CHAPTER III

_Uses of Symbolism_

The attitude of mankind towards symbolism exhibits an unstable mixture

of attraction and repulsion. The practical intelligence, the theoretical

desire to pierce to ultimate fact, and ironic critical impulses have

contributed the chief motives towards the repulsion from symbolism.

Hard-headed men want facts and not symbols. A clear theoretic intellect,

with its generous enthusiasm for the exact truth at all costs and

hazards, pushes aside symbols as being mere make-believes, veiling and

distorting that inner sanctuary of simple truth which reason claims as

its own. The ironic critics of the follies of humanity have performed

notable service in clearing away the lumber of useless ceremony

symbolizing the degrading fancies of a savage past. The repulsion from

symbolism stands out as a well-marked element in the cultural history of

civilized people. There can be no reasonable doubt but that this

continuous criticism has performed a necessary service in the promotion

of a wholesome civilization, both on the side of the practical

efficiency of organized society, and on the side of a robust direction

of thought.

No account of the uses of symbolism is complete without this recognition

that the symbolic elements in life have a tendency to run wild, like the

vegetation in a tropical forest. The life of humanity can easily be

overwhelmed by its symbolic accessories. A continuous process of

pruning, and of adaptation to a future ever requiring new forms of

expression, is a necessary function in every society. The successful

adaptation of old symbols to changes of social structure is the final

mark of wisdom in sociological statesmanship. Also an occasional

revolution in symbolism is required.

There is, however, a Latin proverb upon which, in our youth, some of us

have been set to write themes. In English it reads thus:—Nature,

expelled with a pitchfork, ever returns. This proverb is exemplified by

the history of symbolism. However you may endeavour to expel it, it ever

returns. Symbolism is no mere idle fancy or corrupt degeneration: it is

inherent in the very texture of human life. Language itself is a

symbolism. And, as another example, however you reduce the functions of

your government to their utmost simplicity, yet symbolism remains. It

may be a healthier, manlier ceremonial, suggesting finer notions. But

still it is symbolism. You abolish the etiquette of a royal court, with

its suggestion of personal subordination, but at official receptions you

ceremonially shake the hand of the Governor of your State. Just as the

feudal doctrine of a subordination of classes, reaching up to the

ultimate overlord, requires its symbolism; so does the doctrine of human

equality obtain its symbolism. Mankind, it seems, has to find a symbol

in order to express itself. Indeed ‘expression’ is ‘symbolism.’

When the public ceremonial of the State has been reduced to the barest

simplicity, private clubs and associations at once commence to

reconstitute symbolic actions. It seems as though mankind must always be

masquerading. This imperative impulse suggests that the notion of an

idle masquerade is the wrong way of thought about the symbolic elements

in life. The function of these elements is to be definite, manageable,

reproducible, and also to be charged with their own emotional

efficacity: symbolic transference invests their correlative meanings

with some or all of these attributes of the symbols, and thereby lifts

the meanings into an intensity of definite effectiveness—as elements in

knowledge, emotion, and purpose,—an effectiveness which the meanings

may, or may not, deserve on their own account. The object of symbolism

is the enhancement of the importance of what is symbolized.

In a discussion of instances of symbolism, our first difficulty is to

discover exactly what is being symbolized. The symbols are specific

enough, but it is often extremely difficult to analyse what lies beyond

them, even though there is evidently some strong appeal beyond the mere

ceremonial acts.

It seems probable that in any ceremonial which has lasted through many

epochs, the symbolic interpretation, so far as we can obtain it, varies

much more rapidly than does the actual ceremonial. Also in its flux a

symbol will have different meanings for different people. At any epoch

some people have the dominant mentality of the past, some of the

present, others of the future, and others of the many problematic

futures which will never dawn. For these various groups an old symbolism

will have different shades of vague meaning.

In order to appreciate the necessary function of symbolism in the life

of any society of human beings we must form some estimate of the binding

and disruptive forces at work. There are many varieties of human

society, each requiring its own particular investigation so far as

details are concerned. We will fix attention on nations, occupying

definite countries. Thus geographical unity is at once presupposed.

Communities with geographical unity constitute the primary type of

communities which we find in the world. Indeed the lower we go in the

scale of being, the more necessary is geographical unity for that close

interaction of individuals which constitutes society. Societies of the

higher animals, of insects, of molecules, all possess geographical

unity. A rock is nothing else than a society of molecules, indulging in

every species of activity open to molecules. I draw attention to this

lowly form of society in order to dispel the notion that social life is

a peculiarity of the higher organisms. The contrary is the case. So far

as survival value is concerned, a piece of rock, with its past history

of some eight hundred millions of years, far outstrips the short span

attained by any nation. The emergence of life is better conceived as a

bid for freedom on the part of organisms, a bid for a certain

independence of individuality with self-interests and activities not to

be construed purely in terms of environmental obligations. The immediate

effect of this emergence of sensitive individuality has been to reduce

the term of life for societies from hundreds of millions of years to

hundreds of years, or even to scores of years.

The emergence of living beings cannot be ascribed to the superior

survival value either of the individuals, or of their societies.

National life has to face the disruptive elements introduced by these

extreme claims for individual idiosyncrasies. We require both the

advantages of social preservation, and the contrary stimulus of the

heterogeneity derived from freedom. The society is to run smoothly

amidst the divergencies of its individuals. There is a revolt from the

mere causal obligations laid upon individuals by the social character of

the environment. This revolt first takes the form of blind emotional

impulse; and later, in civilized societies, these impulses are

criticized and deflected by reason. In any case, there are individual

springs of action which escape from the obligations of social

conformity. In order to replace this decay of secure instinctive

response, various intricate forms of symbolic expression of the various

purposes of social life have been introduced. The response to the symbol

is almost automatic but not quite; the reference to the meaning is

there, either for additional emotional support, or for criticism. But

the reference is not so clear as to be imperative. The imperative

instinctive conformation to the influence of the environment has been

modified. Something has replaced it, which by its superficial character

invites criticism, and by its habitual use generally escapes it. Such

symbolism makes connected thought possible by expressing it, while at

the same time it automatically directs action. In the place of the force

of instinct which suppresses individuality, society has gained the

efficacy of symbols, at once preservative of the commonweal and of the

individual standpoint.

Among the particular kinds of symbolism which serve this purpose, we

must place first Language. I do not mean language in its function of a

bare indication of abstract ideas, or of particular actual things, but

language clothed with its complete influence for the nation in question.

In addition to its bare indication of meaning, words and phrases carry

with them an enveloping suggestiveness and an emotional efficacy. This

function of language depends on the way it has been used, on the

proportionate familiarity of particular phrases, and on the emotional

history associated with their meanings and thence derivatively

transferred to the phrases themselves. If two nations speak the same

language, this emotional efficacy of words and phrases will in general

differ for the two. What is familiar for one nation will be strange for

the other nation; what is charged with intimate associations for the one

is comparatively empty for the other. For example, if the two nations

are somewhat widely sundered, with a different fauna and flora, the

nature-poetry of one nation will lack its complete directness of appeal

to the other nation—compare Walt Whitman’s phrase,

‘The wide unconscious scenery of my land’

for an American, with Shakespeare’s

‘... this little world,

This precious stone set in the silver sea,’

for an Englishman. Of course anyone, American or English, with the

slightest sense for history and kinship, or with the slightest

sympathetic imagination, can penetrate to the feelings conveyed by both

phrases. But the direct first-hand intuition, derived from earliest

childhood memories, is for the one nation that of continental width, and

for the other nation that of the little island world. Now the love of

the sheer geographical aspects of one’s country, of its hills, its

mountains, and its plains, of its trees, its flowers, its birds, and its

whole nature-life, is no small element in that binding force which makes

a nation. It is the function of language, working through literature and

through the habitual phrases of early life, to foster this diffused

feeling of the common possession of a treasure infinitely precious.

I must not be misunderstood to mean that this example has any unique

importance. It is only one example of what can be illustrated in a

hundred ways. Also language is not the only symbolism effective for this

purpose. But in an especial manner, language binds a nation together by

the common emotions which it elicits, and is yet the instrument whereby

freedom of thought and of individual criticism finds its expression.

My main thesis is that a social system is kept together by the blind

force of instinctive actions, and of instinctive emotions clustered

around habits and prejudices. It is therefore not true that any advance

in the scale of culture inevitably tends to the preservation of society.

On the whole, the contrary is more often the case, and any survey of

nature confirms this conclusion. A new element in life renders in many

ways the operation of the old instincts unsuitable. But unexpressed

instincts are unanalysed and blindly felt. Disruptive forces, introduced

by a higher level of existence, are then warring in the dark against an

invisible enemy. There is no foothold for the intervention of ‘rational

consideration’—to use Henry Osborn Taylor’s admirable phrase. The

symbolic expression of instinctive forces drags them out into the open:

it differentiates them and delineates them. There is then opportunity

for reason to effect, with comparative speed, what otherwise must be

left to the slow operation of the centuries amid ruin and

reconstruction. Mankind misses its opportunities, and its failures are a

fair target for ironic criticism. But the fact that reason too often

fails does not give fair ground for the hysterical conclusion that it

never succeeds. Reason can be compared to the force of gravitation, the

weakest of all natural forces, but in the end the creator of suns and of

stellar systems:—those great societies of the Universe. Symbolic

expression first preserves society by adding emotion to instinct, and

secondly it affords a foothold for reason by its delineation of the

particular instinct which it expresses. This doctrine of the disruptive

tendency due to novelties, even those involving a rise to finer levels,

is illustrated by the effect of Christianity on the stability of the

Roman Empire. It is also illustrated by the three revolutions which

secured liberty and equality for the world—namely the English

revolutionary period of the seventeenth century, the American

Revolution, and the French Revolution. England barely escaped a

disruption of its social system; America was never in any such danger;

France, where the entrance of novelty was most intense, did for a time

experience this collapse. Edmund Burke, the Whig statesman of the

eighteenth century, was the philosopher who was the approving prophet of

the two earlier revolutions, and the denunciatory prophet of the French

Revolution. A man of genius and a statesman, who has immediately

observed two revolutions, and has meditated deeply on a third, deserves

to be heard when he speaks on the forces which bind and disrupt

societies. Unfortunately statesmen are swayed by the passions of the

moment, and Burke shared this defect to the full, so as to be carried

away by the reactionary passions aroused by the French Revolution. Thus

the wisdom of his general conception of social forces is smothered by

the wild unbalanced conclusions which he drew from them: his greatness

is best shown by his attitude towards the American Revolution. His more

general reflections are contained first, in his youthful work _A

Vindication of Natural Society_, and secondly, in his _Reflections on

the French Revolution_. The earlier work was meant ironically; but, as

is often the case with genius, he prophesied unknowingly. This essay is

practically written round the thesis that advances in the art of

civilization are apt to be destructive of the social system. Burke

conceived this conclusion to be a _reductio ad absurdum_. But it is the

truth. The second work—a work which in its immediate effect was perhaps

the most harmful ever written—directs attention to the importance of

‘prejudice’ as a binding social force. There again I hold that he was

right in his premises and wrong in his conclusions.

Burke surveys the standing miracle of the existence of an organised

society, culminating in the smooth unified action of the state. Such a

society may consist of millions of individuals, each with its individual

character, its individual aims, and its individual selfishness. He asks

what is the force which leads this throng of separate units to coöperate

in the maintenance of an organised state, in which each individual has

his part to play—political, economic, and Æsthetic. He contrasts the

complexity of the functionings of a civilised society with the sheer

diversities of its individual citizens considered as a mere group or

crowd. His answer to the riddle is that the magnetic force is

‘prejudice,’ or in other words, ‘use and wont.’ Here he anticipates the

whole modern theory of ‘herd psychology,’ and at the same time deserts

the fundamental doctrine of the Whig party, as formed in the seventeenth

century and sanctioned by Locke. This conventional Whig doctrine was

that the state derived its origin from an ‘original contract’ whereby

the mere crowd voluntarily organised itself into a society. Such a

doctrine seeks the origin of the state in a baseless historical fiction.

Burke was well ahead of his time in drawing attention to the importance

of precedence as a political force. Unfortunately, in the excitement of

the moment, Burke construed the importance of precedence as implying the

negation of progressive reform.

Now, when we examine how a society bends its individual members to

function in conformity with its needs, we discover that one important

operative agency is our vast system of inherited symbolism. There is an

intricate expressed symbolism of language and of act, which is spread

throughout the community, and which evokes fluctuating apprehension of

the basis of common purposes. The particular direction of individual

action is directly correlated to the particular sharply defined symbols

presented to him at the moment. The response of action to symbol may be

so direct as to cut out any effective reference to the ultimate thing

symbolized. This elimination of meaning is termed reflex action.

Sometimes there does intervene some effective reference to the meaning

of the symbol. But this meaning is not recalled with the particularity

and definiteness which would yield any rational enlightenment as to the

specific action required to secure the final end. The meaning is vague

but insistent. Its insistence plays the part of hypnotizing the

individual to complete the specific action associated with the symbol.

In the whole transaction, the elements which are clear-cut and definite

are the specific symbols and the actions which should issue from the

symbols. But in themselves the symbols are barren facts whose direct

associative force would be insufficient to procure automatic conformity.

There is not sufficient repetition, or sufficient similarity of diverse

occasions, to secure mere automatic obedience. But in fact the symbol

evokes loyalties to vaguely conceived notions, fundamental for our

spiritual natures. The result is that our natures are stirred to suspend

all antagonistic impulses, so that the symbol procures its required

response in action. Thus the social symbolism has a double meaning. It

means pragmatically the direction of individuals to specific actions;

and it also means theoretically the vague ultimate reasons with their

emotional accompaniments, whereby the symbols acquire their power to

organize the miscellaneous crowd into a smoothly running community.

The contrast between a state and an army illustrates this principle. A

state deals with a greater complexity of situation than does its army.

In this sense it is a looser organization, and in regard to the greater

part of its population the communal symbolism cannot rely for its

effectiveness on the frequent recurrence of almost identical situations.

But a disciplined regiment is trained to act as a unit in a definite set

of situations. The bulk of human life escapes from the reach of this

military discipline. The regiment is drilled for one species of job. The

result is that there is more reliance on automatism, and less reliance

on the appeal to ultimate reasons. The trained soldier acts

automatically on receiving the word of command. He responds to the sound

and cuts out the idea; this is reflex action. But the appeal to the

deeper side is still important in an army; although it is provided for

in another set of symbols, such as the flag, and the memorials of the

honourable service of the regiment, and other symbolic appeals to

patriotism. Thus in an army there is one set of symbols to produce

automatic obedience in a limited set of circumstances, and there is

another set of symbols to produce a general sense of the importance of

the duties performed. This second set prevents random reflection from

sapping automatic response to the former set.

For the greater number of citizens of a state there is in practice no

reliable automatic obedience to any symbol such as the word of command

for soldiers, except in a few instances such as the response to the

signals of the traffic police. Thus the state depends in a very

particular way upon the prevalence of symbols which combine direction to

some well-known course of action with some deeper reference to the

purpose of the state. The self-organisation of society depends on

commonly diffused symbols evoking commonly diffused ideas, and at the

same time indicating commonly understood actions. Usual forms of verbal

expression are the most important example of such symbolism. Also the

heroic aspect of the history of the country is the symbol for its

immediate worth.

When a revolution has sufficiently destroyed this common symbolism

leading to common actions for usual purposes, society can only save

itself from dissolution by means of a reign of terror. Those revolutions

which escape a reign of terror have left intact the fundamental

efficient symbolism of society. For example, the English revolutions of

the seventeenth century and the American revolution of the eighteenth

century left the ordinary life of their respective communities nearly

unchanged. When George Washington had replaced George III, and Congress

had replaced the English Parliament, Americans were still carrying on a

well-understood system so far as the general structure of their social

life was concerned. Life in Virginia must have assumed no very different

aspect from that which it had exhibited before the revolution. In

Burke’s phraseology, the prejudices on which Virginian society depended

were unbroken. The ordinary signs still beckoned people to their

ordinary actions, and suggested the ordinary common-sense justification.

One difficulty of explaining my meaning is that the intimate effective

symbolism consists of the various types of expression which permeate

society and evoke a sense of common purpose. No one detail is of much

importance. The whole range of symbolic expression is required. A

national hero, such as George Washington or Jefferson, is a symbol of

the common purpose which animates American life. This symbolic function

of great men is one of the difficulties in obtaining a balanced

historical judgment. There is the hysteria of depreciation, and there is

the opposite hysteria which dehumanises in order to exalt. It is very

difficult to exhibit the greatness without losing the human being. Yet

we know that at least _we_ are human beings; and half the inspiration of

our heroes is lost when we forget that _they_ were human beings.

I mention great Americans, because I am speaking in America. But exactly

the same truth holds for the great men of all countries and ages.

The doctrine of symbolism developed in these lectures enables us to

distinguish between pure instinctive action, reflex action, and

symbolically conditioned action. Pure instinctive action is that

functioning of an organism which is wholly analysable in terms of those

conditions laid upon its development by the settled facts of its

external environment, conditions describable without any reference to

its perceptive mode of presentational immediacy. This pure instinct is

the response of an organism to pure causal efficacy.

According to this definition, pure instinct is the most primitive type

of response which is yielded by organisms to the stimulus of their

environment. All physical response on the part of inorganic matter to

its environment is thus properly to be termed instinct. In the case of

organic matter, its primary difference from inorganic nature is its

greater delicacy of internal mutual adjustment of minute parts and, in

some cases, its emotional enhancement. Thus instinct, or this immediate

adjustment to immediate environment, becomes more prominent in its

function of directing action for the purposes of the living organism.

The world is a community of organisms; these organisms in the mass

determine the environmental influence on any one of them; there can only

be a persistent community of persistent organisms when the environmental

influence in the shape of instinct is favourable to the survival of the

individuals. Thus the community as an environment is responsible for the

survival of the separate individuals which compose it; and these

separate individuals are responsible for their contributions to the

environment. Electrons and molecules survive because they satisfy this

primary law for a stable order of nature in connection with given

societies of organisms.

Reflex action is a relapse towards a more complex type of instinct on

the part of organisms which enjoy, or have enjoyed, symbolically

conditioned action. Thus its discussion must be postponed. Symbolically

conditioned action arises in the higher organisms which enjoy the

perceptive mode of presentational immediacy, that is to say,

sense-presentation of the contemporary world. This sense-presentation

symbolically promotes an analysis of the massive perception of causal

efficacy. The causal efficacy is thereby perceived as analysed into

components with the locations in space primarily belonging to the

sense-presentations. In the case of perceived organisms external to the

human body, the spatial discrimination involved in the human perception

of their pure causal efficacy is so feeble, that practically there is no

check on this symbolic transference, apart from the indirect check of

pragmatic consequences,—in other words, either survival-value, or

self-satisfaction, logical and Æsthetic.

Symbolically conditioned action is action which is thus conditioned by

the analysis of the perceptive mode of causal efficacy effected by

symbolic transference from the perceptive mode of presentational

immediacy. This analysis may be right or wrong, according as it does, or

does not, conform to the actual distribution of the efficacious bodies.

In so far as it is sufficiently correct under normal circumstances, it

enables an organism to conform its actions to long-ranged analysis of

the particular circumstances of its environment. So far as this type of

action prevails, pure instinct is superseded. This type of action is

greatly promoted by thought, which uses the symbols as referent to their

meanings. There is no sense in which pure instinct can be wrong. But

symbolically conditioned action can be wrong, in the sense that it may

arise from a false symbolic analysis of causal efficacy.

Reflex action is that organic functioning which is wholly dependent on

sense-presentation, unaccompanied by any analysis of causal efficacy via

symbolic reference. The conscious analysis of perception is primarily

concerned with the analysis of the symbolic relationship between the two

perceptive modes. Thus reflex action is hindered by thought, which

inevitably promotes the prominence of symbolic reference.

Reflex action arises when by the operation of symbolism the organism has

acquired the habit of action in response to immediate sense-perception,

and has discarded the symbolic enhancement of causal efficacy. It thus

represents the relapse from the high-grade activity of symbolic

reference. This relapse is practically inevitable in the absence of

conscious attention. Reflex action cannot in any sense be said to be

wrong, though it may be unfortunate.

Thus the important binding factor in a community of insects probably

falls under the notion of pure instinct, as here defined. For each

individual insect is probably such an organism that the causal

conditions which it inherits from the immediate past are adequate to

determine its social actions. But reflex action plays its subordinate

part. For the sense-perceptions of the insects have in certain fields of

action assumed an automatic determination of the insects’ activities.

Still more feebly, symbolically conditioned action intervenes for such

situations when the sense-presentation provides a symbolically defined

specification of the causal situation. But only active thought can save

symbolically conditioned action from quickly relapsing into reflex

action. The most successful examples of community life exist when pure

instinct reigns supreme. These examples occur only in the inorganic

world; among societies of active molecules forming rocks, planets, solar

systems, star clusters.

The more developed type of living communities requires the successful

emergence of sense-perception to delineate successfully causal efficacy

in the external environment; and it also requires its relapse into a

reflex suitable to the community. We thus obtain the more flexible

communities of low-grade minds, or even living cells, which possess some

power of adaptation to the chance details of remote environment.

Finally mankind also uses a more artificial symbolism, obtained chiefly

by concentrating on a certain selection of sense-perceptions, such as

words for example. In this case, there is a chain of derivations of

symbol from symbol whereby finally the local relations, between the

final symbol and the ultimate meaning, are entirely lost. Thus these

derivative symbols, obtained as it were by arbitrary association, are

really the results of reflex action suppressing the intermediate

portions of the chain. We may use the word ‘association’ when there is

this suppression of intermediate links.

This derivative symbolism, employed by mankind, is not in general mere

indication of meaning, in which every common feature shared by symbol

and meaning has been lost. In every effective symbolism there are

certain Æsthetic features shared in common. The meaning acquires emotion

and feeling directly excited by the symbol. This is the whole basis of

the art of literature, namely that emotions and feelings directly

excited by the words should fitly intensify our emotions and feelings

arising from contemplation of the meaning. Further in language there is

a certain vagueness of symbolism. A word has a symbolic association with

its own history, its other meanings, and with its general status in

current literature. Thus a word gathers emotional signification from its

emotional history in the past; and this is transferred symbolically to

its meaning in present use.

The same principle holds for all the more artificial sorts of human

symbolism:—for example, in religious art. Music is particularly adapted

for this symbolic transfer of emotions, by reason of the strong emotions

which it generates on its own account. These strong emotions at once

overpower any sense that its own local relations are of any importance.

The only importance of the local arrangement of an orchestra is to

enable us to hear the music. We do not listen to the music in order to

gain a just appreciation of how the orchestra is situated. When we hear

the hoot of a motor car, exactly the converse situation arises. Our only

interest in the hoot is to determine a definite locality as the seat of

causal efficacy determining the future.

This consideration of the symbolic transference of emotion raises

another question. In the case of sense-perception, we may ask whether

the Æsthetic emotion associated with it is derivative from it or merely

concurrent with it. For example, the sound waves by their causal

efficacy may produce in the body a state of pleasurable Æsthetic

emotion, which is then symbolically transferred to the sense-perception

of the sounds. In the case of music, having regard to the fact that deaf

people do not enjoy music, it seems that the emotion is almost entirely

the product of the musical sounds. But the human body is causally

affected by the ultra-violet rays of the solar spectrum in ways which do

not issue in any sensation of colour. Nevertheless such rays produce a

decided emotional effect. Also even sounds, just below or just above the

limit of audibility, seem to add an emotional tinge to a volume of

audible sound. This whole question of the symbolic transfer of emotion

lies at the base of any theory of the Æsthetics of art. For example, it

gives the reason for the importance of a rigid suppression of irrelevant

detail. For emotions inhibit each other, or intensify each other.

Harmonious emotion means a complex of emotions mutually intensifying;

whereas the irrelevant details supply emotions which, because of their

irrelevance, inhibit the main effect. Each little emotion directly

arising out of some subordinate detail refuses to accept its status as a

detached fact in our consciousness. It insists on its symbolic transfer

to the unity of the main effect.

Thus symbolism, including the symbolic transference by which it is

effected, is merely one exemplification of the fact that a unity of

experience arises out of the confluence of many components. This unity

of experience is complex, so as to be capable of analysis. The

components of experience are not a structureless collection

indiscriminately brought together. Each component by its very nature

stands in a certain potential scheme of relationships to the other

components. It is the transformation of this potentiality into real

unity which constitutes that actual concrete fact which is an act of

experience. But in transformation from potentiality to actual fact

inhibitions, intensifications, directions of attention toward,

directions of attention away from, emotional outcomes, purposes, and

other elements of experience may arise. Such elements are also true

components of the act of experience; but they are not necessarily

determined by the primitive phases of experience from which the final

product arises. An act of experience is what a complex organism comes

to, in its character of being one thing. Also its various parts, its

molecules, and its living cells, as they pass on to new occasions of

their existence, take a new colour from the fact that in their immediate

past they have been contributory elements to this dominant unity of

experience, which in its turn reacts upon them.

Thus mankind by means of its elaborate system of symbolic transference

can achieve miracles of sensitiveness to a distant environment, and to a

problematic future. But it pays the penalty, by reason of the dangerous

fact that each symbolic transference may involve an arbitrary imputation

of unsuitable characters. It is not true, that the mere workings of

nature in any particular organism are in all respects favorable either

to the existence of that organism, or to its happiness, or to the

progress of the society in which the organism finds itself. The

melancholy experience of men makes this warning a platitude. No

elaborate community of elaborate organisms could exist unless its

systems of symbolism were in general successful. Codes, rules of

behaviour, canons of art, are attempts to impose systematic action which

on the whole will promote favourable symbolic interconnections. As a

community changes, all such rules and canons require revision in the

light of reason. The object to be obtained has two aspects; one is the

subordination of the community to the individuals composing it, and the

other is the subordination of the individuals to the community. Free men

obey the rules which they themselves have made. Such rules will be found

in general to impose on society behaviour in reference to a symbolism

which is taken to refer to the ultimate purposes for which the society

exists.

It is the first step in sociological wisdom, to recognize that the major

advances in civilization are processes which all but wreck the societies

in which they occur:—like unto an arrow in the hand of a child. The art

of free society consists first in the maintenance of the symbolic code;

and secondly in fearlessness of revision, to secure that the code serves

those purposes which satisfy an enlightened reason. Those societies

which cannot combine reverence to their symbols with freedom of

revision, must ultimately decay either from anarchy, or from the slow

atrophy of a life stifled by useless shadows.

● Transcriber’s Notes:

○ Text that was in italics is enclosed by underscores (_italics_).

○ Footnotes have been moved to follow the chapters in which they are

referenced.

Symbolism, its meaning and effect · 第 3 / 3 章