the position of the

lady, and the gallantry of her lover, alike demanded; of meetings at

intervals; of the mutual solace of short love-poems; and then the

story, perhaps to evade identification, ends vaguely. But as we finish

the story, we cannot help feeling that even if Christine's setting is

fiction, she yet gives us a glance of real life.

[Illustration: _Photo. Macbeth._

LADY IN HORSE-LITTER, RETURNING FROM TOURNAMENT.

Harl. MS. 4431, Brit. Mus.

_To face page 132._]

When Christine turned to her serious work in the cause of womankind,

she began by attacking two books, Ovid's _Art of Love_, and _The

Romance of the Rose_, both of which, in the Middle Ages, it was deemed

wellnigh sacrilegious to decry. Her challenge, _L'Epistre au Dieu

d'Amours_, took the form of an address to the God of Love, professing

to come from women of all conditions, imploring Cupid's aid against

disloyal and deceitful lovers, whose base behaviour she largely

attributes to the false teaching of these two books. This argument

appeared in 1399, and she soon discovered that she had stirred up a

hornet's nest. But she had attacked advisedly and fearlessly, and was

quite prepared for any counter onslaught. Her position was

considerably strengthened by the alliance and co-operation of her

staunch friend Gerson, the Chancellor, who himself, in the name of the

clergy, took up arms against the flagrant scurrility to be found in

the portion of _The Romance of the Rose_ contributed by Jean de Meun.

Other powerful allies joined the cause, and, to help to crystallise

their efforts, species of "Courts of Love" were instituted, not alone

for discourse on love, as heretofore, but also in the defence of

women. All who united in this meritorious fellowship undertook to wear

a distinctive badge, and thus proclaim their confession of faith.

Among these Orders one was styled "L'Escu vert à la dame blanche,"

another, "L'Ordre de la Rose," and so on, suggestive of their purport.

The first-named was founded by the brave soldier Jean le Meingre,

Maréchal de Boucicaut, whose portrait may be seen in his superb Book

of Hours, painted between 1399 and 1407, now in the Musée

Jacquemart-André, Paris.[33] Its membership was restricted to thirteen

knights, who swore to defend the honour of women against all

detractors. To distinguish them from others less gallantly disposed,

they wore on the sleeve an ornament in the shape of a small shield,

enamelled green on the outside, and with the representation, on the

underside, of a woman, enamelled in white.

... Vous portez la dame en verde targe

Pour démonstrer que de hardi visage

Vous vous voulez pour les dames tenir

Contre ceulz qui leur porteront dommage!

[33] "Le Musée Jacquemart-André," _Gazette des Beaux-Arts_,

August 1912.

Of the Order of the Rose and its foundation, Christine, in one of her

poems, gives most picturesque and interesting particulars, interesting

because they are evidently taken from an actual scene, though

Christine, in her rôle as poetess, feels it necessary to add touches

suggestive of fairyland rather than of real life. A numerous assembly,

with goodwill at heart, has met together in the magnificent dwelling

of Louis, Duke of Orleans, the King's brother, Christine being one of

the number. Suddenly there comes into their midst one personifying the

Goddess Venus, surrounded by maidens garlanded with roses and carrying

golden bowls filled with them. The bowls placed on the table, the

Goddess proceeds to announce the rules of the Order, above all

enjoining those present to avoid envy, and in no way to perjure

themselves, since this would be a most heinous and hateful sin. The

badge chosen is a fresh rose, but if any member of the Order should

happen to be in a country where such is not attainable, or when the

season is unpropitious, then a rose fashioned in gold or silver, or

one embroidered in silk, will suffice. With pledges of loyalty,

A bonne amour je fais veu et promesse

Et à la fleur qui est rose clamée,

A la vaillant de Loyauté deesse,

Par qui nous est ceste chose informée,

Qu'à tous jours mais la bonne renommée

Je garderay de dame en toute chose

Ne par moy ja femme n'yert diffamée:

Et pour ce prens je L'Ordre de la Rose,[34]

[34] "Le Dit de la Rose," 197-204, _OEuvres poétiques de

Christine de Pisan_, t. ii., pub. par Maurice Roy, 1891.

all the company deck themselves with roses. The charter is given by

the Goddess into the safe-keeping of Christine, who describes it as

written on fine parchment in letters of azure, and fastened with a

silken cord of the same colour. From this cord hangs a rare gem, on

one side of which their patroness, the Goddess of Love, and on the

other Cupid, with his feet on a leopard, are depicted. This moral and

literary contest is perhaps the most brilliant of the many discussions

that took place in the Middle Ages in honour of women. The highest and

the wisest in the land joined in it, but all the honour must be given

to Christine for having, by her brave and reasonable attitude, caused

the problem, which henceforth was to evolve like truth itself, to be

treated on a rational basis. "Toute la foy remaint en une femme," says

Christine. Were not her words, nearly 500 years later, echoed by Renan

when he says, "Après Jésus, c'est Marie de Magdale qui a le plus fait

pour la fondation du Christianisme"?

_L'Epistre au Dieu d'Amours_ is an extraordinary product of worldly

wisdom and common sense, seasoned with satire. One of the complaints

against disloyal suitors, and one which strikes a singularly modern

note, is that they make protests of love, and false promises, which

must be either paid for dearly, or rejected with scorn. Then the hero,

if he has won the day, proclaims his victory in taverns and other

places of resort, and even in mixed company. Or if, as is more often

the case, he has lost it, he still tries, by suggestive hints, to

appear to his fellows a successful gallant. Surely the worldling of

to-day does not seem to differ very essentially from his brother of

the fifteenth century, or to have progressed any farther along the

path of loyalty!

Christine's line of argument is that the many must not be condemned

for the shortcomings of the few, and that even when God made the

angels, some were bad. To the charge that books are full of the

condemnation of women, she replies with the simple remark that books

were not written by women. Where is the shade of the worthy Christine

to-day? Does it walk the earth with a flag of triumph or a laurel

wreath whilst its sisters in the flesh are writing on every subject in

heaven and earth and sea? "De nos jours, le monde est aux femmes."

Is it marvellous, asks Christine, that a woman--"une chose simplète,

une ignorante petite femmellette," as she expresses it--should be

betrayed by man, when even the great city of Troy was, and when all

the books and romances are full of the betrayal of kings and kingdoms?

And if a woman is not constant by nature, why should Jean de Meun, in

_The Romance of the Rose_, devise so many tricks to deceive her,

seeing that it is not necessary to make a great assault upon a feeble

place? Then she deftly turns the tables on the other sex, reminding

each that he is the son of his mother, and that

Se mauvaise est il ne peut valor rien,

Car nul bon fruit de mal arbre ne vient.

And so on to the end, all is argument and banter. The repute of her

letter must have travelled quickly, for whilst Christine was still

combating with dissentients, an epitomised rendering of it appeared

(1402) in English from the pen of Hoccleve, the pupil of Chaucer,

entitled _The Lettre of Cupide, God of Love_.

[Illustration: _Bib. Royale, Munich._

LA CITÉ DES DAMES.

_To face page 138._]

Later, Christine, with Boccaccio's _De claris mulieribus_ before her,

writes _La Cité des Dames_, an account of the building of an imaginary

city which is to shelter within its strong ramparts the women of all

times and all countries who have distinguished themselves by good and

heroic deeds. This has been aptly called "The Golden Book of

Heroines." It may certainly be considered her masterpiece on her

favourite subject. She urges that philosophers and poets, with one

accord, have defamed women, and she appeals to God, asking why such a

thing should be, seeing that He Himself made them and gave them such

inclinations as seemed good to Him, and that in no way could He err.

She maintains that God created the soul, and made it as good in woman

as in man, and that it is not the sex, but the perfection of virtue,

that is material. Combating the suggestion that women are not fit to

plead in Court because they have not sufficient intelligence to apply

the law when they have learnt it, she refers to history to prove that

women who have had the management of affairs have shown that, far from

lacking intelligence and judgment, they have possessed both in large

measure. At the same time, whilst defending their capability when

necessity arises, she does not think it necessary for women to

interfere in matters which seem essentially man's business. Her

remarks on the subject of marriage are certainly practical, and at the

same time disclose a strange unloveliness in contemporary manners. She

is not of St. Paul's opinion that it is better not to marry, but all

the same she suggests that, unless without means, that woman is

happier who does not marry a second time, seeing that the life of a

married woman is often worse than if she were in the hands of the

Saracens--the terror of the Middle Ages,--and that frequently after

her husband has been out enjoying himself, her only supper, on his

return, is a beating. She counsels the education of women, and

condemns those who suggest that this will conduce to unseemly ways. In

truth, her wonderful sense of justice, and her enlightened opinions

generally, make it a marvellous résumé of statesmanship as far as it

goes. It is a real Utopia. Perhaps to Christine it was a glimpse of

the Promised Land! As we read her views on the education of boys and

girls together, in this happy city, we feel that she might be

discussing with us the problems of to-day. She says that if boys and

girls are taught the same subjects, girls can, as a rule, learn just

as well, and just as intelligently, as boys, and so on. In this

conclusion she forestalls the learned Cornelius Agrippa, a doctor and

philosopher of the sixteenth century, and one of the most original and

remarkable men of his time, who boldly asserts that sex is merely

physical, and does not extend to soul or rational power. She sums up

by strongly advocating study and learning, both for self-improvement

and as a consolation and possession for all time.

[Illustration: _Photo. Macbeth._

SETTING OUT FOR POISSY.

Harl. MS. 4431, Brit. Mus.

_To face page 140._]

Of her poetical writings on love and the sexes, perhaps the most

enchanting is _Le Livre du Dit de Poissy_. In it she takes us, on a

bright spring morning, with a joyous company, from Paris to the royal

convent of Poissy, where her child is at school. She describes all the

beauties of the country, the fields gay with flowers, the warbling of

the birds, the shepherdesses with their flocks, the willow-shaded

river bank along which they ride, the magic of the forest of St.

Germain, a little world apart of greenery and shade, filled with the

song of the nightingales. Laughing and singing by the way, they reach

the convent gate. Then follows a description of the beautiful carved

cloisters, the chapter-house, the nuns' dress and their dormitory, the

garden scented with lavender and roses, with one part, where small

animals are allowed to run wild, left uncultivated, and the ponds well

stocked with fish. As the day wanes, they bid farewell to the nuns,

who offer them gifts of purses and girdles embroidered in silk and

gold, worked by their own hands. They return to the inn where they are

to spend the night, and after supper wander forth to listen to the

nightingales, then dance a carole, and so to bed. The ride back to

Paris in the morning, during which a discussion on love matters is

introduced, is painted with the same impressionist touch, and it is

with real regret that we take leave of these happy folk as they alight

in Paris city from their stout nags.

Another similar discourse, _Le Débat de deux amants_, has for setting

a gala entertainment, taking place, like the founding of the "Order of

the Rose," under the auspices of Louis, Duke of Orleans, who ever

extended a princely protection to Christine. Louis had married

Valentine Visconti, daughter of Gian Galleazo Visconti, founder of the

Certosa, near Pavia, a princess well versed in art and letters, and

withal in pomp and splendour. It is on a day in May, the garden gay

with gallants and fair ladies. We hear the minstrels play, and watch

some of the company, decked with garlands, dancing under the trees. In

the palace there is music and singing. Christine is seated in a

tapestried hall with one or two esquires who prefer to discourse of

love to joining in the jollity. After a time the talk turns on fickle

men, and Christine brings forth from her vast storehouse of knowledge

classical and mediæval examples. As she mentions Theseus, and recalls

his baseness to Ariadne, she points to the tapestry on the wall before

them, where the story is woven. This little touch makes the scene very

real to us, for the record of the purchase of this tapestry, with the

price of twelve hundred francs paid for it, may still be found amongst

the royal inventories.

There is such a volume and variety of works from Christine's pen that

it is no easy task to make a fair selection. One of the most

significant, since it deals with a subject which permeated mediæval

thought, and on which she was wont to dwell, is _La Mutation de

fortune_, "Fortune more inconstant than the moon," says Christine. In

it she writes with her heart in her hand, as it were, telling first of

the sore havoc Fortune has wrought amongst those most dear to her. Yet

though her own heart has been torn on the Wheel of Fortune, she stands

before her fellow sufferers like some figure of Hope pointing upward,

where, she says, wrong is surely righted. And thus she turns to the

world in general, not in the spirit of the pessimist, but rather in

that of the philosopher. She well knows that Fortune is no blindfolded

goddess turning writhing humanity on a wheel, but a something rooted

in ourselves, and she has pity for "la povre fragilité humaine."

Though so independent and advanced in thought, she is still found

clinging in her writings to mediæval forms. As a setting for her

thoughts on Fortune's changes, she makes use of the favourite simile

of a castle--here the Castle of Fortune--as representing the world,

wherein the rich and the poor, the strong and the weak, jostle one

another. She criticises all men, from the prince to the pauper, but

not women, since these have been sufficiently criticised and decried.

It is like the prelude to a _Dance of Death_. Then she tells of the

paintings on the walls of this imaginary castle, and uses this

mediæval fancy, itself borrowed from the classics (_Met._ ii. 5. 770),

to give what is really a history of the world as she knew it, written

to demonstrate the instability of all earthly conditions.

Once again, with her versatile gifts, she turns from philosophy to a

treatise on military tactics and justice, _Le Livre des faits d'armes

et de chevalerie_. However devoid of interest, except as a landmark in

the history of military strategy and customs, this work may be to-day,

it was thought of sufficient importance in the reign of our Henry the

Seventh for the king to command Caxton to translate and print it

(1489) with the title of _The Book of Faytes of Arms_, a book still

sought after by our bibliophiles. It was further honoured by being

quoted as an authority in the reign of Henry the Eighth. Considering

the nature of its contents, this seems quite an extraordinary tribute

to the judgment and ability of the writer.

But the misery of France is ever increasing. Ceaseless civil war and

foreign invasion impoverish the people, and make desolate the land.

The dissolute Court is extravagant and filled with discord. Christine,

fired with patriotic fervour, once more makes an effort, which proves

to be her final one, to arouse the pleasure-loving nobility to some

sense of its obligations to the nation. _Le Livre des trois vertues_,

and _Le Livre de la paix_, appear one after the other. In the former,

which she dedicates to the Dauphine, Margaret of Burgundy, she merely

adds another to the long list of discourses for the guidance of women

which, in Christian times, begins as early as the second century.[35]

This theme forms the subject of so considerable a didactic literature

that it can only be hinted at here. Whether treated from a religious

or from a social point of view, or the two combined, the sum-total of

the teaching is moral training with a view to self-restraint and

subordination. Christine addresses herself to all women, from the

highest to the lowest, but her principal theme is the influence a

princess may and should have on Court life. She further counsels not

princesses alone, but all well-born women, not to attach too much

importance to the things of this world, to be charitable, and to see

to the education of their children, and so to inform themselves that

they may be capable of filling their husbands' place when they are

obliged to be absent at war or at the Court. She adds a plea for the

country, that war should be opposed, and one for the poor, that pity

should be shown to them. Then she addresses herself to the townswoman,

advising her to see to her household, not to fear to go into the

kitchen, and to avoid all luxury; then to servants, counselling them

on no account to take bribes, adding the practical touch that as God

is everywhere, and only asks of each a good heart, it is not

necessary for them to go to Mass every day; then to the wife of the

labourer, bidding her to guard well her master's flocks and to

encourage her husband to work; and, finally, she has a word of

sympathy for the poor, holding out to them hope of recompense in

heaven for misery endured here, and exhorting them to have patience

meanwhile. From this patriotic and practical advice to women she turns

to men, and in _Le Livre de la Paix_ sets forth the duties of princes

and of those in power to the people, importuning them to exercise

clemency, liberality, and justice.

[35] A. A. Hentsch, _De la littérature du moyen âge

s'adressant spécialement aux femmes_, Cahors, 1903.

But it is too late. The sand in the hour-glass is running low.

Disaster follows disaster, until the final blow is struck at Agincourt

(1415), where the flower of the French nation is cut off, and princes

of the blood are carried away into exile. Christine, with bleeding

heart, and worn with trouble and disappointment, retires to the

convent of Poissy, "un très doux paradis," perchance to find peace and

consolation within its tranquil walls, and to implore Heaven's aid for

her sore-stricken country. For fourteen years no sound from her

reaches the outside world. Then, inspired by the glorious advent and

deeds of Joan of Arc, with all her old passion she pours forth a final

hymn of praise and thanksgiving to the woman who has at last aroused

France to patriotism, and so dies in peace at the solemn moment of

Charles the Seventh's consecration at Rheims.

O Thou! ordainèd Maid of very God!

Joanna! born in Fortune's golden hour,

On thee the Holy Spirit pours His Flood

And His high grace is given thee for dower.

Now all great gifts are thine:--O blessed be He

That lent thee life!--how word my grateful prayer?

--No prayer of thine was spoken fruitlessly,

O Maid of God! O Joan! O Virgin rare!

* * * * *

Mark me this portent! strange beyond all telling!

How this despoilèd Kingdom stricken lay,

And no man raised his hand to guard his dwelling,

Until a Woman came to show the way.

Until a Woman (since no man dare try)

Rallied the land and bade the traitors fly.

Honour to Womankind! It needs must be

That God loves Woman, since He fashioned Thee!

* * * * *

O strange! This little maid sixteen years old

On whom no harness weigheth overmuch.

So strong the little hands! enduring hold

She seemeth fed by that same armour's touch,

Nurtured on iron--as before her vanish

The enemies of her triumphal day;

And this by many men is witnessèd;

Yea, many eyes be witness of that fray!

* * * * *

Castles and towns, she wins them back for France,

And France is free again, and this her doing!

Never was power given as to her lance!

A thousand swords could do no more pursuing.

Of all staunch men and true she is the Chief,

Captain and Leader, for that she alone

Is braver than Achilles the brave Greek.

All praise be given to God who leadeth Joan!

AGNES SOREL

Of Six Mediæval Women; To Which Is Added A Note on Mediæval Gardens · 第 9 / 12 段