countrymen should be most proud. He has taken a noble part in the
battles on behalf of freedom, which the last half-century has seen,
and everywhere has borne himself with a nobility, a devotion and a
courage worthy of all praise. The man who was driven from his church
because he preached the freedom of the slaves, who sat with Parker
and Phillips under indictment for murder for their part in attempting
to rescue a fugitive slave, who was colonel of the first regiment of
freed slaves mustered into the army of the United States, who bravely
fought and patiently suffered for the cause of the Union; surely this
man, if he had no other claims upon our respect and attention, should
hold a high place in the hearts of his fellows.
Colonel Higginson is a native of Cambridge, Massachusetts, and in 1847,
when he was twenty-four years old, became pastor of a Congregational
Church in Newburyport, Massachusetts. Here his anti-slavery preaching
allowed him to remain but three years. From 1852 until 1858 he was
pastor of a free church in Worcester, after which he left the ministry
and devoted himself to literature. During all this time his activity
in the anti-slavery agitation was frequently getting him into trouble,
and, with his friends who participated in the attempted rescue of
Anthony Burns, he was discharged from custody only through a flaw
in the indictment. He took part in the organization of the bands of
free-state, emigrants to Kansas, and was personally acquainted with
John Brown. With his regiment of colored troops, he took possession
of Jacksonville, Florida; but was wounded in 1863 and was compelled
to resign from the army. He has been an earnest advocate of equal
suffrage for men and women and of the higher education for both sexes.
He has served in his State Legislature and as a member of the State
Board of Education.
Colonel Higginson’s contributions to literature consist largely of
volumes of essays that originally appeared in the “Atlantic Monthly”
or other periodicals, and historical and biographical work. Some of
his best known books are “Atlantic Essays;” “Young Folk’s History
of the United States;” “Young Folk’s Book of American Explorers;”
“Short Stories of American Authors;” “A Larger History of the United
States;” “The Monarch of Dreams;” and “Brief Biographies of European
Statesmen.” Besides these, he has translated his “Young Folk’s History
of the United States” into German and French for publication in those
languages, and has also published a number of English translations
of modern and ancient classics. Colonel Higginson is one of our most
popular writers, particularly upon American history, and his service
to the cause of American letters has been no less distinguished than
his share in the great victory which made our country in truth the
land of the free.
* * * * *
“A PURITAN SUNDAY MORNING.”¹
FROM “ATLANTIC ESSAYS.”
¹ Copyright, Geo. R. Shepard.
IT is nine o’clock upon a summer Sunday morning, in the year sixteen
hundred and something. The sun looks down brightly on a little
forest settlement, around whose expanding fields the great American
wilderness recedes each day, withdrawing its bears and wolves and
Indians into an ever remoter distance――not yet so far removed but
a stout wooden gate at the end of the village street indicates that
there is danger outside. It would look very busy and thriving in this
little place to-day but for the Sabbath stillness which broods over
everything with almost an excess of calm. Even the smoke ascends
more faintly than usual from the chimneys of the numerous log-huts
and these few framed houses, and since three o’clock yesterday
afternoon not a stroke of this world’s work has been done. Last night
a Preparatory Lecture was held, and now comes the consummation of the
whole week’s life, in the solemn act of worship. In which settlement
of the great Massachusetts Colony is the great ceremonial to pass
before our eyes? If it be Cambridge village, a drum is sounding
its peaceful summons to the congregation. If it be Salem village,
a bell is sounding its more ecclesiastic peal, and a red flag
is simultaneously hung forth from the meeting-house, like the
auction-flag of later periods. If it be Haverhill village, then
Abraham Tyler has been blowing his horn assiduously for half an
hour――a service for which Abraham, each year, receives a half pound
of pork from every family in town.
Be it drum, bell, or horn that gives the summons, we will draw near
to this important building, the centre of the village, the one public
edifice: meeting-house, town-house, schoolhouse, watch-house, all in
one. So important is it, that no one can legally dwell more than half
a mile from it. And yet the people ride to “meeting,” short though the
distance be, for at yonder oaken block a wife dismounts from behind
her husband; and has it not, moreover, been found needful to impose a
fine of forty shillings on fast trotting to and fro? All sins are not
modern ones, young gentlemen.
We approach nearer still, and come among the civic institutions. This
is the pillory, yonder are the stocks, and there is a large wooden
cage, a terror to evil-doers, but let us hope empty now. Round the
meeting-house is a high wooden paling, to which the law permits
citizens to tie their horses, provided it be not done too near the
passageway. For at that opening stands a sentry, clothed in a suit of
armor which is painted black, and cost the town twenty-four shillings
by the bill. He bears also a heavy match-lock musket; his rest, or
iron fork, is stuck in the ground, ready to support the weapon; and he
is girded with his bandolier, or broad leather belt, which sustains a
sword and a dozen tin cartridge-boxes.
* * * * *
O the silence of this place of worship, after the solemn service sets
in! “People do not sneeze or cough here in public assemblies,” says
one writer triumphantly, “so much as in England.” The warning caution,
“Be short,” which the minister has inscribed above his study-door,
claims no authority over his pulpit. He may pray his hour, unpausing,
and no one thinks it long; for, indeed, at prayer-meetings four
persons will sometimes pray an hour each――one with confession, one
with private petitions, a third with petitions for Church and Kingdom,
and a fourth with thanksgiving――each theme being conscientiously
treated by itself. Then he may preach his hour, and, turning his
hour-glass, may say――but that he cannot foresee the levity to be born
in a later century with Mather Byles――“Now, my hearers, we will take
another glass.”
Illustration: (‡ decoration)
HAMILTON W. MABIE.
THE MODERN CRITIC.
IN the modern school of literary critics, whose best representatives
are Coleridge, Carlyle, Arnold, Lowell and Stedman, Hamilton W. Mabie
has a prominent place. His aim has been, as is the aim of all great
criticism, not only to give an estimate of a man’s work, but to show
the man’s soul. He was born at Cold Springs, on the banks of the
Hudson, of a family of culture. He was prepared for college under
a private tutor, and graduated at Williams College in the Class of
’67――a class which numbered many men of fame.
From boyhood ♦Mabie has been a great reader, and he is familiar
with the classics of all literatures, as well as a student of
contemporaneous literature.
♦ ‘Maybie’ replaced with ‘Mabie’
After a course of law at Columbia University his literary tendencies
drew him into his natural field and away from a profession uncongenial
to him. In 1879 he took a position on the staff of the “Christian
Union,” which under its new name, the “Outlook,” under the joint
editorship of Mabie and Lyman Abbott, has taken a prominent place
among the foremost religious journals of the world. “My Study Fire,”
which expresses our author’s ideas of the function of literature,
and the attitude and spirit of the literary man, first appeared as
a series of articles in this religious journal.
In the last few years Mr. Mabie has taken a prominent place on the
platform on literary and educational subjects, though he scrupulously
keeps his public speaking subordinate to his writing. His addresses
are marked with elegance, grace, and all the fruits of culture, and
they show a profound study of the problems of life and spirit. He has
a beautiful home at Summit, New Jersey, an enviable site for a writer,
with the multitudinous charms of nature without and the gathered
wisdom of the world’s great thinkers within.
He is a man of robust life, of clear, healthy mind and of high faith.
He has declared that “Skepticism is the root of all evil in us and in
our arts. We do not believe enough in God, in ourselves, and in the
divine laws under which we live. Great art involves great faith――a
clear, resolute, victorious insight into and grasp of things, a belief
real enough in
‘The mighty hopes which make us men’
to inspire and sustain heroic tasks,” a declaration quite typical of
all his thought.
* * * * *
COUNTRY SIGHTS AND SOUNDS
BY HAMILTON W. MABIE
_Illustrated from original photographs by Conrad Baer._
AT the end of February the observer begins to see the faint
forerunners of spring. The willow shows signs of renewing its
freshness, and the long stretch of cold, with brilliant or steely
skies, is interrupted by days full of an indescribable softness.
It is almost pathetic to note with what joy the spirit of man takes
cognizance of these first hints of the color, the bloom and the warmth
slowly creeping up to the southern horizon-line. For we are children
of the sun, and, much as we love our hearthstones, we are never quite
at home unless we have the freedom of the out-of-door world. Winter
finds its great charm in the ingathering of the memories of the summer
that is gone and in the anticipation of the summer that is at hand.
Half the cheer of the blazing log lies in the air of the woods which
it brings into the narrow room.
Illustration: ON THE FARM IN CANADA
To be out of doors is the normal condition of the natural man. At some
period of our ancestral life, so dim in our thought but so potential
in our temper, disposition and physique, we have all lived, so to
speak, in the open air; and although city-born and city-bred, we turn
to the country with an instinctive feeling that we belong there. There
are a few cockneys to whom the sound of Bow Bells is sweeter than
the note of the bluebird, the resonant clarion of chanticleer or
the far-off bleating of sheep; but to the immense majority of men
these noises are like sounds that were familiar in childhood. I have
sometimes thought that the deepest charm of the country lies in the
fact that it was the home and play-ground of the childhood of the
race, and, however long some of us have been departed from it, it
stirs within us rare memories and associations which are imperishable.
The lowing of cattle coming home at nightfall; the bleating of sheep
on the hillside pastures; the crowing of the cock, are older than any
human speech which now exists. They were ancient sounds before our
oldest histories were written. I know of nothing sweeter to the man
who comes out of the heat and noise and dust of the city in midsummer
than to be awakened on the first morning by that irregular tinkle of
bells which accompanies the early processions of the cows. One may
never have come nearer a farm than his great-grandfather, but that
sound makes him feel as if he were at home after some long and arduous
absence.
Illustration: THE OLD WELL-CURB
And one has but to put into his pocket a few of those clever
newspapers which satirize society people in spirited and well-drawn
lines, and carry them into the country, to discover that the
picturesque flees the city and loves the country; so far, that is,
as people are concerned. There is certainly something wrong with our
modern dress; it is impossible to discover anything suggestive or
poetic in it, or to make any thing artistic out of it. Well-dressed
individual men and women are often attractive to the eye; but when
this is true it is because the charm of the person survives the
monotonous uniformity of good clothes. Nothing can make the evening
dress in which man extinguishes his personality either significant
or artistic; but the man in overalls and shirt-sleeves is often a
strikingly picturesque figure. Country life as a whole is steeped
in the picturesque, in spite of the machines which so largely take
the place of the old-time hand labor. One must go to the fields to
find the poetry of human occupation; the man in the street is often
interesting but he rarely stirs the imagination; the man in the fields
constantly sets the imagination loose. What elemental strength and
meaning are expressed in those peasant-figures of Millet? They belong
to the world in which they toil; they disclose their identity with it;
they express something of its meaning in their vigorous or bent forms.
Illustration: IMMIGRANT WOMEN HOEING POTATOES
Illustration: WAITING FOR MILKING-TIME
The entire life of the field is poetic in the true sense; from the
hour when the last snow begins to melt to the hour when the last sheaf
of grain goes creaking through the bars. The sower, moving across the
open furrows, has a kind of antique picturesqueness; he seems to have
stepped out of that ancient frieze with which the earliest habits
encircled the oldest days. He expresses freedom, virility, personality
in every movement; the eye follows him with a deepening impression
that here is something native and original: a man in first-hand
relations with his world. The reaper who follows him when sun and
cloud have done their share, is not less striking and effective; and
when the sheaves lie in rows or piles on the freshly cut stubble, the
slow-moving, noisily creaking wagon, constantly pausing to take on its
ripe load, seems a fit accessory in the staging of this pastoral drama.
The fact that this poetry of motion is bound to toil so arduous and
exacting that it often becomes a kind of relentless drudgery, is
full of significance to those who believe that beauty is not esoteric,
but the affluence of universal life in its normal relations and
occupations.
Illustration: AFTER WORK
The sights and sounds of the farm are not only full of interest, but
that interest is deepened by their constant recurrence. The horses
at the trough; the sheep beside the stream as placid as themselves,
or on the green uplands; the cows stolidly biding the coming of
afternoon under the trees, or standing knee-deep in the cool brooks;
the clucking of hens and their bustling leisure; the going out of the
workers, with implements, seed, machines, wagons, and their return at
sunset; the stir of the morning, the hush of the evening; what a world
of homely, wholesome life is revealed in these old-time doings and
happenings of the seasons and the life on the farm.
Illustration: A WINTER EVENING ON THE FARM
But the farm is often only a unit of measurement, a term of individual
possession; there is something greater; there is the country. Beyond
the fields there is the landscape, and above them there is the sky;
and every farm fits into these wider relations and is part of the
larger whole. The woods, cool and silent; the spring hidden from the
sun by overhanging trees and from strange feet by moss-grown rocks;
the brook where it runs noiselessly in a shadow so deep at noon
that one bathes his eyes in it after the glare of the world; the old
mill, deserted by man but loyally served by the stream that flows
through the decaying sluice and over the wheel that turns no more;
the quiet hilltop, above which the whole country sleeps on summer
afternoons;――these are all simply extensions of the farm.
Illustration: SUNDAY AFTERNOON
The boys know them on holidays; the older people are drawn to them in
those infrequent hours when the pressure of work is lightened; the man
who is getting city sights and sounds out of head and heart knows and
loves them. The very thought of them brings refreshment and repose;
for they are, one and all, places of silence and solitude.
Illustration: A SUNNY PLAY-GROUND
The fever of this our life, and the tumult of it, vanish on the
invisible boundaries of these ancient sanctuaries of nature. It is
not difficult to understand the charm of these places for tired and
worn souls; for it is to such places that exhausted men and women
invariably turn. No one with a rich intellectual and spiritual nature,
can keep in perfect health without a good deal of solitude and silence.
Illustration: CHURNING IN THE BARN
We come to know ourselves and the world in the deeper ways only when
we are apart from the rush of things. It is only when traffic ceases
and the dust is laid that the landscape becomes clear and complete to
the pedestrian. The quiet of the woods, the cool note of the mountain
streams, the silence of the summits, represent, not the luxuries and
pleasures of a rich life, but its necessities. To the townsman these
outlying provinces of the farm are even more important than are the
well-tilled acres.
Illustration: THE OLD MILL
Some day some man or woman will write a luminous book on the education
of country life; the training of the eye, the ear, the hand, the
unconscious enrichment of the senses and of the mind which are
effected by its sights and sounds. There has never been in the long
history of education, a better school for the open-minded, imaginative
boy or girl than the farm. Every day sets its tasks, every task
teaches its lessons; and nature stands looking over the student’s
shoulder and quietly whispering some of her deepest secrets to her
fortunate child.
Illustration: AFTER A WET SNOW-STORM
For surely it is a great piece of good fortune to grow up in a
wise, generous home in the country; to be young with all manner of
four-footed beasts and fowls of the air, and grow up with them; to
stumble over the roots of trees when one is beginning to walk; to hear
the brooks chatter before one knows how to chatter himself; to awake
in the stir of the morning, when the whole world seems to be going to
work, and to fall asleep when the world comes trooping home, dusty and
tired.
Illustration: MAPLE-SUGAR TIME
To see and hear these outdoor sights and sounds is to be born
into vital relations with man’s natural background and to come
unconsciously into possession of some of the greatest truths which
life has to teach. It is also to be born on intimate terms with
bluebirds and cherries!
Illustration: THE BLACK SHEEP
“If you want to know where the biggest cherries are to be found,”
said Goethe, “consult the boys and the blackbirds.” There is a natural
affinity between the two, and the boy who does not grow up in natural
relationship with birds and trees suffers a loss of privilege which
can never be entirely made up. For it is a great deal easier to
make the acquaintance of nature in childhood than in those later
years which bring “the philosophic mind,” but which leave the senses
untrained for that instinctive observation which enables the boy to
see without knowing that he sees.
Illustration: THE MILL-POND
John Burroughs has given us a charming description of the joys of
boyhood on a farm, and has perhaps unconsciously betrayed the secret
of his own extraordinary familiarity with the out-of-doors world. No
knowledge is quite so much a part of ourselves as that which we gain
without conscious effort; which we breathe in with the morning air of
life.
Illustration: NOON IN THE SHEEP-LOT
The Hindoos have an idiomatic word or phrase for a walk before
breakfast, which may be translated, “eating the morning air.”
The boy on the farm sees nature before breakfast, when senses and
mind and heart are on the alert, when experience has not brought
sophistication with it, and when sensation still keeps its pristine
freshness.
Illustration: FEEDING THE CHICKENS
The healthy boy is one great appetite for sights and sounds, and
nothing escapes him. He knows every path through the woods, every
pool in the brook, every cavern in the hills, every sequestered hollow
where the noise of the world is softened into the silence of rustling
leaves and murmuring streams. One of the most erudite of American
scholars, whose large learning has not smothered the instincts of
his youth, declares that he is never entirely happy until he stands
barefooted in the old fields.
Illustration: PICKING DAISIES
Nature’s true lovers perceive this, and demand that the companion whom
he takes into the wilderness with him shall be of the right sort; one
who, as Burroughs says, will not “stand between you and that which you
seek.”
“I want for companion,” he continues, “a dog or a boy, or a person who
has the virtues of dogs and boys――transparency, good-nature, curiosity,
open sense, and a nameless quality that is akin to trees, and growths,
and the inarticulate forces of nature. With him you are alone and
yet you have company; you are free; you feel no disturbing element;
the influences of nature stream through and around him; he is a good
conductor of the subtle fluid.
“The quality or qualification I refer to belongs to most persons
who spend their lives in the open air――to soldiers, hunters, fishers,
laborers, and to artists and poets of the right sort.”
Illustration: MAKING FRIENDS
There is something incommunicable in such a fellowship with nature,
which dates back to the time when the boy found in her his chosen
playmate, and which still keeps up the old game of hide and seek even
when his methods have become scientific and the result of his search
is a contribution to knowledge.
Illustration: (‡ decoration)
EDMUND CLARENCE STEDMAN.
POET AND CRITIC; AUTHOR OF “THE ♦VICTORIAN POETS.”
♦ ‘VICRTORIAN’ replaced with ‘VICTORIAN’
DURING the year 1859, two poems were published in the New York
_Tribune_ which made genuine sensations. They were so unlike in
subject and treatment that no one would have guessed they emanated
from the same brain and were penned by the same hand. The first,
entitled “The Diamond Wedding,” was a humorous thrust of ridicule at
the “parade” made in the papers over the lavish and expensive jewels
and other gifts presented by a wealthy Cuban to his bride――a young
lady of New York. This poem, when published, called forth a challenge
from the irate father of the lady; but, fortunately, a duel was
somehow averted.
The other poem, “How Old Brown Took Harper’s Ferry,” recounted the
incident of that stern old abolitionist boldly marching with a few
men into Virginia and capturing the town of Harper’s Ferry. There was
no American poet who might not have felt proud of this production.
Bayard Taylor was so pleased with the genius manifested in both these
poems that he sought the author’s acquaintance and introduced him
to R. H. Stoddard, who in turn, after examining a collection of his
verses, recommended them for publication to Charles Scribner, who
issued them the next year (1860) under the title of “Poems, Lyric and
Idylic.”――Thus was Mr. Stedman introduced into the literary world.
Edmund Clarence Stedman is a native of Connecticut. He was born in the
city of Hartford on the eighth day of October, 1833,――and comes of a
good family of some poetic reputation. Rev. Aaron Cleveland, one of
his ancestors, is said to have been a poet. Arthur Cleveland Cox, well
known as a religious writer of verse, was his cousin. His mother was
herself a poet, and also the author of the tragedy “Bianco Caprello.”
When Stedman was two years of age he was sent to live with his
grand-uncle, James Stedman, a jurist and scholar, who looked carefully
after the early education of his nephew. At the age of sixteen, he
was sent to Yale College, where he was among the foremost in English
composition and Greek. But it is said that for some disobedience
of the discipline of the institution, he fell under the censure of
the college management and left without graduating. The University
afterward, however, enrolled him among the alumni of 1853 with the
degree of Master of Arts.
Upon leaving Yale, at the age of nineteen, Stedman took the management
of a newspaper at Norwich, and the next year married a Connecticut
girl and became owner of the Winsted _Herald_, when he was only
twenty-one. Under his management, this paper soon rose to be one of
the most important of the political papers of the State. Three years
later we find him writing on the “New York Tribune,” where he obtained
a foot-hold in literature, as we have already indicated by the
publication of the two poems above mentioned.
When the “World” was started, in the winter of 1860, Mr. Stedman
engaged with that journal and was editor of it when the news came over
the wires that Fort Sumter had been fired upon. He wrote a poem on
the occasion which was, perhaps, the first poem inspired by the war
between the states. Soon after this Mr. Stedman went to Washington
as the army correspondent of the “World.” He was at the first battle
of Bull’s Run and published a long and graphic letter in the “World”
about the defeat of the Union troops which he witnessed. This letter
was the talk of the town for days and altogether has been pronounced
the best single letter written during the whole war.
Before the close of the war, Mr. Stedman resigned his position as
editor and entered the office of Attorney General Bates at Washington;
but in January, 1864, he returned with his family to New York and
published his second volume of poems entitled, “Alice of Monmouth, An
Idyl of the Great War, and Other Poems,” which may be described as a
little poetic novel. The opening scene is laid in Monmouth County, New
Jersey; the later ones on the battle fields of Virginia.
The titles and dates of Mr. Stedman’s other books are as follows: “The
Blameless Prince, and other Poems” (1869); “Poetical Works” (1873);
“Victorian Poets” (1875); “Hawthorne and Other Poems” (1877); “Lyrics
and Idyls, with Other Poems” (1879); the “Poems of Austin Dobson,”
with an introduction (1880); “Poets of America” (1886), and with
Ellen Mackay Hutchinson, he edited “A Library of American Literature”
(11 vols., 1888–1890).
Many people entertain the notion that a man cannot be at one and
the same time, a poet and a man of business. This is a mistake.
♦Fitz-Green Halleck was for many years a competent clerk of John Jacob
Astor; Charles Sprague was for forty years teller and cashier in a
Boston bank; Samuel Rodgers, the English poet, was all his life a
successful banker; Charles Follen Adams, the humorous and dialectic
poet, is a prosperous merchant in Boston; and Edmund Clarence Stedman
has been for many years the head of a firm of stock brokers with a
♣suite of offices in Exchange Place, New York, dealing in government
securities and railway stocks and bonds, and also petroleum, in
which fortunes were at one time made and lost with great rapidity.
Nevertheless, Mr. Stedman, the stock-broker and banker is still Mr.
Stedman, the poet. The most of his splendid verses have been produced
while he was depending for a living upon journalistic work or upon
some business for support. Mr. Stedman also illustrates the fact, as
Edgar Allen Poe had done before him, that a poet may be a practical
critic. And why not? If poets are not the best critics of poetry,
musicians are not the best critics of music, architects are not the
best critics of architecture and painters of painting. Mr. Stedman’s
“Victorian Poets” is, perhaps, the most important contribution of all
our American writers to the critical literature on the English Poets.
♦ ‘Fitz Green Hallack’ replaced with ‘Fitz-Green Halleck’
♣ ‘suit’ replaced with ‘suite’
The home-life of Mr. Stedman is described as being an ideally happy
one. One of his poems entitled “Laura, My Darling,” addressed to his
wife, gives us a delightful glimpse into the heart and home of the
poet.
* * * * *
BETROTHED ANEW.
“The sunshine of the outer world beautifully illustrates
the sunshine of the heart in the ‘Betrothed Anew’ of Edmund
Clarence Stedman.”――_Morris._
THE sunlight fills the trembling air,
And balmy days their guerdons bring;
The Earth again is young and fair,
And amorous with musky spring.
The golden nurslings of the May
In splendor strew the spangled green,
And hues of tender beauty play,
Entangled where the willows lean.
Mark how the rippled currents flow;
What lustres on the meadows lie!
And, hark! the songsters come and go,
And trill between the earth and sky.
Who told us that the years had fled,
Or borne afar our blissful youth?
Such joys are all about us spread,
We know the whisper was not truth.
The birds that break from grass and grove
Sing every carol that they sung
When first our veins were rich with love
And May her mantle round us flung.
O fresh-lit dawn! immortal life!
O Earth’s betrothal, sweet and true,
With whose delights our souls are rife!
And aye their vernal vows renew!
Then, darling, walk with me this morn;
Let your brown tresses drink its sheen;
These violets, within them worn,
Of floral fays shall make you queen.
What though there comes a time of pain
When autumn winds forebode decay?
The days of love are born again;
That fabled time is far away!
And never seemed the land so fair
As now, nor birds such notes to sing,
Since first within your shining hair
I wove the blossoms of the spring.
* * * * *
THE DOOR-STEP.
THE conference meeting through at last,
We boys around the vestry waited,
To see the girls come tripping past
Like snow-birds willing to be mated.
Not braver he that leaps the wall,
By level musket-flashes litten,
Than I, who stepped before them all
Who longed to see me get the mitten.
But no, she blushed and took my arm!
We let the old folks have the highway,
And started toward the Maple Farm,
Along a kind of lovers’ by-way.
I can’t remember what we said,
’Twas nothing worth a song or story,
Yet that rude path by which we sped
Seemed all transformed and in a glory.
The snow was crisp beneath our feet,
The moon was full, the fields were gleaming;
By hood and tippet sheltered sweet
Her face with youth and health was beaming.
The little hand outside her muff――
O sculptor, if you could but mould it!
So slightly touched my jacket-cuff,
To keep it warm I had to hold it.
To have her with me there alone,
’Twas love and fear and triumph blended:
At last we reached the foot-worn stone
Where that delicious journey ended.
She shook her ringlets from her hood,
And with a “Thank you Ned,” dissembled,
But yet I knew she understood
With what a daring wish I trembled.
A cloud passed kindly overhead,
The moon was slyly peeping through it,
Yet hid its face, as if it said,
“Come, now or never, do it, do it!”
My lips till then had only known
The kiss of mother and of sister,
But somehow full upon her own
Sweet, rosy, darling mouth――I kissed her!
Perhaps ’twas boyish love, yet still,
O listless woman! weary lover!
To feel once more that fresh wild thrill,
I’d give――But who can live youth over!
GREAT AMERICAN HISTORIANS AND BIOGRAPHERS.
Illustration: GREAT AMERICAN HISTORIANS AND BIOGRAPHERS
JOHN L. MOTLEY • WM. H. PRESCOTT
GEO. H. BANCROFT
JOHN B. McMASTER • JAMES PARTON
Illustration: (‡ decoration)
GEORGE BANCROFT.
“THE MOST FAMOUS AMERICAN HISTORIAN.”
THE chief historians who have added lustre to American literature
during the nineteenth century are Bancroft, Prescott, Motley, Parkman,
McMaster and John Fiske; and, when we add to these James Parton, the
American biographer, we present an array of talent and scholarship
on which any nation might look with patriotic pride. They have
been excelled by the historians of no other nation of our time, if,
indeed――taken from a national standpoint――they have not produced the
best historical literature of the present century.
Though Prescott is the oldest, George Bancroft, in the estimation
of the great majority, stands first, perhaps, among all the American
historians. This eminent writer was born at Worcester, Massachusetts,
in October, 1800, the same month and year in which ♦Macaulay, the
great English historian, first saw the light, and,――after living one
of the most laborious public and literary lives in the history of
the world,――died at the ripe old age of ninety-one years (1891).
His father, the Reverend Aaron Bancroft, was a minister of the
Congregational Church in Worcester for more than a half century and
had the highest reputation as a theologian of learning and piety.
♦ ‘Macauley’ replaced with ‘Macaulay’
At the early age of thirteen, George Bancroft entered Harvard College
from which he graduated at the age of seventeen with the highest
honors of his class. His first inclinations were to study theology;
but in 1818, he went to Germany where he spent two years in the study
of history and philology, and it was there that he obtained his degree
of Doctor of Philosophy. During the next two years, he visited in
succession, Berlin, Heidelberg, Rome, Paris, and London, returning
home in 1822, the most accomplished scholar for his age which our
country, at that time, had produced.
Soon after his return to the United States, Mr. Bancroft was appointed
to the chair of Greek in Harvard College and those who had the benefit
of his instruction spoke of his zeal, faithfulness and varied learning
as a teacher. He afterward established, in conjunction with Joseph
G. Cogswell, a school of high classical character at ♦Northampton,
Massachusetts. While engaged here, he prepared a number of Latin text
books for schools, which were far in advance of anything then used in
the country. In the meantime, he had given some attention to politics
and had been engaged for several years, incidentally, upon his
“History of the United States.”
♦ ‘Northhampton’ replaced with ‘Northampton’
In 1828 Mr. Bancroft joined the Democratic Party, having formerly
been a Whig, and began to take an active interest in politics, where
his great historic learning and broad statesmanship placed him quickly
on the high road to political preferment. He was elected to the
Massachusetts Legislature in 1830, but declined, as he was then so
much engaged upon his “History of the United States” that he was
unwilling to turn aside, at least until the first volume was issued,
which appeared in 1834. The first and second and third volumes of this
work, comprising the Colonial history of the country, were received
with great satisfaction by the public on both sides of the Atlantic,
being in brilliancy of style, picturesque sketches of character and
incidents, compass of learning and generally fair reasoning far in
advance of anything that had been written on the subject.
“Bancroft, the Historian,” was now the recognition he was accorded,
and his fame began to spread. He was made Collector of the Port
of Boston in 1838 by President Van Buren, which position he held
until 1841. In 1844 he ran as Democratic candidate for Governor of
Massachusetts, but was defeated. During 1845 and 1846 he served his
country as Secretary of the Navy under President Polk, and while in
this office he planned and established the Naval Academy at Annapolis
and issued the orders by which California was annexed to the United
States. In 1846 President Polk further honored the historian by
appointing him Minister-Plenipotentiary to Great Britain, where he
represented the United States until 1849. The first three volumes
of Mr. Bancroft’s histories had preceded him to England. “The London
Monthly Review” spoke in the highest terms of his quality as a
historian, praising the sustained accuracy and dignity of his style,
referring to him as a philosopher, a legislator, and a historian. He
was also honored with the degree of D. C. L., by Oxford University in
1849, and was enrolled as a member of many learned societies.
Thus laden with honors, he returned this same year to his country,
made New York his place of residence, and resumed, with renewed energy,
the prosecution of his historical labors. The fourth volume of his
“History of the United States” appeared in 1852, and the next year
the fifth volume was published, which was succeeded by the sixth and
seventh, the latter appearing in 1858, bringing the history of our
country down into the stirring scenes of the Revolution.
President Andrew Johnson made Mr. Bancroft United States Minister to
Russia in 1867, and he was our national representative at the North
German Confederation in 1868. General Grant appointed him as our
Minister to the German Empire from 1871 to 1874, during which time he
enjoyed the closest friendship of Prince Bismarck. Bismarck declares
that Bancroft was the foremost representative of American grit that
he had ever met. “Think,” said he to Minister Phelps many years
afterwards, “of a Secretary of the Navy, a literary man by profession,
taking it upon himself to issue orders for the occupation of a vast
foreign territory as Bancroft did in the case of California. Again
he caused the earliest seizure of Texas by the United States troops,
while temporarily holding the portfolio of Minister of War. Only a
really great man would undertake such responsibilities.”
Bancroft’s “History of the United States” was completed in 1874;
but the last and final revised edition of it was published in 1885,
fifty-one years after the first volume had been issued. This great
work comprises ten volumes and comes down only to the close of the
Revolution. It is a monumental work within itself――a fit monument to
the greatest of American historians. The patriotism and eloquence of
its author are manifest in nearly every page, and the work has been
criticised as a Fourth-of-July oration in ten volumes. It is generally
regarded as a standard history of America up to the time of the
Constitution.
Other works of Mr. Bancroft are “The Necessity, the Reality, and
the Promises of the Human Race” (1854); “Literary and Historical
Miscellanies” (1855), and “A Plea for the Constitution of the United
States of America, Wounded in the House of its Guardians” (1886),
written when the author was eighty-six years of age.
Mr. Bancroft was an orator as well as a historian and politician, one
of the best-known of his addresses being the famous oration on Lincoln,
delivered before Congress in 1866. During the latter part of his life
he had a winter home in Washington, where the national archives and
the Library of Congress were always at his hand, and a summer home at
Newport, where he had a wonderful garden of roses, which was a great
attraction. Rose-growing and horseback riding were his recreations,
and the erect and striking form of the historian, with his long gray
beard, mounted on a fine horse, was for years a familiar figure at
Newport and on the streets of Washington.
It is beautiful to contemplate so long and useful a life as that of
George Bancroft. When the old historian was nearly ninety years of
age, he journeyed all the way from his northern home to Nashville,
Tennessee, to make certain investigations, for historical data, among
the private papers of President Polk. The writer of this sketch had
the pleasure of witnessing the meeting between him and the venerable
wife of James K. Polk at the old mansion which stands near the Capitol.
It was a beautiful and impressive sight to see this grand old woman,
who had been the first lady of the land forty-five years before,
conducting this venerable historian, who had been her husband’s
Secretary of War, about the premises. President Polk’s library with
all the papers piled upon the table had remained just as he had left
it, and into its sacred precincts Mr. Bancroft was admitted, with
perfect liberty to select and take away whatever would be of service
in his historical labors. What he did with these papers is unknown to
the writer. Perhaps his death occurred too soon after to render them
of practical service; but that the old historian died in the harness
may well be supposed from the following extract taken from a letter
written when he was more than eighty years of age: “I was trained to
look upon life here as a season for labor. Being more than fourscore
years old, I know the time for my release will soon come. Conscious
of being near the shore of eternity, I wait without impatience and
without dread the beckoning of the hand which will summon me to rest.”
The beckoning hand appeared several years later――in 1891――and he
passed quietly “over the river,” only nine years in advance of the
death of the century with which he was born, having spent altogether
one of the busiest, one of the most honorable, one of the most
useful and _the very longest life of all the celebrities in American
literature_. His fame is secure. His works will live after him――a
proud and lasting monument.
* * * * *
CHARACTER OF ROGER WILLIAMS.
WHILE the State was thus connecting by the closest bonds the energy of
its faith with its form of government, there appeared in its midst one
of those clear minds which sometimes bless the world by their power
of receiving moral truth in its purest light, and of reducing the just
conclusions of their principles to a happy and consistent practice. In
February of the first year of the colony, but a few months after the
arrival of Winthrop, and before either Cotton or Hooker had embarked
for New England, there arrived at Nantasket, after a stormy passage of
sixty-six days, “a young minister, godly and zealous, having precious”
gifts. It was Roger Williams. He was then but a little more than
thirty years of age; but his mind had already matured a doctrine
which secures him an immortality of fame, as its application has
given religious peace to the American world. He was a Puritan, and
a fugitive from English persecution; but his wrongs had not clouded
his accurate understanding; in the capacious recesses of his mind he
had revolved the nature of intolerance, and he, and he alone, had
arrived at the great principle which is its sole effectual remedy. He
announced his discovery under the simple proposition of the sanctity
of conscience. The civil magistrate should restrain crime, but never
control opinion; should punish guilt, but never violate the freedom of
the soul. The doctrine contained within itself an entire reformation
of theological jurisprudence; it would blot from the statute-book the
felony of non-conformity; would quench the fires that persecution had
so long kept burning; would repeal every law compelling attendance on
public worship; would abolish tithes and all forced contributions to
the maintenance of religion; would give an equal protection to every
form of religious faith; and never suffer the authority of the civil
government to be enlisted against the mosque of the Mussulman or the
altar of the fire-worshipper, against the Jewish synagogue or the
Roman cathedral. It is wonderful with what distinctness Roger Williams
deduced these inferences from his great principle; the consistency
with which, like Pascal and Edwards,――those bold and profound
reasoners on other subjects,――he accepted every fair inference from
his doctrines; and the circumspection with which he repelled every
unjust imputation. In the unwavering assertion of his views he never
changed his position; the sanctity of conscience was the great tenet
which, with all its consequences, he defended, as he first trod the
shores of New England; and in his extreme old age it was the last
pulsation of his heart. But it placed the young emigrant in direct
opposition to the whole system on which Massachusetts was founded; and,
gentle and forgiving as was his temper, prompt as he was to concede
everything which honesty permitted, he always asserted his belief with
temperate firmness and unbending benevolence.
* * * * *
DESTRUCTION OF THE TEA IN BOSTON HARBOR.
On the 28th day of November, 1773, the ship Dartmouth appeared
in Boston Harbor, with one hundred and fourteen chests of
tea. The ship was owned by Mr. Rotch, a Quaker merchant. In a
few days after, two more tea-ships arrived. They were all put
under strict guard by the citizens, acting under the lead of
a committee of correspondence, of which Samuel Adams was the
controlling spirit. The people of the neighboring towns were
organized in a similar manner, and sustained the spirit of
Boston. The purpose of the citizens was to have the tea sent
back without being landed; but the collector and comptroller
refused to give the ships a clearance unless the teas were
landed, and Governor Hutchinson also refused his permit,
without which they could not pass the “Castle,” as the fort at
the entrance of Boston Harbor was called. The ships were also
liable to seizure if the teas were not landed on the twentieth
day after their arrival, and the 16th day of December was the
eighteenth day after.
THE morning of Thursday, the 16th of December, 1773, dawned upon
Boston,――a day by far the most momentous in its annals. Beware, little
town; count the cost, and know well if you dare defy the wrath of
Great Britain, and if you love exile, and poverty, and death, rather
than submission. At ten o’clock, the people of Boston, with at least
two thousand men from the country, assembled in the Old South. A
report was made that Rotch had been refused a clearance from the
collector. “Then,” said they to him, “protest immediately against the
custom-house, and apply to the Governor for his pass, so that your
vessel may this very day proceed on her voyage to London.”
The Governor had stolen away to his country-house at Milton. Bidding
Rotch make all haste, the meeting adjourned to three in the afternoon.
At that hour Rotch had not returned. It was incidentally voted, as
other towns had done, to abstain wholly from the use of tea; and
every town was advised to appoint its committee of inspection, to
prevent the detested tea from coming within any of them. Then, since
the governor might refuse his pass, the momentous question recurred,
whether it be the sense and determination of this body to abide by
their former resolutions with respect to not suffering the tea to
be landed. On this question, Samuel Adams and Young¹ addressed the
meeting, which was become far the most numerous ever held in Boston,
embracing seven thousand men. There was among them a patriot of
fervent feeling; passionately devoted to the liberty of his country;
still young, his eye bright, his cheek glowing with hectic fever. He
knew that his strength was ebbing. The work of vindicating American
freedom must be done soon, or he will be no party to the great
achievement. He rises, but it is to restrain; and, being truly brave
and truly resolved, he speaks the language of moderation: “Shouts
and hosannas will not terminate the trials of this day, nor popular
resolves, harangues, and acclamations vanquish our foes. We must be
grossly ignorant of the value of the prize for which we contend, of
the power combined against us, of the inveterate malice and insatiable
revenge which actuate our enemies, public and private, abroad and
in our bosom, if we hope that we shall end this controversy without
the sharpest conflicts. Let us consider the issue before we advance
to those measures which must bring on the most trying and terrible
struggle this country ever saw.” Thus spoke the younger Quincy.
“Now that the hand is to the plough,” said others, “there must be
no looking back;” and the whole assembly of seven thousand voted
unanimously that the tea should not be landed.
¹ Dr. Thomas Young, a physician, and afterwards an
army-surgeon, was a zealous patriot, and a leading
speaker and writer of the time.
It had been dark for more than an hour. The church in which they met
was dimly lighted; when, at a quarter before six, Rotch appeared, and
satisfied the people by relating that the governor had refused him
a pass, because his ship was not properly cleared. As soon as he
had finished his report, Samuel Adams rose and gave the word: “This
meeting can do nothing more to save the country.” On the instant, a
shout was heard at the porch; the war-whoop resounded; a body of men,
forty or fifty in number, disguised as Indians, passed by the door,
and, encouraged by Samuel Adams, Hancock, and others, repaired to
Griffin’s Wharf, posted guards to prevent the intrusion of spies, took
possession of the three tea-ships, and in about three hours, three
hundred and forty chests of tea――being the whole quantity that had
been imported――were emptied into the bay, without the least injury
to other property. “All things were conducted with great order,
decency, and perfect submission to government.” The people around,
as they looked on, were so still that the noise of breaking open the
tea-chests was distinctly heard. A delay of a few hours would have
placed the tea under the protection of the admiral at the Castle.
After the work was done, the town became as still and calm as if it
had been holy time. The men from the country that very night carried
back the great news to their villages.
* * * * *
CHIVALRY AND PURITANISM.
HISTORIANS have loved to eulogize the manners and virtues, the glory
and the benefits, of chivalry. Puritanism accomplished for mankind
far more. If it had the sectarian crime of intolerance, chivalry had
the vices of dissoluteness. The knights were brave from gallantry of
spirit; the Puritans, from the fear of God. The knights were proud of
loyalty; the Puritans, of liberty. The knights did homage to monarchs,
in whose smile they beheld honor, whose rebuke was the wound of
disgrace; the Puritans, disdaining ceremony, would not bow at the
name of Jesus, nor bend the knee to the King of kings. Chivalry
delighted in outward show, favored pleasure, multiplied amusement,
and degraded the human race by an exclusive respect for the privileged
classes; Puritanism bridled the passions, commanded the virtues of
self-denial, and rescued the name of man from dishonor. The former
valued courtesy; the latter, justice. The former adorned society
by graceful refinements; the latter founded national grandeur on
universal education. The institutions of chivalry were subverted
by the gradually increasing weight, and knowledge, and opulence of
the industrious classes; the Puritans, rallying upon those classes,
planted in their hearts the undying principles of democratic liberty.
* * * * *
THE POSITION OF THE PURITANS.
TO the colonists the maintenance of their unity seemed essential
to their cordial resistance to English attempts at oppression. And
why, said they, should we not insist upon this union? We have come
to the outside of the world for the privilege of living by ourselves:
why should we open our asylum to those in whom we can repose no
confidence? The world cannot call this persecution. We have been
banished to the wilderness: is it an injustice to exclude our
oppressors, and those whom we dread as their allies, from the place
which is to shelter us from their intolerance? Is it a great cruelty
to expel from our abode the enemies of our peace, or even the doubtful
friend? Will any man complain at being driven from among banished
men, with whom he has no fellowship? of being refused admittance
to a gloomy place of exile? The wide continent of America invited
colonization; they claimed their own narrow domains for “the
brethren.” Their religion was their life: they welcomed none but
its adherents; they could not tolerate the scoffer, the infidel, or
the dissenter; and the presence of the whole people was required in
their congregation. Such was the system inflexibly established and
regarded as the only adequate guarantee of the rising liberties of
Massachusetts.
Illustration: (‡ decoration)
Illustration: (‡ decoration)
JAMES PARTON.
WRITER OF BIOGRAPHY.
THERE can be no higher public service than that of the man who gives
to his fellows, and particularly to the rising generation, good
biographies of noble men. If this be true, then James Parton must be
ranked among those who have done most for Americans, for the series
of books which began many years ago with a life of Horace Greeley
and which ended, only two months before the author’s death with the
biography of Andrew Jackson, has made the heroes of American history
real live men for thousands of readers, has stirred the patriotism and
aroused the ambition of many a boyish student, and has won for himself
the respect and esteem which belong to literary achievements.
The ancestry of James Parton was French; his family having emigrated
to England after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685.
He was born in Canterbury, England, in 1822, and could just remember
walking across the fields, in black clothes, at his father’s funeral.
The solemn memory which thus took a strong hold upon his mind, was,
perhaps, partly responsible for his dislike for ecclesiastical forms
and particularly for the practice of formal “mourning.” His mother
brought her little family to New York a year after her husband’s
death, and James was educated in the schools of that city and at White
Plains, New York. At the latter place he was in a boarding school
where so much attention was paid to religion that nearly every boy
who passed through it was a member of the church. He seems to have
found something repellent in the manner of presenting Christianity,
and although he became a teacher in the school and later held for some
years a similar position in Philadelphia, he sympathized less and less
with it until he came avowedly to give up all belief in supernatural
religion. He was a very successful teacher and took great delight in
his work and would probably have devoted his life to the schoolroom,
had he not found himself unable to continue the custom of opening
the sessions of school with prayer and on this account been compelled
to give up his position. Returning to New York he became associated
with N. P. Willis in conducting the “Home Journal” and thus began his
career as a literary man. While so employed he remarked one day to a
New York publisher, that a most interesting book could be made of the
career of Horace Greeley, then at the summit of his power and fame as
an editor.
The suggestion resulted in his being commissioned to prepare such a
biography, the publisher advancing the funds which enabled Mr. Parton
to spend several months in collecting materials among the people in
New Hampshire and Vermont, who had known Mr. Greeley in his early
life. The book made a great sensation and at once gave its author high
standing in the literary world. He began to contribute to a number
of leading periodicals on political and literary topics, and soon
appeared as a public lecturer and found himself one of the most
notable men of the day.
Mr. Parton was married in 1856 to Mrs. Sara Payson Willis Eldredge,
whose brother, the poet, N. P. Willis, was his former associate. Mrs.
Willis was a popular contributor to “The New York Ledger” and other
papers, under the pen-name of “Fanny Fern,” and Mr. Parton was soon
engaged in similar work, and later became a member of the editorial
staff of the “Ledger” and closely associated with Mr. Robert Bonner.
This was of the greatest advantage to him, as it furnished a steady
income, while allowing him leisure in which to devote himself to the
more serious works which were his real contribution to literature and
upon which his fame rests. His next book was “The Life and Times of
Aaron Burr,” which was prepared from original sources, and which made
Burr a somewhat less offensive character than he was at that time
generally thought to be. He next prepared a “Life of Andrew Jackson,”
which finally met with great success, but which, being published
at the beginning of the War of the Rebellion and being subscribed
for largely in the South, involved both author and publisher in
considerable immediate loss. For twenty years he labored upon a
“Life of Voltaire,” giving to the study of the great European Liberal
of the last century all the time and energy he could spare from the
contributions which he must regularly supply to the “Ledger” and “The
Youth’s Companion.” The “Life of Voltaire” was his only biography of
a European character, and while he thought it his best work, and while
it is a wonderful picture, not only of the life and character of the
great Frenchman, but of manners and morals in Europe in the eighteenth
century, the public interest in its subject was not so great, and its
success by no means so complete as that which greeted his American
biographies. He was greatly interested in the robust character of Gen.
Benjamin Butler, and his next book was the story of the administration
of the city of New Orleans, by him. He then offered to the public the
first comprehensive study of the “Life and Times of Benjamin Franklin”
that had appeared. This is, by many, thought to be his best book.
It was followed by a “Life of Jefferson,” and later by three books
drawn from his contributions to periodicals, “Famous Americans of
Recent Times,” “Noted Women of Europe and America,” and “Captains of
Industry.” His last work was a volume upon “Andrew Jackson” for the
“Great Commanders” series.
After the death of “Fanny Fern” Mr. Parton took up his residence in
Newburyport, Massachusetts, with Miss Eldredge, his wife’s daughter,
who was charged with the care of an orphaned niece. This child had
for several years been a member of his family, and had closely engaged
his affection. The relations thus established resulted presently in
the marriage of Mr. Parton to Miss Eldredge, a union, which, until his
death in 1892, filled his life with joy and happiness. Mr. Parton took
an active interest in the social life about him, joining frankly in
every village enterprise and gradually acquiring very great influence
in the community.
* * * * *
OLD VIRGINIA.
WHEN John Rolfe, not yet husband of Pocahontas, planted the first
tobacco seed in Jamestown, in 1612, good tobacco sold in London
docks at five shillings a pound, or two hundred and fifty pounds
sterling for a hogshead of a thousand pounds’ weight. Fatal facility
of money-making! It was this that diverted all labor, capital and
enterprise into one channel, and caused that first ship-load of
Negroes in the James to be so welcome. The planter could have but one
object,――to get more slaves in order to raise more tobacco. Hence the
price was ever on the decline, dropping first from shillings to pence,
and then going down the scale of pence, until it remained for some
years at an average of about two pence a pound in Virginia and three
pence in London. In Virginia it often fell below two pence; as, during
brief periods of scarcity, it would rise to six and seven pence.
Old Virginia is a pathetic chapter in political economy. OLD Virginia,
indeed! She reached decrepitude while contemporary communities were
enjoying the first vigor of youth; while New York was executing the
task which Virginia’s George Washington had suggested and foretold,
that of connecting the waters of the great West with the sea; while
New England was careering gayly over the ocean, following the whale
to his most distant retreat, and feeding belligerent nations with
her superabundance. One little century of seeming prosperity; three
generations of spendthrifts; then the lawyer and sheriff! Nothing was
invested, nothing saved for the future. There were no manufactures,
no commerce, no towns, no internal trade, no great middle class. As
fast as that virgin richness of soil could be converted into tobacco,
and sold in the London docks, the proceeds were spent in vast,
ugly mansions, heavy furniture, costly apparel, Madeira wine, fine
horses, huge coaches, and more slaves. The planters lived as though
virgin soil were revenue, not capital. They tried to maintain in
Virginia the lordly style of English grandees, WITHOUT any Birmingham,
♦Staffordshire, Sheffield or London docks to pay for it. Their
short-lived prosperity consisted of three elements,――virgin soil,
low-priced slaves, high-priced tobacco. The virgin soil was rapidly
exhausted; the price of negroes was always on the increase; and the
price of tobacco was always tending downward. Their sole chance of
founding a staple commonwealth was to invest the proceeds of their
tobacco in something that would absorb their labor and yield them
profit when the soil would no longer produce tobacco.
♦ ‘Stafordshire’ replaced with ‘Staffordshire’
But their laborers were ignorant slaves, the possession of whom
destroyed their energy, swelled their pride, and dulled their
understandings. Virginia’s case was hopeless from the day on which
that Dutch ship landed the first twenty slaves; and, when the time
of reckoning came, the people had nothing to show for their long
occupation of one of the finest estates in the world, except great
hordes of negroes, breeding with the rapidity of rabbits; upon whose
annual increase Virginia subsisted, until the most glorious and
beneficial of all wars set the white race free and gave Virginia her
second opportunity.
All this was nobody’s fault. It was a combination of circumstances
against which the unenlightened human nature of that period could not
possibly have made head.
Few men saw anything wrong in slavery. No man knew much about the laws
that control the prosperity of States. No man understood the science
of agriculture. Every one with whom those proud and thoughtless
planters dealt plundered them, and the mother country discouraged
every attempt of the colonists to manufacture their own supplies.
There were so many charges upon tobacco, in its course from the
planter’s packing-house to the consumer’s pipe, that it was no very
uncommon thing, in dull years, for the planter to receive from
his agent in London, in return for his hogsheads of tobacco, not
a pleasant sum of money, nor even a box of clothes, but a bill of
charges which the price of the tobacco had not covered. One of the
hardships of which the clergy complained was, that they did not “dare”
to send their tobacco to London, for fear of being brought into debt
by it, but had to sell it on the spot to speculators much below the
London price. The old Virginia laws and records so abound in tobacco
information that we can follow a hogshead of tobacco from its native
plantation on the James to the shop of the tobacconist in London.
In the absence of farm vehicles――many planters who kept a coach had
no wagon――each hogshead was attached to a pair of shafts with a horse
between them, and “rolled” to a shed on the bank of the stream. When
a ship arrived in the river from London, it anchored opposite each
plantation which it served, and set ashore the portion of the cargo
belonging to it, continuing its upward course until the hold was empty.
Then, descending the river, it stopped at the different plantations,
taking from each its hogsheads of tobacco, and the captain receiving
long lists of articles to be bought in London with the proceeds of
the tobacco. The rivers of Virginia, particularly the James and the
Potomac, are wide and shallow, with a deep channel far from either
shore, so that the transfer of the tobacco from the shore to the ship,
in the general absence of landings, was troublesome and costly. To
this day, as readers remember, the piers on the James present to the
wondering passenger from the North a stretch of pine planks from an
eighth to half a mile long. The ship is full at length, drops down
past Newport News, salutes the fort upon Old Point Comfort, and glides
out between the capes into the ocean.
* * * * *
How little the planters foresaw the desolation of their Province is
affectingly attested by many of the relics of their brief affluence.
They built their parish churches to last centuries, like the churches
to which they were accustomed “at home.” In neighborhoods where now
a congregation of fifty persons could not be collected, there are
ruins of churches that were evidently built for the accommodation
of numerous and wealthy communities; a forest, in some instances,
has grown up all around them, making it difficult to get near the
imperishable walls. Sometimes the wooden roof has fallen in, and one
huge tree, rooted among the monumental slabs of the middle aisle, has
filled all the interior. Other old churches long stood solitary in
old fields, the roof sound, but the door standing open, in which the
beasts found nightly shelter, and into which the passing horseman
rode and sat on his horse before the altar till the storm passed.
Others have been used by farmers as wagon-houses, by fishermen to hang
their seines in, by gatherers of turpentine as storehouses. One was a
distillery, and another was a barn. A poor drunken wretch reeled for
shelter into an abandoned church of Chesterfield County――the county
of the first Jeffersons――and he died in a drunken sleep at the foot
of the reading-desk, where he lay undiscovered until his face was
devoured by rats. An ancient font was found doing duty as a tavern
punch-bowl; and a tombstone, which served as the floor of an oven,
used to print memorial words upon loaves of bread. Fragments of
richly-colored altar-pieces, fine pulpit-cloths, and pieces of old
carving used to be preserved in farm-houses and shown to visitors.
When the late Bishop Meade began his rounds, forty years ago, elderly
people would bring to him sets of communion-plate and single vessels
which had once belonged to the parish church, long deserted, and beg
him to take charge of them.
Illustration: (‡ decoration)
Illustration: (‡ decoration)
FRANCIS PARKMAN.
HISTORIAN OF THE FRENCH AND INDIAN CONFLICT.
TO FRANCIS PARKMAN, as much as to any one man, we owe the revival of
interest in American history. His story of “The Pioneers of France
in the New World,” “The Jesuits in North America,” “La Salle and the
Discovery of the Great West,” “The Old Régime in Canada,” “Frontenac
and New France under Louis XIV.” “A Half-Century of Conflict,”
“Montcalm and Wolf,” and “The Conspiracy of Pontiac,” form a connected
account of the rise and fall of the French power in America. They
may well be described as one work, almost as one book. It was a
great design formed when he was still a Harvard student, and held so
tenaciously that no trials or disappointments could discourage him and
no mountain of labor be too great for his untiring powers.
He was born in Boston in 1823, and was so fortunate as to inherit
wealth which not only set him free to devote himself to his vocation,
but enabled him to command an amount and kind of assistance absolutely
essential to his peculiar work, and in his peculiar circumstances, and
which could be secured only by large expenditure. He had traveled a
year abroad before he graduated in 1844 and had made himself master of
the French language and familiar with French history and institutions.
By repeated summer journeys into the wilderness of northern New
England, he had acquainted himself with the conditions of pioneer life
and, to some extent of Indian warfare. He pursued the study of law
for two years, but it may well be supposed that these studies yielded
larger results in a knowledge of the history of Europe during the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and of the facts in that history
bearing upon the great conflict in the new world, than in any definite
grasp of the intricacies of the law itself.
In the spring of 1846, he joined his cousin, Quincy A. Shaw, in
the hazardous experiment of spending the summer with the Dacotah
Indians, then living in an entirely savage condition east of the Rocky
mountains. The two young men carried out their undertaking at the
continuous risk of their lives, but it supplied Parkman with a minute
knowledge of Indian thoughts and Indian ways which equipped him, as
probably no other man was ever equipped, for writing the history in
which Indians were among the chief actors. But the cost was very great.
While among the Indians he was attacked by serious illness and it
was one of the savage customs of his Indian companions that he who
confessed sickness was to be immediately tomahawked. There was nothing
for it, therefore, but to fight off his disease as best he could and
make what show was possible, of health and vigor. He succeeded, but
the strain was so great that it left him apparently disabled. His
physicians assured him that he could not live, and for three years
he was compelled to suspend all intellectual work and live a life
as absolutely quiet as was possible. The remainder of his life was
devoted to the books which we have named. For the greater portion
of this fifty years he could not use his eyes for more than five
continuous minutes, and he was compelled to exercise the greatest
care not to bring on final collapse by exceeding the few hours per
day which he could safely devote to mental labor. Every one of his
books was dictated to a relative, who cared for every detail of
its preparation for the press. In gathering the materials for his
histories he visited Europe seven times, and constantly employed
a number of experts in copying important documents for his use. He
very early became master of everything that had been printed which
bore upon his subject, and realized that his main dependence must
be upon manuscripts――private letters, public documents, official
reports――scattered through public and private libraries in Europe
and America, often unknown and frequently almost inaccessible. An
interesting example of his persistency is in his continuing to search
for fifteen years for a volume of letters from Montcalm in Canada,
which Montcalm had requested to have burned, but which Parkman
believed to exist, and which was finally discovered in a private
collection of manuscripts.
The Massachusetts Historical Society possesses an oaken cabinet in
which are stored some two hundred folio volumes of manuscript copies
of important documents, the gift of Mr. Parkman; to Harvard College he
gave a most interesting collection of fac-simile maps.
Mr. Parkman was not a recluse, but on the contrary delighted in
society, and indulged his liking as far as was possible with a due
regard to saving his strength for his beloved work. He took the most
lively interest in public affairs, and for a number of years was one
of the corporation of Harvard University.
An interesting side of Mr. Parkman’s life was his interest in
horticulture. He became the owner in 1854 of a property on the shore
of Jamaica Pond, and in this beautiful place devoted himself in the
intervals of literary labor, and during the several periods of two
or three years when he was absolutely compelled to abstain, to the
culture of flowers. He made long continued and careful experiments
in hybridizing lillies and other flowers and produced a number of new
varieties one of which, a magnificent lilly was given his name by the
English horticulturist who undertook to put the beautiful plant upon
the market. He published “The Book of Roses,” held a professorship in
the Bussey Institution, and was in 1886 president of the Massachusetts
Horticultural Society. But his principal workshop was a plain,
comfortable room at the top of his sister’s house on Beacon Hill,
in Boston, where with an open fire and convenient bookshelves and
the willing help of friends and relatives he completed his task in
1892. It was at his suburban home which had supplied occupation and
entertainment when driven from his work and whose beauties were so
largely his own creation, that, two years later, he passed away.
This, in brief, is the life of the man who has made La Salle and
Montcalm live again for delighted thousands of nineteenth century
readers. The study of our nation’s history is coming to take its
proper position in our colleges and schools, our libraries are
compelled to set apart more and more shelf-room for books which tell
the story of the making of America and of our national life. There is
no chapter in all this history more vivid, more full of action, more
crowded with the conflict between high and ignoble purpose, nor one
which bears a more important relation to our national development than
that which tells how the Frenchman came, how he made friends with the
Indian, how he contended for empire and was defeated. And no one of
these chapters has been written with more absolute fidelity to the
actual facts in their proper relation. It is written in a style whose
grace and elegance of diction, clearness and dignity of expression,
completeness and accuracy of statement bring back the Indian and
the Frenchman, the priest and the _voyageur_ and make them live and
move before our eyes. It was a field unoccupied, a period of history
interesting, inviting, and complete in itself. Few historians have
embraced such an opportunity, of still fewer can it be said that their
work is so well done that it need never be done again.
He was half a century at his work, untiringly; as has been well said,
“Nowhere can we find a better illustration of the French critic’s
definition of a great life――a thought conceived in youth and realized
in later years.”
* * * * *
THE NEW ENGLAND COLONIES.
THE four northern colonies were known collectively as New England;
Massachusetts may serve as a type of all. It was a mosaic of little
village republics, firmly cemented together, and formed into a single
body politic through representatives sent to the “General Court,”
at Boston. Its government, originally theocratic, now tended towards
democracy, ballasted as yet by strong traditions of respect for
established worth and ability, as well as by the influence of certain
families prominent in affairs for generations. Yet there were no
distinct class-lines, and popular power, like popular education, was
widely diffused.
Practically Massachusetts was almost independent of the Mother
Country. Its people were purely English, of good ♦yeoman stock,
with an abundant leaven drawn from the best of the Puritan gentry;
but their original character had been somewhat modified by changed
conditions of life. A harsh and exacting creed, with its stiff
formalism, and its prohibition of wholesome recreation; excess in the
pursuit of gain――the only resource left to energies robbed of their
natural play; the struggle for existence on a hard and barren soil;
and the isolation of a narrow village life――joined to produce in the
meaner sorts qualities which were unpleasant, and sometimes repulsive.
♦ ‘yoeman’ replaced with ‘yeoman’
Puritanism was not an unmixed blessing. Its view of human nature was
dark, and its attitude was one of repression. It strove to crush out
not only what is evil, but much that is innocent and salutary. Human
nature so treated will take its revenge, and for every vice that it
loses find another instead. Nevertheless, while New England Puritanism
bore its peculiar crop of faults, it also produced many sound and
good fruits. An uncommon vigor, joined to the hardy virtues of a
masculine race, marked the New England type. The sinews, it is true,
were hardened at the expense of blood and flesh――and this literally
as well as figuratively; but the staple of character was a sturdy
conscientiousness, an understanding courage, ♦patriotism, public
sagacity and a strong good sense.
♦ ‘partiotism’ replaced with ‘patriotism’
The New England Colonies abounded in high examples of public and
private virtue, though not always under prepossessing forms. There
were few New Englanders, however personally modest, who could
divest themselves of the notion that they belonged to a people
in an especial manner the object of divine approval; and thus
self-righteousness――along with certain other traits――failed to
commend the Puritan colonies to the favor of their fellows. Then, as
now, New England was best known to her neighbors by her worst side.
* * * * *
THE HEIGHTS OF ABRAHAM.¹
(FROM MONTCALM AND WOLFE, 1884.)
¹ By Permission of Little, Brown & Co.
FOR full two hours the procession of boats, borne on the current,
steered silently down the St. Lawrence. The stars were visible, but
the night was moonless and sufficiently dark. The General was in
one of the foremost boats, and near him was a young midshipman, John
Robinson, afterwards professor of natural philosophy in the University
of Edinburgh. He used to tell in his later life how Wolfe, with a
low voice, repeated Gray’s “Elegy in a Country Church-yard” to the
officers about him. Probably it was to relieve the intense strain of
his thoughts. Among the rest was the verse which his own fate was soon
to illustrate.――“The paths of glory lead but to the grave.”
“Gentlemen,” he said, as his recital ended, “I would rather have
written those lines than take Quebec.” None were there to tell him
that the hero is greater than the poet.
* * * * *
Montcalm had passed a troubled night. Through all the evening the
cannon bellowed from the ships of Saunders, and the boats of the
fleet hovered in the dusk off Beauport shore, threatening every moment
to land. Troops lined the entrenchments till day, while the general
walked the field that adjoined his headquarters till one in the
morning, accompanied by the Chevalier Johnstone and Colonel Poulariez.
Johnstone says that he was in great agitation, and took no rest all
night. At daybreak he heard the sound of cannon above the town. It
was the battery at Samos firing on the English ships. He had sent
an officer to the headquarters of Vaudreuil, which was much nearer
Quebec, with orders to bring him word at once should anything unusual
happen. But no word came, and about six o’clock he mounted and rode
thither with Johnstone. As they advanced, the country behind the town
opened more and more upon their sight; till at length, when opposite
Vaudreuil’s house, they saw across the St. Charles, some two miles
away, the red ranks of British soldiers on the heights beyond.
“This is a serious business,” Montcalm said, and sent off Johnstone
at full gallop to bring up the troops from the centre and left of the
camp. Those on the right were in motion already, and doubtless by the
Governor’s order. Vaudreuil came out of the house. Montcalm stopped
for a few words with him; then set spurs to his horse, and rode over
the bridge of the St. Charles to the scene of danger. He rode with a
fixed look, uttering not a word.
* * * * *
Montcalm was amazed at what he saw. He had expected to see a
detachment, and he found an army. Full in sight before him stretched
the lines of Wolfe; the close ranks of English infantry, stretched
a silent wall of red, and the wild array of Highlanders, with their
waving tartans, and bagpipes screaming defiance. Vaudreuil had not
come; but not the less was felt the evil of divided authority and
the jealousy of the rival chiefs. Montcalm waited long for the forces
he had ordered to join him from the left wing of the army. He waited
in vain. It is said the Governor had detained them lest the English
should attack the Beauport shore. Even if they did so, and succeeded,
the French might defy them, could they but put Wolfe to route on the
Plains of Abraham. Neither did the garrison of Quebec come to the
aid of Montcalm. He sent to Ramesay, its commander, for twenty-five
field-pieces which were on the palace battery. Ramesay would give him
only three, saying that he wanted them for his own defence. There were
orders and counter-orders; misunderstandings, haste, delay, perplexity.
Montcalm and his chief officers held a council of war. It is said
that he and they alike were for immediate attack. His enemies declared
that he was afraid lest Vaudreuil should arrive and take command;
but the Governor was not the man to assume responsibility at such a
crisis. Others say his impetuosity overcame his better judgment; and
of this charge it is hard to acquit him. Bougainville was but a few
miles distant and some of his troops were much nearer; a messenger
sent by way of Old Lorette could have reached him in an hour and
a-half at most, and a combined attack in front and rear might have
been concerted with him. If, moreover, Montcalm could have come
to an understanding with Vaudreuil, his own forces might have been
strengthened by two or three thousand additional men from the town
and the camp of Beauport; but he felt that there was no time to lose,
for he imagined that Wolfe would soon be reinforced, which was no less
an error. He has been blamed not only for fighting too soon, but for
fighting at all. In this he could not choose. Fight he must, for Wolfe
was now in a position to cut off all his supplies. His men were full
of ardor, and he resolved to attack before their ardor cooled. He
spoke a few words to them in his keen, vehement way. “I remember very
well how he looked,” one of the Canadians, then a boy of eighteen,
used to say in his old age. “He rode a black or dark bay horse along
the front of our lines, brandishing his sword, as if to excite us to
do our duty. He wore a coat with wide sleeves, which fell back as he
raised his arm, and showed the white linen of the wristband.”
The English waited the result with a composure which, if not quite
real, was well feigned. The three field-pieces sent by Ramesay plied
them with canister-shot, and fifteen hundred Canadians and Indians
fusilladed them in front and flank.
Wolfe was everywhere. How cool he was, and why his followers loved
him is shown by the following incident that happened in the course
of the morning. One of his captains was shot through the lungs; and
on recovering consciousness he saw the general standing by his side.
Wolfe pressed his hand, told him not to despair, praised his services,
promised him early promotion, and sent an aide-de-camp to Monckton to
beg that officer to keep the promise if he himself should fall.
It was toward ten o’clock when, from the high ground on the right
of the line, Wolfe saw that the crisis was near. The French on the
ridge had formed themselves into three bodies, regulars in the centre,
regulars and Canadians on right and left. Two field-pieces, which
had been dragged up the heights at Anse du Foulon, fired on them with
grapeshot, and the troops, rising from the ground, prepared to receive
them. In a few moments more they were in motion. They came on rapidly,
uttering loud shouts, and firing as soon as they were within range.
Their ranks, ill-ordered at best, were further confused by a number
of Canadians who had been mixed among the regulars, and who, after
hastily firing, threw themselves on the ground to reload. The British
advanced a few rods; then halted and stood still. When the French
were within forty paces the word of command rang out, and a crash of
musketry answered all along the line. The volley was delivered with
remarkable precision. In the battalions of the centre, which had
suffered least from the enemy’s bullets, the simultaneous explosion
was afterwards said by French officers to have sounded like a
cannon-shot.
Another volley followed, and then a furious clattering fire that
lasted but a minute or two. When the smoke rose, a miserable sight
was revealed: the ground cumbered with dead and wounded; the advancing
masses stopped short and turned into a frantic mob, shouting, cursing,
gesticulating. The order was given to charge. Then over the field rose
the British cheer, mixed with the fierce yell of the Highland slogan.
Some of the corps pushed forward with the bayonet; some advanced
firing. The clansmen drew their broadswords and dashed on, keen and
swift as blood-hounds. At the English right, though the attacking
column was broken to pieces, a fire was still kept up, chiefly, it
seems, by sharpshooters from the bushes and cornfields, where they
had lain for an hour or more. Here Wolfe himself led the charge at
the head of the Louisbourg Grenadiers. A shot shattered his wrist. He
wrapped his handkerchief about it and kept on. Another shot struck him
and he still advanced, when a third lodged in his breast. He staggered,
and sat on the ground. Lieutenant Brown, of the Grenadiers, one
Henderson, a volunteer in the same company, and a private soldier,
aided by an officer of artillery who ran to join them, carried him in
their arms to the rear. He begged them to lay him down. They did so,
and asked if he would have a surgeon. “There’s no need,” he answered;
“it’s all over with me.” A moment after, one of them cried out: “They
run, see how they run!” “Who run?” Wolfe demanded, like a man roused
from sleep. “The enemy, sir. Egad, they give way everywhere!”
“Go, one of you, to Colonel Burton,” returned the dying man, “tell
him to march Webb’s Regiment down to Charles River to cut off their
retreat from the bridge.” Then, turning on his side, he murmured: “Now,
God be praised, I will die in peace!” and in a few moments his gallant
soul had fled.
Illustration: (‡ decoration)
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT.
HISTORIAN OF THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO AND PERU.
IT MAY well be doubted whether any other historian was ever so
loved both by those who knew him personally and by those who counted
themselves fortunate in knowing him through his books as was William H.
Prescott. Indeed that love promises to be perennial, for “The Conquest
of Mexico” and “The Conquest of Peru” continue to be the delight of
the intelligent schoolboy and bid fair to maintain their hold upon
public interest in succeeding generations.
Prescott was a native of Salem, Massachusetts, having been born in
that city on the 4th of May, 1796. His father was a lawyer, and he
inherited from him literary tastes, love of learning and great mental
vigor. He was accidentally struck, while a Junior at Harvard, by a
piece of hard bread, thrown by a fellow student, and the blow deprived
him forever of the use of his left eye, gave him many months of
tedious suffering in darkened rooms, and resulted in such serious
damage to the other eye as to make it of little and constantly
decreasing use to him. He had intended to be a lawyer, but this
accident made another choice necessary. He deliberately resolved upon
a literary career and prepared himself for it in the most thorough and
painstaking way imaginable. A memorandum dated October, 1821, lays out
a course of study which one might think unnecessary for a graduate of
Harvard College, but which he undertook for the purpose of perfecting
his style, and with what degree of success the universal admiration of
his works well testifies. It was as follows:
“1. Principles of Grammar, correct writing, etc.
2. Compendious history of North America.
3. Fine prose-writers of English.
4. Latin classics one hour a day.”
This course, omitting the American history, he faithfully pursued
for about a year, when he took up the study of French and, later, of
German. His study of Spanish and consequently his choice of the topics
of his great works came about almost accidentally. He had found the
study of German very difficult, so much so that he was in despair. His
friend George Ticknor had delivered to the Senior Class at Harvard a
series of lectures on Spanish literature, and, to divert and entertain
him during a period of discouragement and of suffering from his eyes,
proposed to read the lectures to him. He was so delighted with the
subject that he immediately began the study of the language with the
result that the remainder of his life was devoted to Spanish subjects.
Prescott had married, in 1820, to Miss Susan Amory, the daughter of a
cultivated and successful Boston merchant, and of the marriage he said,
near the close of his life, “contrary to the assertion of a French
philosopher who says that the most fortunate husband finds reason to
regret his condition at least once in twenty-four hours,――I may truly
say that I have found no such day in the quarter of a century that
Providence has spared us to each other.” Mrs. Prescott was devoted to
her husband, and until his death in 1859, was his continual support,
adviser and assistant.
Illustration: MR. PRESCOTT’S HOUSE AT PEPPERETT, MASS.
The account of his method of composition is told in one of his letters:
“In the Christmas of 1837 my first work, ‘The History of Ferdinand and
Isabella,’ was given to the world. I obtained the services of a reader
who knew no language but his own, (English). I taught him to pronounce
Castilian in a manner suited, I suspect, more to _my_ ear than to that
of a Spaniard, and we began our wearisome journey through Mariana’s
noble (Spanish) history. I cannot even now call to mind without a
smile the tedious hours in which, seated under some old trees in my
country residence, we pursued our slow and melancholy way over pages
which afforded no glimmering of light to him, and from which the light
came dimly struggling to me through a half intelligible vocabulary.
But in a few weeks the light became stronger, and I was cheered by
the consciousness of my own improvement, and when we had toiled our
way through seven quartos, I found I could understand the book when
read about two-thirds as fast as ordinary English. My reader’s office
required the more patience; he had not even this result to cheer him
in his labor. I now felt that the great difficulty could be overcome,
and I obtained the services of a reader whose acquaintance with modern
and ancient tongues supplied, as far as it could be supplied, the
deficiency of eyesight on my part. But though in this way I could
examine various authorities, it was not easy to arrange in my mind
the results of my reading drawn from different and often contradictory
accounts. To do this I dictated copious notes as I went along, and
when I had read enough for a chapter (from thirty to forty, and
sometimes fifty pages in length), I had a mass of memoranda in my own
language, which would easily bring before me in one view, the fruit
of my researches. These notes were carefully read to me, and while my
recent studies were fresh in my recollection, I ran over the whole of
any intended chapter in my mind. This process I repeated at least half
a dozen times, so that when I finally put my pen to paper it ran off
pretty glibly for it was an effort of memory rather than composition.
Writing presented me a difficulty even greater than reading. Thierry,
the famous blind historian of the Norman conquest, advised me to
cultivate dictation; but I usually preferred a substitute that I found
in a writing-case made for the blind which I procured in London, forty
years since. It consists of a frame of the size of a sheet of paper,
traversed by brass wires, as many as lines are wanted on the page,
and with a sheet of carbonated paper, such as is used for getting
duplicates, pasted on the reverse side. With an ivory or agate
stylus the writer traces his characters between the wires on the
carbonated sheet, making indelible marks, which he cannot see, on
the white page below. This treadmill operation has its defects; and
I have repeatedly supposed I had accomplished a good page, and was
proceeding in all the glow of composition to go ahead, when I found
I had forgotten to insert a sheet of writing-paper below, that my
labor had all been thrown away, and that the leaf looked as blank as
myself. Notwithstanding these and other whimsical distresses of the
kind, I have found my writing-case my best friend in my lonely hours,
and with it have written nearly all that I have sent into the world
the last forty years.”
Prescott’s writings were successful from the first. Translations of
the “History of Ferdinand and Isabella” appeared within a few years
in French, German, Spanish, Italian and Russian, and it is surely
no wonder that the author took up with a good heart the preparation
of a “History of the Conquest of Mexico,” and then a “History of
the Conquest of Peru,” both of which were received with the same
appreciation that had rewarded his first published work.
He had spent some time abroad before his marriage, partly in the hope
of benefitting his eyesight. In 1850 he again visited England and
spent some time on the continent. He wrote a number of miscellaneous
articles for magazines and reviews, and published in 1855, two, and
in 1858 the third volume of his uncompleted “History of the Reign of
Philip II., King of Spain.” This, had he lived to complete it, would
doubtless have been his greatest work. It was received with such favor
that six months after the publication of the first two volumes, eight
thousand copies had been sold and the sales of his other works had
been so stimulated as to bring the total up to thirty thousand volumes
during that time, which yielded the author the substantial royalty of
seventeen thousand dollars.
A slight stroke of paralysis had already enfeebled him, and a second
terminated his life on the 28th of January, 1859. His wife, one
daughter, and two sons survived him.
Few men have combined so many engaging qualities. His blindness had
made no change in his appearance, and he was thought to be one of the
handsomest men of his time. His cheerfulness of disposition was so
great that at the time of his most intense suffering he addressed
those who cared for him with such brightness and consideration that
one might have thought their positions reversed. The personal friends
who were won by his grace of manner and by the sterling worth of his
character have nearly all passed away, but the hope that he early
expressed, “to produce something which posterity would not willingly
let die,” was most abundantly realized.
* * * * *
THE GOLDEN AGE OF TEZCUCO.
(FROM HISTORY OF CONQUEST OF MEXICO, 1843.)
THE first measure of Nezahualcoyotl, on returning to his dominions,
was a general amnesty. It was his maxim “that a monarch might punish,
but revenge was unworthy of him.” In the present instance he was
averse even to punish, and not only freely pardoned his rebel nobles,
but conferred on some, who had most deeply offended, posts of honor
and confidence. Such conduct was doubtless politic, especially as
their alienation was owing probably, much more to fear of the usurper
than to any disaffection towards himself. But there are some acts of
policy which a magnanimous spirit only can execute.
The restored monarch next set about repairing the damages sustained
under the late misrule, and reviving, or rather remodelling,
the various departments of government. He framed a concise, but
comprehensive, code of laws, so well suited, it was thought, to the
exigencies of the times, that it was adopted as their own by the two
other members of the triple alliance. It was written in blood, and
entitled the author to be called the Draco rather than “the Solon of
Anahuac,” as he is fondly styled by his admirers. Humanity is one of
the best fruits of refinement. It is only with increasing civilization
that the legislator studies to economize human suffering, even for the
guilty; to devise penalties not so much by way of punishment for the
past as of reformation for the future.
He divided the burden of the government among a number of departments,
as the council of war, the council of finance, the council of justice.
This last was a court of supreme authority, both in civil and criminal
matters, receiving appeals from the lower tribunals of the provinces,
which were obliged to make a full report, every four months, or eighty
days, of their own proceedings to this higher judicature. In all these
bodies, a certain number of citizens were allowed to have seats with
the nobles and professional dignitaries. There was, however, another
body, a council of state, for aiding the king in the dispatch of
business, and advising him in matters of importance, which was drawn
altogether from the highest order of chiefs. It consisted of fourteen
members; and they had seats provided for them at the royal table.
Lastly, there was an extraordinary tribunal, called the council of
music, but which differing from the import of its name, was devoted to
the encouragement of science and art. Works on astronomy, chronology,
history or any other science, were required to be submitted to its
judgment, before they could be made public. This censorial power was
of some moment, at least with regard to the historical department,
where the wilful perversion of truth was made a capital offence by the
bloody code of Nezahualcoyotl. Yet a Tezcucan author must have been
a bungler, who could not elude a conviction under the cloudy veil of
hieroglyphics. This body, which was drawn from the best instructed
persons in the kingdom, with little regard to rank, had supervision of
all the productions of art, and the nicer fabrics. It decided on the
qualifications of the professors in the various branches of science,
on the fidelity of their instructions to their pupils, the deficiency
of which was severely punished, and it instituted examinations of
these latter. In short, it was a general board of education for the
country. On stated days, historical compositions, and poems treating
of moral or traditional topics, were recited before it by their
authors. Seats were provided for the three crowned heads of the empire,
who deliberated with the other members on the respective merits of the
pieces, and distributed prizes of value to the successful competitors.
The influence of this academy must have been most propitious to
the capital, which became the nursery not only of such sciences as
could be compassed by the scholarship of the period, but of various
useful and ornamental arts. Its historians, orators, and poets
were celebrated throughout the country. Its archives, for which
accommodations were provided in the royal palaces, were stored with
the records of primitive ages. Its idiom, more polished than the
Mexican, was, indeed, the purest of all the Nahuatlac dialects, and
continued, long after the Conquest, to be that in which the best
productions of the native races were composed. Tezcuco claimed the
glory of being the Athens of the Western world.
Among the most illustrious of her bards was the emperor himself,――for
the Tezcucan writers claim this title for their chief, as head of
the imperial alliance. He doubtless appeared as a competitor before
that very academy where he so often sat as a critic. Many of his odes
descended to a late generation, and are still preserved, perhaps,
in some of the dusty repositories of Mexico or Spain. The historian
Ixtlilxochitl has left a translation, in Castilian, of one of the
poems of his royal ancestor. It is not easy to render his version
into corresponding English rhyme, without the perfume of the original
escaping in this double filtration. They remind one of the rich
breathings of Spanish-Arab poetry, in which an ardent imagination
is tempered by a not unpleasing and moral melancholy. But, though
sufficiently florid in diction, they are generally free from the
meretricious ornaments and hyperbole with which the minstrelsy of
the East is usually tainted. They turn on the vanities and mutability
of human life,――a topic very natural for a monarch who had himself
experienced the strangest mutations of fortune. There is mingled in
the lament of the Tezcucan bard, however, an Epicurean philosophy,
which seeks relief from the fears of the future in the joys of the
present. “Banish care,” he says: “if there are bounds to pleasure,
the saddest of life must also have an end. Then weave the chaplet of
flowers, and sing thy songs in praise of the all-powerful God; for the
glory of this world soon fadeth away. Rejoice in the green freshness
of thy spring; for the day will come when thou shalt sigh for these
joys in vain; when the sceptre shall pass from thy hands, thy servants
shall wander desolate in thy courts, thy sons, and the sons of thy
nobles, shall drink the dregs of distress, and all the pomp of thy
victories and triumphs shall live only in their recollection. Yet the
remembrance of the just shall not pass away from the nations, and the
good thou hast done shall ever be held in honor. The goods of this
life, its glories and its riches, are but lent to us, its substance is
but an illusory shadow, and the things of to-day shall change on the
coming of the morrow. Then gather the fairest flowers from thy gardens,
to bind round thy brow, and seize the joys of the present ere they
perish.”
But the hours of the Tezcucan monarch were not all passed in idle
dalliance with the Muse, nor in the sober contemplations of philosophy,
as at a later period. In the freshness of youth and early manhood
he led the allied armies in their annual expeditions, which were
certain to result in a wider extent of territory to the empire. In
the intervals of peace he fostered those productive arts which are the
surest sources of public prosperity. He encouraged agriculture above
all; and there was scarcely a spot so rude, or a steep so inaccessible,
as not to confess the power of cultivation. The land was covered with
a busy population, and towns and cities sprang up in places since
deserted or dwindled into miserable villages.
* * * * *
THE BANQUET OF THE DEAD.
(FROM “HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST OF PERU,” 1847.)
THE wealth displayed by the Peruvian princes was only that which each
had amassed individually for himself. He owed nothing to inheritance
from his predecessors. On the decease of an Inca, his palaces were
abandoned; all his treasures, except what were employed in his
obsequies, his furniture and apparel, were suffered to remain as he
had left them, and his mansions, save one, were closed up forever. The
new sovereign was to provide himself with everything new for his royal
state. The reason of this was the popular belief that the soul of the
departed monarch would return after a time to reanimate his body on
earth; and they wished that he should find everything to which he had
been used in life prepared for his reception.
When an Inca died, or, to use his own language, “was called home to
the mansions of his father, the Sun,” his obsequies were celebrated
with great pomp and solemnity. The bowels were taken from the body and
deposited in the temple of Tampu, about five leagues from the capital.
A quantity of his plate and jewels was buried with them, and a number
of his attendants and favorite concubines, amounting sometimes, it is
said, to a thousand, were immolated on his tomb. Some of them showed
the natural repugnance to the sacrifice occasionally manifested by the
victims of a similar superstition in India. But these were probably
the menials and more humble attendants; since the women have been
known, in more than one instance, to lay violent hands on themselves,
when restrained from testifying their fidelity by this act of conjugal
martyrdom. This melancholy ceremony was followed by a general mourning
throughout the empire. At stated intervals, for a year, the people
assembled to renew the expressions of their sorrow; processions
were made, displaying the banner of the departed monarch; bards and
minstrels were appointed to chronicle his achievements, and their
songs continued to be rehearsed at high festivals in the presence
of the reigning monarch, thus stimulating the living by the glorious
example of the dead.
The body of the deceased Inca was skilfully embalmed, and removed to
the great temple of the Sun at Cuzco. There the Peruvian sovereign, on
entering the awful sanctuary, might behold the effigies of his royal
ancestors, ranged in opposite files, the men on the right, and their
queens on the left of the great luminary which blazed in refulgent
gold on the walls of the temple. The bodies, clothed in the princely
attire which they had been accustomed to wear, were placed on chairs
of gold, and sat with their heads inclined downward, their hands
placidly crossed over their bosoms, their countenances exhibiting
their natural dusky hue――less liable to change than the fresher
coloring of an European complexion――and their hair of raven black,
or silvered over with age, according to the period at which they died!
It seemed like a company of solemn worshippers fixed in devotion,
so true were the forms and lineaments to life. The Peruvians were as
successful as the Egyptians in the miserable attempt to perpetuate the
existence of the body beyond the limits assigned by nature.
They cherished a still stranger illusion in the attentions which they
continued to pay to those insensible remains, as if they were instinct
with life. One of the houses belonging to the deceased Inca was kept
open and occupied by his guard and attendants with all the state
appropriate to royalty. On certain festivals the revered bodies of the
sovereigns were brought out with great ceremony into the public square
of the capital. Invitations were sent by the captains of the guard of
the respective Incas to the different nobles and officers of the court;
and entertainments were provided in the names of their masters, which
displayed all the profuse magnificence of their treasures, and “such
a display,” says an ancient chronicler, “was there in the great square
of Cuzco, on this occasion, of gold and silverplate and jewels, as no
other city in the world ever witnessed.” The banquet was served by the
menials of the respective households, and the guests partook of the
melancholy cheer in the presence of the royal phantom with the same
attention to the forms of courtly etiquette as if the living monarch
had presided!
Illustration: (‡ decoration)
JOHN LOTHROP MOTLEY.
HISTORIAN AND DIPLOMATIST.
MOTLEY’S history of the “Rise of the Dutch Republic” is, in some
important respects, America’s greatest contribution to historical
literature. Its author was the son of a New England merchant of
literary tastes, and inherited through both parents some of the best
blood of New England. He was born in Dorchester, Massachusetts, now a
part of Boston, April 15, 1814. He was a delicate boy, but vigorous,
vivacious, fond of outdoor sports and intellectual contests. He was
a boyish friend of Wendell Phillips, and was early associated with
many of that group of New England scholars who have done so much for
American literature during the past half-century. Motley was educated
at good schools near Boston, and entered Harvard at what would now
seem the ridiculously early age of thirteen. He cared too much for
general and voluminous reading to do thorough work in the prescribed
college course, but his wit, his brilliant mind and his impulsive
generosity made him a general favorite. After graduating from Harvard
he studied in Germany, becoming acquainted at Göttingen with Bismarck,
between whom and himself there sprang up an intimate friendship which
was renewed at every opportunity throughout his life. Bismarck said
of him that “The most striking feature of his handsome and delicate
appearance was uncommonly large and beautiful eyes. He never entered
a drawing-room without exciting the curiosity and sympathy of the
ladies.” He was married in 1837 to Mary, sister of Park Benjamin, a
most attractive and beautiful woman, and two years later he published
an historical novel called “Morton’s Hope.” Neither this book nor
another called “Merry Mount” proved a success, and both Motley and
his friends were convinced that his real field of work was that of the
historian. His first attempt in this direction was an essay published
in the “North American Review” on the “Polity of the Puritans,” which
not only demonstrated his skill and ability but gave expression to his
intense love of liberty and to his lofty patriotism.
An interesting episode in Motley’s life was his election in 1849 to
the Massachusetts House of Representatives. He does not seem to have
been well adapted for a legislator and never sought a re-election.
The incident which he most vividly remembered in this connection was
his careful preparation of a report from the Committee on Education,
of which he was chairman, proposing measures which he had convinced
himself were for the best, and the apparent ease with which a country
member, Geo. S. Boutwell, who afterwards distinguished himself in the
field of national politics, demolished his arguments, and convinced
everybody, including the author of the report of the opposite view.
Mr. Motley began the collection of materials for his “History of
Holland” about 1846. He devoted ten years to its preparation, making
careful researches at Berlin, Dresden, the Hague and Brussels. When
finally he had brought it to a conclusion he did not find it easy to
make satisfactory arrangements for its publication. The leading house
in London declined it, and it was finally published at the expense of
the author. It was another and most marked example of the occasional
lack of insight on the part of the wisest and best trained publishers,
for the book which had gone begging to be printed was received
everywhere with acclamations. Guizot, perhaps the foremost historian
of modern times, personally supervised the translation into French,
and wrote the introduction. The book had a large sale on both sides
of the Atlantic, and Mr. Motley was at once recognized as a great
historian. Mr. Froude has very justly said that this history is as
“complete as industry and genius can make it,” and “one which will
take its place among the finest stories in this or any other language.”
Motley lived for the next two years in Boston, taking much interest
in the “Atlantic Monthly,” though he was too much engaged with
historical study to contribute very frequently to its columns. In
1858 he returned to England, where he lived for most of his remaining
life, visiting America only three times, and making on each occasion
a comparatively short stay. He found residence abroad more convenient
for historical research. His position in English society was an
enviable one, and his daughters were all married to Englishmen, one
of them to Sir William Vernon Harcourt. This residence in England,
however, did not wean his heart from America or its institutions or
make him any less an ardent patriot, and perhaps he never rendered
his country a more signal service than when, on finding that the
higher classes in England sympathized with the South, he addressed two
letters to the London “Times,” which did much to bring about a change
of sentiment, and which remained as monuments to his loyalty and to
his ability as an advocate.
Mr. Motley had been appointed Secretary of the American Legation
at St. Petersburg in 1841, but had found the climate too rigorous
and had continued at his post only a few months before tendering his
resignation. He was now to undertake a more serious task in diplomacy.
President Lincoln appointed him, in 1861, Minister to Austria. He was
so absorbed in the great struggle going on in his own country that he
gave up for the time the historical studies which made so large a part
of his ordinary life, and “lived only in the varying fortunes of the
day, his profound faith and enthusiasm sustaining him and lifting him
above the natural influence of a by no means sanguine temperament.”
He continued Minister to Austria, performing the difficult service
of that office with discretion and with credit until 1867, when,
in consequence of a letter received by President Johnson from some
obscure source, inquiries were made which Mr. Motley considered
insulting, and he at once tendered his resignation.
He had published in 1860 two volumes of his “History of the United
Netherlands,” and they had been received with all the favor that
had greeted his former great work. The American war had delayed the
completion of the book, but in 1868 he published the other two volumes.
An article from the “Edinburgh Review” discussing the first two
volumes says: “Mr. Motley combines as an historian two qualifications
seldom found united――to a great capacity for historical research he
adds much power of pictorial representation.”
This is the secret of his great success. Men who excel in the use
of language are too often unwilling to undertake the drudgery which
research entails, while those who are able and willing to read
voluminous correspondence and con over numberless dispatches in order
to establish some historical fact, are frequently unable to clothe the
fact in words which will so illumine and illustrate the truth as to
make it really live in the mind of the reader. That Motley possessed
both of these abilities along with those others which made him to
a very wide circle in both Europe and America a much loved man, is
sufficient reason for the place that has been given him in the history
of men of letters.
Probably, at the request of Senator Sumner, Mr. Motley was in 1869
appointed Minister to England. The position was in many respects most
agreeable to him. It gave him a post of great influence in a society
in which he was known and admired, and opened possibilities of high
service to the country which he loved with an ardor that amounted
to enthusiasm. The Alabama claims were being urged upon the British
Government, and the difficulties and responsibilities were very great.
He was suddenly recalled in 1870 under circumstances that wounded
him so deeply that it may be said he never recovered from the cruel
surprise. The most probable explanation of President Grant’s course
seems to be that it was the outcome of his difficulty with Mr. Sumner
over his San Domingo policy, and that Mr. Motley’s tastes and the
pursuits to which he had devoted his life made him a man with whom
the President could not in any large measure sympathize. When,
therefore, the President found his favorite measure defeated largely
by the influence of Mr. Sumner, he ceased to have cause to retain
Mr. Sumner’s friend in so responsible a post. The whole matter looks,
at this distance, discreditable, but it was probably the system of
political favoritism then in vogue rather than either the President or
his Secretary of State that was to blame.
Mr. Motley had intended to devote his last years to a “History of the
Thirty Years’ War,” but before undertaking it he wrote “The Life and
Death of John of Barneveld, Advocate of Holland, with a View of the
Primary Causes and Movements of the Thirty Years’ War,” which has been
recognized as the most classical of his productions. It was his last
work. Even before the death of Mrs. Motley in 1874, he was in somewhat
feeble health, and while he did not abandon literary labor, he gave up
at this time any hope of being able to engage in protracted effort. He
spent a part of the year 1875 in Boston, returning to his daughter’s
residence in Devonshire, where he died in 1877. Dean Stanley spoke
of him as “one of the brightest lights of the Western Hemisphere,
the high-spirited patriot, the faithful friend of England’s best
and purest spirits; the brilliant, the indefatigable historian.” A
distinguished countryman of his own had once introduced him to an
audience as one “whose name belongs to no single country and to no
single age: as a statesman and diplomatist and patriot, ♦he belongs
to America; as a scholar, to the world of letters; as a historian, all
ages will claim him in the future.”
♦ ‘be’ replaced with ‘he’
* * * * *
BISMARCK.¹
GLIMPSES OF NOTED PEOPLE FROM THE CORRESPONDENCE OF
JOHN LOTHROP MOTLEY, D.C.L. EDITED BY GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS, 1889.
¹ Copyright, Harper & Bros.
WHEN I called, Bismarck was at dinner, so I left my card and said I
would come back in half an hour. As soon as my card had been carried
to him (as I learned afterwards) he sent a servant after me to the
hotel, but I had gone another way. When I came back I was received
with open arms. I can’t express to you how cordially he received me.
If I had been his brother, instead of an old friend, he could not have
shown more warmth and affectionate delight in seeing me. I find I like
him even better than I thought I did, and you know how high an opinion
I always expressed of his talents and disposition. He is a man of
very noble character and of very powerful mind. The prominent place
which he now occupies as a statesman sought _him_. He did not seek
it, or any other office. The stand which he took in the Assembly from
conviction, on the occasion of the outbreak of 1848, marked him at
once to all parties as one of the leading characters of Prussia. Of
course, I don’t now go into the rights and wrongs of the matter, but
I listened with great interest, as you may suppose, to his detailed
history of the revolutionary events of that year, and his share in
them, which he narrated to me in a long conversation which we had last
night. He wanted me to stay entirely in his house, but as he has his
wife’s father and mother with him, and as I saw that it was necessary
to put up a bed in a room where there was none, I decidedly begged off.
I breakfasted there this morning, and am to dine there, with a party,
to-day. To-morrow, I suppose, I shall dine there _en famille_. I am
only afraid that the landlord here will turn me into the streets for
being such a poor _consommateur_ for him, and all I can do is to order
vast quantities of seltzer water.
The principal change in Bismarck is that he has grown stouter, but,
being over six feet, this is an improvement. His voice and manner are
singularly unchanged. His wife I like very much indeed; very friendly,
intelligent and perfectly unaffected, and treats me like an old friend.
In short, I can’t better describe the couple than by saying that they
are as unlike M. and Mme. de ―――― as it is possible to be.
In the summer of 1851 he told me that the Minister, Manteuffel, asked
him one day abruptly if he would accept the post of Ambassador at
Frankfort, to which (although the proposition was as unexpected a one
to him as if I should hear by the next mail that I had been chosen
Governor of Massachusetts) he answered, after a moment’s deliberation,
yes, without another word. The King, the same day, sent for him, and
asked him if he would accept the place, to which he made the same
brief answer, “Ja.” His Majesty expressed a little surprise that he
made no queries or conditions, when Bismarck replied that anything
the King felt strong enough to propose to him he felt strong enough
to accept. I only write these details that you may have an idea of the
man. Strict integrity and courage of character, a high sense of honor,
a firm religious belief, united with remarkable talents, make up
necessarily a combination which cannot be found any day in any court,
and I have no doubt that he is destined to be Prime Minister, unless
his obstinate truthfulness, which is apt to be a stumbling-block for
politicians, stands in his way....
Well, he accepted the post, and wrote to his wife next day, who was
preparing for a summer’s residence in a small house on the sea-coast,
that he could not come because he was already Minister in Frankfort.
The result, as he said, was three days of tears on her part. He had
previously been leading the life of a plain country ’squire, with a
moderate income, had never held any position in the government or in
diplomacy, and had hardly ever been to court. He went into the office
with a holy horror of the mysterious nothings of diplomacy, but soon
found how little there was in the whole “galimatias.” Of course, my
politics are very different from his, although not so antipodal as
you might suppose, but I can talk with him as frankly as I could with
you, and I am glad of an opportunity of hearing the other side put by
a man whose talents and character I esteem, and who so well knows _le
dessous des cartes_.
* * * * *
THE SIEGE OF LEYDEN.¹
¹ Copyright, J. Lewis Stackpole.
MEANTIME, the besieged city was at its last gasp. The burghers had
been in a state of uncertainty for many days; being aware that the
fleet had set forth for their relief, but knowing full well the
thousand obstacles which it had to surmount. They had guessed its
progress by the illumination from the blazing villages; they had
heard its salvos of artillery on its arrival at North Aa; but since
then all had been dark and mournful again, hope and fear, in sickening
alternation, distracting every breast. They knew that the wind
was unfavorable, and at the dawn of each day every eye was turned
wistfully to the vanes of the steeples. So long as the easterly breeze
prevailed, they felt, as they anxiously stood on towers and housetops,
that they must look in vain for the welcome ocean. Yet, while thus
patiently waiting, they were literally starving; for even the misery
endured at Harlem had not reached that depth and intensity of agony
to which Leyden was now reduced. Bread, malt-cake, horseflesh, had
entirely disappeared; dogs, cats, rats and other vermin were esteemed
luxuries. A small number of cows, kept as long as possible for their
milk, still remained; but a few were killed from day to day, and
distributed in minute proportions, hardly sufficient to support life
among the famishing population. Starving wretches swarmed daily around
the shambles where these cattle were slaughtered, contending for
any morsel which might fall, and lapping eagerly the blood as it ran
along the pavement; while the hides, chopped and boiled, were greedily
devoured. Women and children, all day long, were seen searching
gutters and dunghills for morsels of food, which they disputed
fiercely with the famishing dogs. The green leaves were stripped
from the trees, every living herb was converted into human food; but
these expedients could not avert starvation. The daily mortality was
frightful; infants starved to death on the maternal breasts which
famine had parched and withered; mothers dropped dead in the streets,
with their dead children in their arms. In many a house the watchmen,
in their rounds, found a whole family of corpses――father, mother,
children, side by side; for a disorder called the plague, naturally
engendered of hardship and famine, now came, as if in kindness, to
abridge the agony of the people. The pestilence stalked at noonday
through the city, and the doomed inhabitants, fell like grass beneath
its scythe. From six thousand to eight thousand human beings sank
before this scourge alone; yet the people resolutely held out,――women
and men mutually encouraging each other to resist the entrance of
their foreign foe,――an evil more horrible than pest or famine.
Leyden was sublime in its despair. A few murmurs were, however,
occasionally heard at the steadfastness of the magistrates, and a dead
body was placed at the door of the burgomaster, as a silent witness
against his inflexibility. A party of the more faint-hearted even
assailed the heroic Adrian Van der Werf with threats and reproaches
as he passed through the streets. A crowd had gathered around him as
he reached a triangular place in the centre of the town, into which
many of the principal streets emptied themselves, and upon one side of
which stood the church of Saint Pancras. There stood the burgomaster,
a tall, haggard, imposing figure, with dark visage and a tranquil but
commanding eye. He waved his broad-leaved felt hat for silence, and
then exclaimed, in language which has been almost literally preserved,
“What would ye, my friends? Why do ye murmur that we do not break our
vows and surrender the city to the Spaniards?――a fate more horrible
than the agony which she now endures. I tell you I have made an oath
to hold the city; and may God give me strength to keep my oath! I
can die but once, whether by your hands, the enemy’s, or by the hand
of God. My own fate is indifferent to me; not so that of the city
intrusted to my care. I know that we shall starve if not soon relieved;
but starvation is preferable to the dishonored death which is the only
alternative. Your menaces move me not; my life is at your disposal;
here is my sword, plunge it into my breast, and divide my flesh among
you. Take my body to appease your hunger, but expect no surrender so
long as I remain alive.”...
On the 28th of September a dove flew into the city, bringing a letter
from Admiral Boisot. In this dispatch the position of the fleet at
North Aa was described in encouraging terms, and the inhabitants were
assured that, in a very few days at furthest, the long-expected relief
would enter their gates. The tempest came to their relief. A violent
equinoctial gale on the night of the 1st and 2d of October came
storming from the northwest, shifting after a few hours full eight
points, and then blowing still more violently from the southwest. The
waters of the North Sea were piled in vast masses upon the southern
coast of Holland, and then dashed furiously landward, the ocean rising
over the earth and sweeping with unrestrained power across the ruined
dykes. In the course of twenty-four hours the fleet at North Aa,
instead of nine inches, had more than two feet of water.... On it
went, sweeping over the broad waters which lay between Zoeterwoude
and Zwieten; as they approached some shallows which led into the great
mere, the Zealanders dashed into the sea, and with sheer strength
shouldered every vessel through.... On again the fleet of Boisot still
went, and, overcoming every obstacle entered the city on the morning
of the 3d of October. Leyden was relieved.
* * * * *
ASSASSINATION OF WILLIAM OF ORANGE.
(FROM “RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC.”)
ON Tuesday, the 10th of July, 1584, at about half-past twelve, the
Prince, with his wife on his arm, and followed by the ladies and
gentlemen of his family, was going to the dining-room. William the
Silent was dressed upon that day, according to his usual custom, in
a very plain fashion. He wore a wide-leaved hat of dark felt, with a
silken cord round the crown, such as had been worn by the “Beggars”
in the early days of the revolt. A high ruff encircled his neck
from which also depended one of the Beggars’ medals with the motto,
“_Fidèle jusqu’ à la besace_;” while a loose surcoat of gray frieze
cloth, over a tawny leather doublet, with wide-slashed underclothes,
completed his costume. Gérard presented himself at the doorway, and
demanded a passport, which the Prince directed his secretary to make
out for him....
At two o’clock the company rose from the table. The Prince led the way,
intending to pass to his private apartments above. The dining-room,
which was on the ground floor, opened into a little, square vestibule,
which communicated through an arched passage-way with the main
entrance into the courtyard. The vestibule was also directly at
the foot of the wooden staircase leading to the next floor, and was
scarcely six feet in width. Upon its left side, as one approached the
stairway, was an obscure arch sunk deep in the wall, and completely
in shadow of the door. Behind this arch a portal opened to the narrow
lane at the side of the house. The stairs themselves were completely
lighted by a large window half-way up the flight.
The Prince came from the dining-room, and began leisurely to ascend.
He had only reached the second stair, when a man emerged from the
sunken arch, and, standing within a foot or two of him, discharged a
pistol full at his heart. Three balls entered his body, one of which,
passing quite through him, struck with violence upon the wall beyond.
The Prince exclaimed in French, as he felt the wound: “O my God,
have mercy upon my soul! O my God, have mercy upon this poor people!”
These were the last words he ever spake, save that when his sister
immediately afterwards asked him if he commended his soul to Jesus
Christ, he faintly answered, “Yes.” His master-of-horse had caught him
in his arms as the fatal shot was fired.
The Prince was then placed on the stairs for an instant, when he
immediately began to swoon. He was afterwards laid upon a couch in the
dining-room, where in a few minutes he breathed his last in the arms
of his wife and sister.
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JOHN FISKE.
DISTINGUISHED LECTURER AND HISTORIAN.
IT may be doubted whether even Macaulay exhibited more precocious
ability than did the man who for thirty years has held a foremost
place among the philosophers and historians of our country. The
boy who read Cæsar and Rollin and Josephus at seven, who translated
Greek at twelve by the aid of a dictionary which gave only the Latin
equivalents of Greek words, who at seventeen had read the whole of
Virgil, Horace, Tacitus, Sallust, Suetonius, and much of Livy, Cicero,
Ovid, Catullus, and Juvenal, and at the same time knew his mathematics
up to and including much of the work of the sophomore year in college,
could read the Greek of Plato and Herodotus at sight, kept a diary
in Spanish, and read German, French, Italian and Portuguese easily,
surely this was one of the boys remarkable in the history of the
world. Not only was John Fiske able to work for twelve hours a day
and for twelve months in the year at his studies, but in spite of this
strenuous application he was able to maintain vigorous health and to
enter with enthusiasm into outdoor life.
Mr. Fiske was born in Hartford, Connecticut, in 1842. His original
name was Edmund Fiske Green, but when his widowed mother became
the wife of Edwin W. Stoughton, he took the name of one of his
maternal ancestors and was henceforth known as John Fiske. Until he
entered Harvard in 1860 he was an inmate of his grandmother’s home
in Middletown, Connecticut. But since that time he has lived almost
continuously in Cambridge. After being graduated from Harvard College
he spent two years in the law school and opened an office in Boston.
He never devoted much attention to the practice of law, however,
and used his office mainly as a convenient literary workshop. He had
been married while in the law school, and from the first his family
depended for support upon his diligence and success as a writer.
His literary work has taken two main directions, his most noted books
being studies in evolutionary philosophy and treatises upon special
features of American history. For a number of years he was connected
with the faculty at Harvard, as lecturer or instructor, and he was
for seven years Assistant Librarian, but since 1879 he has only been
associated with the University as a member of its Board of Overseers.
Thirty-five lectures on the Doctrine of Evolution, delivered at
Harvard in 1871, were afterwards expanded and published under the
title of “Outlines of Cosmic Philosophy.” Two of his most notable
papers are “The Destiny of Man” and “The Idea of God,” but Mr. Fiske
is best known for the fresh and vigorous delightful and philosophical
way in which he has written of American history. His principal books
in this department are “The Beginnings of New England;” “The American
Revolution;” “The Discovery of America,” and “The Critical Period of
American History.” He has written somewhat for young people, notably
“The War of Independence,” and perhaps has conferred no greater favor
on his youthful countrymen than in the preparation of two school books,
“Civil Government in the United States” and “A History of the United
States.” Certainly there could be no more delightful innovation than
the way in which he introduces his young student to the philosophy of
government. He tells a lively story of the siege and final surrender
of a mediæval town, and how the citizen delegated to make the
capitulation, a lean, lank, half-starved stuttering fellow, replied
to the question of why they had rebelled, with the significant phrase,
“Tut-tut-tut-too much taxes.”
The boy who reads this at the opening of his text-book is not likely
to imagine that his subject is a dry and uninteresting one, and
is ready to accept the author’s definition of government as the
power that lays taxes. These books of Mr. Fiske’s, with his numerous
contributions to periodicals and his lectures before large audiences
in many cities, have done more than perhaps is due to any other one
man to make the study of American history popular, and to spread
among our people sound ideas on the theory of our government. With
his vigorous health and wonderful activity it would seem that very
much more is still to be expected from a man who has already done so
much, and it is entirely safe to predict that the name of John Fiske
will stand in the literary history of this time as one of the most
remarkable, most fertile, and most useful men of his age.
* * * * *
LAND DISCOVERED.¹
FROM “THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.”
¹ Copyright, Houghton, Mifflin & Co.
BY September 25th, the Admiral’s chief difficulty had come to be the
impatience of his crews at not finding land. On that day there was a
mirage, or some such illusion, which Columbus and all hands supposed
to be a coast in front of them, and hymns of praise were sung, but at
dawn next day they were cruelly undeceived. Flights of strange birds
and other signs of land kept raising hopes which were presently dashed
again, and the men passed through alternately hot and cold fits of
exultation and dejection. Such mockery seemed to show that they were
entering a realm of enchantment. Somebody, perhaps one of the released
jail-birds, hinted that if a stealthy thrust should happen some night
to push the Admiral overboard, it could be plausibly said that he had
slipped and fallen while star-gazing. His situation grew daily more
perilous, and the fact that he was an Italian commanding Spaniards
did not help him. Perhaps what saved him was their vague belief in his
superior knowledge; they may have felt that they should need him in
going back....
At daybreak the boats were lowered and Columbus, with a large part of
his company, went ashore. Upon every side were trees of unknown kinds,
and the landscape seemed exceedingly beautiful. Confident that they
must have attained the object for which they set sail, the crews were
wild with exultation. Their heads were dazed with fancies of princely
fortunes close at hand. The officers embraced Columbus or kissed his
hands, while the sailors threw themselves at his feet, craving pardon
and favor.
These proceedings were watched with unutterable amazement and awe by
a multitude of men, women and children of cinnamon hue, different from
any kind of people the Spaniards had ever seen. All were stark naked
and most of them were more or less greased and painted. They thought
that the ships were sea-monsters and the white men supernatural
creatures descended from the sky. At first they fled in terror as
these formidable beings came ashore, but presently, as they found
themselves unmolested, curiosity began to overcome fear, and they
slowly approached the Spaniards, stopping at every few paces to
prostrate themselves in adoration. After a time, as the Spaniards
received them with encouraging nods and smiles, they waxed bold
enough to come close to the visitors and pass their hands over them,
doubtless to make sure that all this marvel was reality and not a mere
vision. Experiences in Africa had revealed the eagerness of barbarians
to trade off their possessions for trinkets, and now the Spaniards
began exchanging glass beads and hawks’ bells for cotton yarn, tame
parrots, and small gold ornaments.
Some sort of conversation in dumb show went on, and Columbus naturally
interpreted everything in such wise as to fit his theories. Whether
the natives understood him or not when he asked them where they got
their gold, at any rate they pointed to the south, and thus confirmed
Columbus in his suspicion that he had come to some island a little to
the north of the opulent Cipango. He soon found that it was a small
island, and he understood the name of it to be Guanahani. He took
formal possession of it for Castile, just as the discoverers of the
Cape Verde islands and the Guinea coasts had taken possession of those
places for Portugal; and he gave it a Christian name, San Salvador.
* * * * *
THE FEDERAL CONVENTION.¹
FROM “THE CRITICAL PERIOD OF AMERICAN HISTORY.”
¹ Copyright, Houghton, Mifflin & Co.
THE Federal Convention did wisely in withholding its debates from the
knowledge of the people. It was felt that discussion would be more
untrammeled, and that its result ought to go before the country as the
collective and unanimous voice of the convention.
There was likely to be wrangling enough among themselves; but should
their scheme be unfolded, bit by bit, before its parts could be viewed
in their mutual relations, popular excitement would become intense,
there might be riots, and an end would be put to that attitude of
mental repose so necessary for the constructive work that was to
be done. It was thought best that the scheme should be put forth as
a completed whole, and that for several years, even, until the new
system of government should have had a fair trial, the traces of the
individual theories and preferences concerned in its formation should
not be revealed.
For it was generally assumed that a system of government new in some
important respects would be proposed by the convention, and while the
people awaited the result the wildest speculations and rumors were
current. A few hoped, and many feared, that some scheme of monarchy
would be established. Such surmises found their way across the ocean,
and hopes were expressed in England that, should a king be chosen, it
might be a younger son of George III. It was even hinted, with alarm,
that, through gratitude to our recent allies, we might be persuaded
to offer the crown to some member of the royal family of France.
No such thoughts were entertained, however, by any person present
in the convention. Some of the delegates came with the design of
simply amending the articles of confederation by taking away from the
States the power of regulating commerce, and intrusting this power
to Congress. Others felt that if the work were not done thoroughly
now another chance might never be offered; and these men thought
it necessary to abolish the confederation and establish a federal
republic, in which the general government should act directly upon
the people. The difficult problem was how to frame a plan of this sort
which people could be made to understand and adopt. At the very outset
some of the delegates began to exhibit symptoms of that peculiar kind
of moral cowardice which is wont to afflict free governments, and of
which American history furnishes many instructive examples. It was
suggested that palliatives and half-measures would be far more likely
to find favor with the people than any thoroughgoing reform, when
Washington suddenly interposed with a brief but immortal speech, which
ought to be blazoned in letters of gold and posted on the wall of
every American assembly that shall meet to nominate a candidate, or
declare a policy, or pass a law, so long as the weakness of human
nature endures. Rising from his President’s chair, his tall figure
drawn up to its full height, he exclaimed in tones unwontedly solemn
with suppressed emotion: “It is too probable that no plan we propose
will be adopted. Perhaps another dreadful conflict is to be sustained.
If, to please the people, we offer what we ourselves disapprove, how
can we afterward defend our work? Let us raise a standard to which the
wise and the honest can repair; the event is in the hand of God.”
This outburst of noble eloquence carried conviction to every one,
and henceforth we do not hear that any attempt was avowedly made to
avoid the issues as they came up. It was a most wholesome tonic. It
braced up the convention to high resolves, and impressed upon all the
delegates that they were in a situation where faltering and trifling
were both wicked and dangerous. From that moment the mood in which
they worked caught something from the glorious spirit of Washington.
There was need of such high purpose, for two plans were presently
laid before the meeting, which, for a moment, brought out one of the
chief elements of antagonism existing between the States, and which at
first seemed irreconcilable. It was the happy compromise which united
and harmonized these two plans that smoothed the further work of the
convention, and made it possible for a stable and powerful government
to be constructed.
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