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[Illustration: THE ATTACK ON WHITEHAVEN.]
THE LIFE
OF
REAR ADMIRAL JOHN PAUL JONES.
BY
JOHN S. C. ABBOTT.
[Illustration]
NEW YORK:
DODD & MEAD, PUBLISHERS,
762 BROADWAY.
_AMERICAN PIONEERS AND PATRIOTS._
------------------------------------------------------------------------
THE LIFE AND ADVENTURES
OF
REAR-ADMIRAL JOHN PAUL JONES,
COMMONLY CALLED
PAUL JONES.
BY
JOHN S. C. ABBOTT.
------------------
ILLUSTRATED.
------------------
NEW YORK:
DODD & MEAD, PUBLISHERS,
762 BROADWAY.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1874, by
DODD & MEAD,
in the Office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington.
TO
THE OFFICERS AND SEAMEN OF THE UNITED STATES NAVY,
THIS VOLUME,
COMMEMORATIVE OF THE HEROIC ACHIEVEMENTS OF ONE OF THE MOST
ILLUSTRIOUS OF THEIR NUMBER, IS RESPECTFULLY
DEDICATED BY
JOHN S. C. ABBOTT.
FAIR HAVEN, CONN., 1874.
PREFACE.
I commenced writing the Life of Paul Jones with the impression, received
from early reading, that he was a reckless adventurer, incapable of
fear, and whose chief merit consisted in performing deeds of desperate
daring. But I rise from the careful examination of what he has written,
said, and done, with the conviction that I had misjudged his character.
I now regard him as one of the purest and most enlightened of patriots,
and one of the noblest of men. His name should be enrolled upon the same
scroll with those of his intimate friends, Washington, Jefferson,
Franklin, and Lafayette.
As this exhibition of the character of Admiral Jones is somewhat
different from that which has been presented in current literature, I
have felt the necessity of sustaining the narrative by the most
unquestionable documentary evidence. Should any one, in glancing over
the pages, see that the admiral is presented in a different light from
that in which he has been accustomed to view him, I must beg him, before
he condemns the narrative, to examine the proof which I think
establishes every statement.
The admiral had his faults. Who has not? But on the whole he was one of
nature’s noblemen. His energies were sincerely and intensely devoted to
the good of humanity. He was ambitious. But it was a noble ambition, to
make his life sublime. He was a man of pure lips and of unblemished
life. His chosen friends were the purest, the most exalted, the best of
men. He had no low vices. Gambling, drinking, carousing, were abhorrent
to his nature. He was a student of science and literature; and in the
most accomplished female society he found his social joy. While forming
the comprehensive views of statesmenship and of strategy, and evincing
bravery unsurpassed by any knight of romance, he was in manners,
thought, and utterance, as unaffected as a child.
JOHN S. C. ABBOTT.
CONTENTS.
--------------
CHAPTER I.
PAGE
_The Early Life of John Paul Jones._
His Birth and Childhood.—Residence and Employments in
Scotland.—His Studious Habits.—First Voyage to
America.—Engaged in the Slave Trade.—Reasons for
Abandoning it.—False Charges against him.—His
Sensitiveness to Obloquy.—Espouses the Cause of the
Colonies.—Developments of Character.—Extracts from his
Letters. 9
CHAPTER II.
_The Infant Navy._
Rescuing the Brigantine.—Commissioned as Captain.—Escape
from the Solway.—Conflict with the Milford.—Adventures at
Canso and Madame.—Return with Prizes.—Expedition to Cape
Breton.—Wise Counsel of Jones.—Brilliant Naval
Campaign.—Saving the Prizes.—Value of the Mellish.—Mission
to France.—Disappointment.—Sails with the Ranger. 32
CHAPTER III.
_Bearding the British Lion._
Aid from France.—Plan for the Destruction of the British
Fleet.—The American Flag Saluted.—Bold Movement of Captain
Jones.—Cruise along the Shores of England.—Capture of
Prizes.—Salutary Lessons given to England.—Operations in
the Frith of Clyde.—At Carrickfergus.—Attempt upon the
Drake.—Burning the Shipping at Whitehaven.—Capture of the
Plate of Lord Selkirk. 56
CHAPTER IV.
_Captain Jones at Nantes and at Brest._
Correspondence with Lord Selkirk.—Terrible Battle with the
ship Drake.—Capture of the ship.—Carnage on board the
Drake.—Generosity to Captured Fishermen.—Insubordination
of Lieutenant Simpson.—Embarrassments of Captain
Jones.—Hopes and Disappointments.—Proofs of Unselfish
Patriotism.—Letter to the King of France.—Anecdote of Poor
Richard. 78
CHAPTER V.
_Cruise of the Bon Homme Richard._
Plans of Lafayette.—Correspondence.—Humane Instructions of
Franklin.—Proposed Invasion of England.—Sailing of the
Squadron.—Conduct of Pierre Landais.—The
Collision.—Adventures of the Cruise.—Insane Actions of
Landais.—Plan for Capture.—Plan for the Capture of Leith
and Edinburgh. 100
CHAPTER VI.
_The Bon Homme Richard and the Serapis._
Leith Threatened.—The Summons.—Remarkable
Prayer.—Wide-spread Alarm.—Continuation of the
Cruise.—Insubordination of Landais.—Successive
Captures.—Terrible Battle between the Bon Homme Richard
and the Serapis.—The Great Victory. 123
CHAPTER VII.
_Result of the Victory._
Dreadful Spectacle.—Sinking of the Bon Homme Richard.—Escape
of the Baltic Fleet.—Sails for the Texel.—Interesting
Correspondence.—Sufferings of the American
Prisoners.—Barbarity of the English Government.—Humanity
of Captain Jones.—The Transference from the Serapis to the
Alliance.—Extracts from the British Press.—Release of
Prisoners. 148
CHAPTER VIII.
_Commodore Jones at Court._
Offer of a Privateersman.—Indignant Reply.—The Renown of
Commodore Jones.—Successful Retreat.—Cruise through the
Channel.—Poetic Effusion.—Enters Corunna.—Letter to
Lafayette.—Embarrassed Finances of Franklin.—Intrigues of
Landais.—His Efforts to Excite Mutiny.—Testimony against
him.—Commodore Jones at Court. 172
CHAPTER IX.
_The Mutiny of Landais._
The Visit of Jones to Versailles.—Intrigues of Landais.—The
Alliance Wrested from Jones.—Complicity of Arthur
Lee.—Magnanimity of Jones.—Strong Support of Dr.
Johnson.—Honors Conferred upon Jones.—Strange Career of
Landais.—His Life in America, and Death.—Continued Labors
and Embarrassments of Jones.—His Correspondence. 193
CHAPTER X.
_The Return to America._
Fitting the Ariel.—Painful Delays.—The Sailing.—Terrible
Tempest.—The Disabled Ship.—Puts back to L’Orient.—The
Second Departure.—Meets the Triumph.—Bloody Naval
Battle.—Perfidious Escape of the Triumph.—The Ariel
Reaches America.—Honors Lavished upon Jones.—Appointed to
Build and Command the America.—Great Skill Displayed.—The
Ship given to France.—The Launch. 214
CHAPTER XI.
_The War Ended._
Promise of the South Carolina.—A New Disappointment.—The
Great Expedition Planned.—Magnitude of the Squadron.—The
Appointed Rendezvous.—Commodore Jones Joins the
Expedition.—His Cordial Reception.—Great Difficulties and
Embarrassments.—The Rendezvous at Port Cabella.—Tidings of
Peace.—Return to America.—New Mission to France. 236
CHAPTER XII.
_The Difficulties of Diplomacy._
Courteous Reception in Paris.—Compliment of the
King.—Principles of Prize Division.—Embarrassing
Questions.—Interesting Correspondence.—The Final
Settlement.—Modest Claims of Commodore Jones.—Plan for a
Commercial Speculation.—Its Failure.—The Mission to
Denmark.—Return to America. 258
CHAPTER XIII.
_The Mission to Denmark._
Letter to Mr. Jefferson.—The Marquise de Marsan.—Unfounded
Charges and Vindication.—Flattering Application from
Catherine II.—His Reception at the Polish Court.—Jones
receives the Title of Rear-Admiral.—English
Insolence.—Letter of Catherine II. 280
CHAPTER XIV.
_The Russian Campaign._
Admiral Jones repairs to the Black Sea.—Designs of Catherine
II.—Imposing Cavalcade.—Turkey Declares War against
Russia.—Daring Conduct of Admiral Jones.—A Greek Officer
Alexiano.—The Prince of Nassau Siegen.—Annoyances of
Admiral Jones from Russian Officers.—Battle in the Black
Sea.—Jones yields the Honor to the Prince of Nassau. 298
CHAPTER XV.
_Adventures in the Black Sea._
The First Battle.—Folly of the Prince of
Nassau.—Inefficiency of the Gun-boats.—Burning of the
Greek Captives.—Humanity of Jones.—Alienation between the
Admiral and the Prince of Nassau.—The Second
Conflict.—Annoyances of the Admiral.—Hostility of the
English.—Necessary Employment of Foreign Seamen.—Disgrace
of Nassau.—Transference of the Admiral to the Baltic. 316
CHAPTER XVI.
_Retirement and Death._
The Return to Cherson.—Sickness and Sadness.—Oczakow
Stormed.—The Wintry Journey to St. Petersburg.—Mental
Activity.—Calumniated by the English.—The Admiral’s
Defence.—Slanderous Accusation.—His Entire
Acquittal.—Testimony of Count Segur.—Letter to the
Empress.—Obtains Leave of Absence.—Returns to France.—Life
in Paris.—Sickness and Death. 337
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PAUL JONES.
------------------------------------
CHAPTER I.
_The Early Life of John Paul Jones._
His Birth sand Childhood.—Residence and Employments in Scotland.—His
Studious Habits.—First Voyage to America.—Engaged in the Slave
Trade.—Reasons for Abandoning it.—False Charges against Him.—His
Sensitiveness to Obloquy.—Espouses the Cause of the
Colonies.—Developments of Character.—Extracts from his Letters.
In the lonely wilds of Scotland there was, about the middle of the last
century, a secluded hamlet called Arbingland. There was a respectable
gardener there by the name of John Paul. He had a son born on the 6th of
July, 1747, to whom he gave his own name of John. His humble cottage was
near the shores of Solway Frith. Young John Paul, like most energetic
lads who live within sound of the ocean surge, became impassioned with
longings for a sailor’s life. When twelve years of age he was sent
across the bay to Whitehaven, in England, then quite an important
seaport. Here he was apprenticed to Mr. Younger, who was quite
extensively engaged in the American trade.
The daily intercourse of John with the seamen inspired him with a strong
desire to visit the New World. He had received a good common-school
education, such as Scottish boys generally enjoyed at that time, and was
also so eager for intellectual improvement that all his leisure time was
given to study. He particularly devoted himself to the acquisition of a
thorough knowledge of the theory of navigation. He even studied French.
Often at midnight, when many of his companions were at a carouse, he was
found absorbed with his books.
When John was thirteen years of age he embarked, as a sailor, on board
the ship Friendship, bound for the Rappahannock, in Virginia, for a
cargo of tobacco. He had an elder brother, William, who had emigrated to
this country, and, marrying a Virginia girl, had settled on the banks of
the Rappahannock. John had acquired a high reputation at Whitehaven for
his correct deportment, his intelligence, and his fidelity in the
discharge of every duty. He improved his time so well, while in the
employment of Mr. Younger, as to lay the foundation for that eminence,
which he could not have obtained but for this education. He could write
his own language correctly, and even with considerable force; he was a
very respectable French scholar, and there were but few ship-masters who
could excel him in the science of navigation.
John Paul was but thirteen years of age when, in the year 1760, he
crossed the Atlantic and was cordially welcomed in the humble home of
his brother, in one of the most attractive valleys of the world. He was
delighted with the entirely new scenes which were here opened before
him, and became thoroughly American in his feelings. His first visit was
a short one, as he returned with his ship to Whitehaven. Soon after
this, Mr. Younger failed in business, and Paul was released from his
indentures. Thus the precocious boy, who was already a man in
thoughtfulness, energy, and earnestness of purpose, was thrown upon his
own resources.
He made several voyages, and at length shipped as third mate on board
the ship King George, which was bound to the Guinea Coast of Africa, for
slaves. Strange as it now appears, the slave trade was then considered
an honorable calling. Men of unquestioned piety, who morning and evening
kneeled with their happy children around the family altar, fitted out
ships to desolate the homes and steal the children of Africans, and bear
them away to life-long slavery. Many a captain, after crowding the hold
of his ship with these melancholy victims of his inhumanity, would
retire to his cabin, read the precepts of Jesus, “As ye would that men
should do to you, do ye also to them likewise,” and would then kneel in
prayer, imploring God’s blessing. And this was not hypocrisy. So strange
a being is fallen man.
We have no indications that any compunctions of conscience disturbed
John Paul on this voyage. The most illustrious, opulent, and worthy
people of England were engaged in the infamous traffic. Of course it was
not to be expected that a boy, scarcely emerging from childhood, should
develop humanity above that of the generation in the midst of which he
was born. The Friendship bore its freight of human victims to the West
Indies, where they were sold. He then, when nineteen years of age,
shipped at Jamaica, on board the brigantine Two Friends, for Africa, to
obtain another cargo of slaves.
It speaks volumes in favor of the intelligence of John Paul, that he
became so thoroughly disgusted with the cruelty of the traffic,
desolating Africa with the most merciless wars, and tearing husbands
from wives, parents from children, that, upon his return to Kingston, he
declared that he would have nothing more to do with the traffic forever.
His friends unite in giving their testimony to this his resolve, and it
is confirmed by the uniform tenor of his subsequent correspondence.
From this his second slaving voyage he embarked for Scotland, as a
passenger, on board the brigantine John, under the command of Captain
Macadam. On the passage the yellow fever broke out. Both the captain and
the mate of the ship died. They were left in the middle of the stormy
Atlantic, with none of the crew capable of navigating the ship.
Fortunately for all, John Paul assumed the command. The whole crew
gratefully recognized his authority. Be it remembered that he had not
yet finished his twentieth year. He brought the ship safe into port. The
owners, Messrs. Currie, Beck & Co., in recompense of the great service
he had rendered them, at once gave him command of a ship both as captain
and supercargo. In their employment he sailed for two voyages.
On one of these voyages, Captain Paul was accused of whipping, with
undue severity, an insubordinate sailor, by the name of Mungo Maxwell.
But a legal investigation absolved him from all blame. The accusation,
and the trial which was prolonged through six months, caused Captain
Paul great annoyance. The following letter to his mother and sisters
reveals his feelings, and much of his character, at that time. He was
then but twenty-five years of age.
“LONDON, 24th September, 1772.
“MY DEAR MOTHER AND SISTERS,
“I only arrived here last night from the Grenadas. I have had
but poor health during the voyage. My success in it not having
equalled my first sanguine expectations, has added very much to the
asperity of my misfortunes, and, I am well assured, was the cause of
my loss of health. I am now, however, better, and I trust Providence
will soon put me in a way to get bread, and, which is far my greatest
happiness, to be serviceable to my poor but much valued friends. I am
able to give you no account of my future proceedings, as they depend
upon circumstances which are not fully determined.
“I have enclosed to you a copy of an affidavit made before Governor
Young, by the Judge of the Court of Vice-Admiralty of Tobago, by which
you will see with how little reason my life has been thirsted after,
and, which is much dearer to me, my honor, by maliciously loading my
fair character with obloquy and vile aspersions. I believe there are
few who are hard-hearted enough to think I have not long since given
to the world every satisfaction in my power, being conscious of my
innocence before Heaven, who will one day judge even my judges.
“I staked my honor, life, and fortune, for six long months, on the
verdict of a British jury, notwithstanding I was sensible of the
general prejudice which ran against me. But, after all, none of my
accusers had the courage to confront me. Yet I am willing to convince
the world, if reason and facts will do it, that they have had no
foundation for their harsh treatment.
“I mean to send Mr. Craik a copy, properly proved, as his nice
feelings will not, perhaps, be otherwise satisfied. In the mean time,
if you please, you can show him that enclosed. His ungracious conduct
to me before I left Scotland I have not yet been able to get the
better of. Every person of feeling must think meanly of adding to the
load of the afflicted. It is true I bore it with seeming unconcern.
But heaven can witness for me that I suffered the more on that very
account. But enough of this.”
The Mr. Craik to whom he here refers was a gentleman of property, in
whose employment Mr. Paul’s father had formerly been engaged. The whole
family were accustomed to look up to him with much reverence. It was
perhaps a fault in young Captain Paul that the organ of veneration, as
the phrenologists would say, was not, in him, very fully developed. His
knees were not supple in bowing before those who were above him in
wealth and rank. Mr. Craik had not fancied the independent boy, and was
consequently the more ready to believe the charges which were brought
against him.
A rumor reached Mr. Paul, while in the West Indies, that the commercial
firm in whose service he was sailing was about to close its operations.
This would throw him out of employment. He wrote in the following terms
to Mr. Craik, whom as a family friend and patron he highly respected.
This letter was written a year before the charge for the maltreatment of
Mungo Maxwell was brought against him. It was as follows:
“ST. GEORGE, GRENADA, 5th August, 1770.
“SIR,
“Common report here says that my owners are going to finish
their connections in the West Indies as fast as possible. How far this
is true I shall not pretend to judge. But should that really prove to
be the case, you know the disadvantage I must labor under.
“These, however, would not have been the case had I been acquainted
with the matter sooner, as, in that case, I believe I could have made
interest with some gentlemen here to have been concerned with me in a
large ship out of London. And as these gentlemen have estates in this
and the adjacent islands, I should have been able to make two voyages
every year, and should always have had a full ship out and home.
“However, I by no means repine, as it is a maxim with me to do my best
and leave the rest to Providence. I shall take no step whatever
without your knowledge and approbation. I have had several very severe
fevers lately, which have reduced me a good deal, though I am now
perfectly recovered. I must beg you to supply my mother, should she
want anything, as I well know your readiness. I hope yourself and
family enjoy health and happiness.
“I am, most sincerely, sir, yours always,
“JOHN PAUL.”
In 1773, John Paul’s brother died, in Virginia. He died childless, and
left no will. John repaired to his brother’s former residence to settle
the estate. Here, for some reason which has never been satisfactorily
explained, he assumed the surname of Jones, so that he ever afterward
became familiarly known as Paul Jones. His subsequent achievements
became such, that probably that name will never be obliterated from the
memories of men. He had acquired considerable property, which he
intrusted to agents at Tobago, and it was all lost.
Captain Jones, weary of the wandering life of a sailor and its
unsatisfactory results, was now disposed to devote his days to the
peaceful pursuits of agriculture and to study, for which he had very
strong predilections. In his letters to his friends he often expressed
his desire to enter upon a life of “calm contemplation and poetic ease.”
Man proposes, God disposes. The tumultuous career into which he was led,
was not one which he would have sought for himself. He was almost forced
into it by the state of the times.
When in the midst of the stormiest scenes, without a family and without
a home, he wrote pensively to the Countess of Selkirk, that duty to his
country had compelled him “to sacrifice not only his favorite scheme of
life, but the softer affections of his heart, and his hopes of domestic
happiness.” His letters all indicate that he was a thoughtful man, one
who deeply pondered the mystery of this our earthly being, and who made
frank acknowledgment of his moral and religious obligations.
His favorite poet was Thomson; and his “Seasons” he read and re-read. It
is not possible that any man of frivolous nature should develop a taste
so serious and so elevating. The loss of all his property at Tobago
disheartened him, and repelled him from the risks of a commercial life.
This probably decided him to settle down as a planter in Virginia, and
to remain satisfied with the humble competence of a cultivator of the
soil, in a rural home. He wrote to the Hon. Robert Morris:
“I conclude that Mr. Hewes has acquainted you with a very great
misfortune which befell me some years ago, and which brought me into
North America. I am under no concern whatever, that this, or any other
past circumstance of my life, will sink me in your opinion. Since human
wisdom cannot secure us from accidents, it is the greatest effort of
human wisdom to bear them well.”
From the age of thirteen, America had been the country of his adoption.
Increasing years but added to his attachment to the principles of
liberty which were being developed here. His innate mental constitution
revolted from the feudal subserviency which a haughty aristocracy
exacted in Europe. When the struggle was commencing between the mother
country and these her infant colonies, Mr. Jones, with all the ardor of
his nature, espoused the colonial cause. He then occupied the position
of a Virginia gentleman, highly respected for his character and his
endowments. The rank of those with whom he was in correspondence
indicates his social position. He was not a friendless adventurer, but
an intelligent patriot, whose influence was constantly increasing
through the sound judgment, the courage, and the spirit of
self-sacrifice he was ever exhibiting.
He often expressed deep regret for the painful necessity which compelled
him to take up arms against the Government of his native land. But he
was struggling for the maintenance of his own rights, and those of his
fellow-countrymen, goaded to resist unendurable tyranny. In a letter
which he wrote to Baron Vander Capellan, then Dutch minister at the
Hague, he says:
“I was indeed born in Britain; but I do not inherit the degenerate
spirit of that fallen nation, which I at once lament and despise. It is
far beneath me to reply to their hireling invectives. They are strangers
to the envied approbation that greatly animates and rewards the man who
draws his sword only in support of the dignity of freedom. America has
been the country of my fond election from the age of thirteen, when I
first saw it. I had the honor to hoist, with my own hands, the flag of
freedom, the first time it was displayed on the Delaware, and I have
attended it with veneration ever since on the ocean.”
When the war of the Revolution, in 1775, commenced, England had a
thousand war-vessels. The colonies had not one. Congress equipped a
naval force of five vessels to resist the most powerful naval armament
this world has ever known. Paul Jones was appointed first lieutenant of
one of these, the ship Alfred. He owed this appointment to the Hon.
Joseph Hewes, a member of Congress, and a signer of the Declaration of
Independence, who chanced to be acquainted with the rare qualifications
of Mr. Jones for the position. Captain Saltonstall commanded the Alfred.
On the 14th of November, 1776, the Alfred, a frigate of 44 guns was
lying at anchor off Chestnut Street wharf, in Philadelphia. We had then
no national banner. As the commander came on board, Lieutenant John Paul
Jones, with his own hands, raised the first American naval flag, under a
salute of thirteen guns. This flag, it is said, then consisted of
thirteen stripes, emblematic of the thirteen colonies, and a pine-tree
with a rattlesnake coiled at the roots, as if about to spring.
Underneath was the motto, “Don’t Tread upon Me.” In commemoration of
this event, Miss Sherburne wrote an ode, from which we quote two
stanzas:
“’Twas Jones, Paul Jones, who first o’er Delaware’s tide
From _Alfred’s_ main displayed Columbia’s pride;
The stripes of freedom proudly waved on high,
While shouts of freedom rang for liberty.
“Through England’s fleets thou dashed in bold array,
On Albion’s coast spread terror and dismay;
Thy cannons’ thunder shook her rock-bound shore,
Her Lion trembled midst his boastful roar.”
The little squadron, consisting of the ships Alfred and Columbus, the
brigantines Andrew Doria and Cabot, and the sloop Providence, sailed
from the Bay of Delaware on the 17th of February, 1776, to make a
descent on the British Island of New Providence, to seize a quantity of
military stores which were deposited in the forts there. The squadron
was armed in all with one hundred guns and about one thousand men.
Ezekiel Hopkins was commander-in-chief of the fleet. The fleet was not
ready to sail until the middle of February. Struggling through vast
masses of ice, the vessels passed Cape Henlopen on the 17th of the
month.
In this important enterprise John Paul Jones was only a lieutenant. But
it should be remarked that there were three grades of lieutenant, and
that he was placed at the head of the first grade. He was offered a
captain’s commission, to take command of the Providence, which carried
twelve guns and one hundred and fifty men. Modestly this extraordinary
man declined the responsible position, not deeming himself fully
qualified to fill it. Subsequently, in a letter to the Hon. Robert
Morris, he wrote:
“When I came to try my skill I am not ashamed to own that I did not find
myself perfect in the duties of a first lieutenant. However, I by no
means admit that any one of the gentlemen who so earnestly sought after
rank and the command, was, at the beginning, able to teach me any part
of the duty of a sea-officer. Since that time it is well known there has
been no comparison between their _means_ of acquiring military marine
knowledge and mine. If midnight study and the instruction of the
greatest and most learned sea-officers can have given me _advantages_, I
am not without them. I confess, however, I am yet to learn. It is the
work of many years’ study and experience to acquire the high degree of
science necessary for a great sea-officer. Cruising after
merchant-ships, the service on which our frigates have generally been
employed, affords, I may say, no part of the knowledge necessary for
conducting fleets and their operations. There is now perhaps as much
difference between a single battle between two ships, and an engagement
between two fleets, as there is between a single duel and a ranged
battle between two armies.”
While the fleet was fitting and manning, Lieutenant Jones had
superintended all the affairs on board the Alfred. It was not until a
day or two before the squadron sailed that Captain Saltonstall appeared
and took the command. On the 4th of March the squadron anchored at
Abaco, one of the Bahama Islands, about one hundred miles north from New
Providence. On the passage they had captured two small sloops from New
Providence. They learned from the crew of these vessels, that the forts
were not strongly garrisoned, and that they contained large magazines of
all military stores.
The commander was not skilful either as a seaman or a soldier. Through
mismanagement the enterprise came near proving a total failure. Jones
was born to command. Without any effort on his part, his superior mind
and knowledge naturally assumed ascendency. Seeing that all things were
going wrong, he suggested sailing round to the west of the island,
landing the marines about nine miles from the fort, and then, by a rapid
march, to make the assault. Mr. Jones promised himself to pilot the
vessels to a safe anchorage. With some reluctance Captain Saltonstall
gave his assent. Jones took the pilot with him to the foretopmast-head.
From that point they could see every reef and rock, and trace out the
channel. The marines landed under cover of the guns. There was no force
sufficient to oppose them. Captain Saltonstall, by his injudicious
movements, had given ample warning of his approach, so that the governor
had found time, during the night, to load two sloops with ammunition and
send them away. This might easily have been prevented by ordering the
two brigantines to lie off the bar.
The island was surrendered by the governor. The guns, and all the
governmental property in the forts, were embarked on board the vessels.
All private property was sacredly respected. And this was done when the
officers of the English Government were laying our villages in ashes,
and hounding on the savages to assail our defenceless frontier with the
torch and the tomahawk. The governor and two other military men were
brought off as prisoners.
On the return with this booty, of such almost inestimable value to the
struggling colonies, the fleet captured two vessels without a struggle,
the Hawke, a schooner of six guns, and the brig Bolton, of eight guns.
The fleet encountered off Block Island, at the head of Long Island
Sound, an English frigate, the Glasgow, of 24 guns. The Alfred mounted
30 guns, the Columbus 28. Had there been any skill in military
seamanship displayed, the Glasgow could not have escaped this force. The
sea was perfectly smooth. Lieutenant Jones was placed between decks to
serve the first battery. He could have no voice in the direction of the
battle. Whenever his guns could be brought to bear upon the enemy he
served them well. Captain Saltonstall, in his official report, testified
to his fidelity in duty. The Glasgow escaped. This was our first naval
battle. It reflected no credit upon our infant marine. Lieutenant Jones
and the whole nation were deeply chagrined by the disgrace of that
night. Repressing merited condemnation, he mildly wrote, “It is for the
commander-in-chief and the captains to answer for the escape of the
Glasgow.”
Two days after the inglorious action the squadron entered the harbor of
New London. A court-martial was held to investigate the affair. The
account which Lieutenant Jones gave of the engagement, in the log-book
of the Alfred, shows a generous and magnanimous mind.
“At 2 A. M. cleared ship for action. At half-past two, the Cabot, being
between us and the enemy, began to engage, and soon after we did the
same. At the third glass the enemy bore away, and, by crowding sail, at
length got a considerable way ahead, and made signals for the rest of
the English fleet, at Rhode Island, to come to her assistance, and
steered directly for the harbor.
“The commodore then thought it imprudent to risk our prizes, by pursuing
farther. Therefore, to prevent our being decoyed into their hands, at
half-past six made the signal to leave off chase and haul by the wind to
join our prizes. The Cabot was disabled at the second broadside; the
captain being dangerously wounded, the master and several men killed.
The enemy’s whole fire was then directed at us. An unlucky shot having
carried away our wheel-block and ropes, the ship broached to, and gave
the enemy an opportunity of raking us with several broadsides before we
were again in condition to steer the ship and return the fire.
“In the action we received several shots under water, which made the
ship very leaky. We had, besides, the mainmast shot through, and the
upper works and rigging very considerably damaged. Yet it is surprising
that we only lost the second lieutenant of marines and four men. We had
no more than three men dangerously, and four slightly wounded.”
The skill with which the guns of the Alfred were served may be inferred
from the fact, that a passenger on board the Glasgow testified that her
hull was seriously damaged; that ten shot passed through her mainmast,
fifty-two through her mizzen staysail, one hundred and ten through her
mainsail, and eighty-eight through her foresail. She had many spars
carried away, and her rigging was badly cut to pieces.
This our first naval battle was fought so near the Rhode Island shore,
that the report of the guns was heard, and even the flashes were seen by
those on the land. The Continental Gazette of May 29, 1776, gives the
following quaint account of the conflict, from one who listened to the
thunders booming over the waves.
“For several hours before and during the engagement, a vast number of
cannon were heard from the southeast. About sunrise eight or ten sail of
ships and brigs were seen a little to the eastward of Block Island.
Indeed, the flashes of the cannon were seen by some people about
daybreak. These things caused much speculation. But in a few hours the
mystery was somewhat cleared up; for away came the poor Glasgow, under
all the sail she could set, yelping from the mouths of her cannon like a
broken-legged dog, as a signal of her being sadly wounded. And though
she settled away, and handed most of her sails just before she came into
the harbor, it was plainly perceived, by the holes in those she had
standing, and by the hanging of her yards, that she had been treated in
a very rough manner.”
Though Lieutenant Jones could not be blind to the want of nautical skill
displayed in allowing the Glasgow to escape, he did not doubt that the
commodore had done the best he could. Not a word of demur escaped his
lips. In a letter to Hon. Mr. Hewes, he wrote:
“I have the pleasure of assuring you that the commander-in-chief is
respected through the fleet. I verily believe that the officers, and men
in general, would go any length to execute his orders.”
Another passage in the same letter throws such light upon the
well-balanced and noble character of Lieutenant Jones that I cannot
refrain from quoting it. He writes:
“It is certainly for the interests of the service that a cordial
interchange of civilities should subsist between superior and inferior
officers. Therefore it is bad policy in superiors to behave toward their
inferiors as though they were of a lower species. Men of liberal minds,
who have long been accustomed to command, can ill brook being thus set
at naught by others who pretend to claim the monopoly of sense. The
rude, ungentle treatment which they experience, creates such
heart-burnings as are nowise consonant with that cheerful ardor and
spirit which ought ever to be a characteristic of an officer. Therefore,
whoever thinks himself hearty in the service, is widely mistaken when he
adopts such a line of conduct in order to prove it. To be well obeyed it
is necessary to be esteemed.”
Two courts-martial were held on board the Alfred. The captain of the
Providence was dismissed from service. Lieutenant Jones was promoted to
the captaincy of that sloop. The little fleet, having received a
reinforcement of two hundred men, sailed from Providence, Rhode Island.
The vessels having been refitted, it was necessary to enlist more men
before any important enterprise could be undertaken. As most of the
seamen had enlisted in the army, it was found very difficult to obtain
men fit for naval service.
On the 18th of May, Captain Jones, after a passage of thirty-six hours,
arrived in New York, where he devoted his time to shipping mariners. He
was greatly interested in everything relating to the creation of a navy
for the new nation of the United States, just entering into being. He
wrote to Hon. Mr. Hewes:
“In my opinion a commander in the navy ought to be a man of strong and
well-connected sense; a gentleman, as well as a seaman in theory and in
practice. Want of learning, and rude, ungentle manners, are by no means
characteristic of an officer.”
Captain Jones, having at length obtained the number of men required, in
obedience to orders sailed for New London, where he took from the
hospital all the seamen who had been left there sick, but who had
recovered, and sailed for Providence, Rhode Island. Scarcely had he
arrived there when he received orders from the commander-in-chief to
come immediately down Narragansett Bay, to attack an English
sloop-of-war, then in sight. He obeyed with alacrity. But the sloop had
disappeared before he reached Newport. He was then ordered to
Newburyport, to convoy a vessel with a cargo of cannon to New York, and
then, returning, to convoy some vessels from Stonington to Newport.
It will be remembered that England then had a fleet of a thousand sail;
superior, probably, to all the combined navies of the globe. This was
the naval power we were to resist with our poor little squadron of five
vessels, mounting in all but one hundred guns. The majestic frigates of
the enemy blockaded almost every harbor in the colonies. There were
several of these cruising at the eastern entrance of Long Island Sound,
to cut of all naval intercourse between the colonies of the Middle and
those of the Eastern States.