78;
her birth, 83;
her childhood, infantile costume, toys, early education, 84-85;
entry into society, 85, 86, 89;
her travels in 1551, 1552 and 1553, 90-93;
falls ill, her health, 93;
Katherine is not trained to be Queen, contrast between her girlhood
and Lady Jane’s, 94-95;
does not go to Edward VI’s court, 96, 96 _f.n._;
is contracted to Lord Herbert, goes to Baynard’s Castle, 97;
letter to Katherine, from Lady Jane, 98-101;
her betrothal annulled, 101-102;
expresses her willingness to marry Lord Herbert, 102;
goes to court, 107;
accompanies Queen Mary on progresses, 108;
receives a royal pension, 109;
is well treated at Mary’s court, 109;
first public appearance, 111;
assists at marriage of Philip and Mary, 115, 117, 118, 120;
her meeting with the Earl of Hertford, 122;
her lovemaking with him, 125, 127;
goes to Hanworth, 127;
her life at Queen Mary’s court, 128, 129, 131;
declares herself a Catholic, 129; 154;
her friends and friendships, 129-131, 143;
attends Queen Mary’s funeral, 132;
goes to Sheen, progress of Hertford’s courtship, 132, 133;
her reception by Elizabeth, 133;
Elizabeth’s fear of her, 133;
her position as Elizabeth’s successor, 134;
life at Elizabeth’s court, 135;
goes again to Sheen, 135;
her mother desires her to marry Hertford, 136, 138;
negotiations for the marriage, 136-139;
attends her mother’s death and funeral, 140-141, 257;
returns to court, 142;
Elizabeth’s pretended affection for her, 142;
receives distressing news of Hertford, 142;
consults Blanche Parry, 145;
Spain supports her claim to the throne, 149-150;
extraordinary plot for her abduction to Spain, 150-151, 220;
her claims also supported by the Low Church party, 151;
is disliked by Elizabeth, 151;
the plot falls through, 153, 154;
gets out of touch with the Spanish embassy, 155;
Cecil supports her claims, 158;
proposal that she should marry a Spanish Prince, 159, 160, 161;
motives for this alliance, 160;
questioned by Cecil about her feelings for Hertford, 162-163;
pledges her troth to Hertford, 163-164;
has a meeting with Hertford, 164;
goes to his house, 165;
her clandestine marriage with Hertford, 166;
adopts the “froze paste,” or matron’s headdress, 167 and _footnote_;
attends Lady Jane Seymour’s funeral, 168;
secret visits to Hertford, 168-169;
mislays deed of jointure, and confesses her marriage to Mrs.
Saintlow, 170;
her nocturnal visit and confession to Robert Dudley, 171;
her marriage revealed to Elizabeth, 171;
sent to the Tower, 172;
Duchess of Somerset blames her for the marriage, 173, 174 _f.n._,
236;
refuses to confess, 175;
furniture of her apartment in the Tower, 175, 196, 197 and
_footnote_, 176;
her examination and evidence, 178;
gives birth to a son in the Tower, 181;
falls ill, 182;
sentence on her marriage, 183;
renewed agitation in favour of her claims, 184-185;
meeting to endorse her claims, 186;
Cecil’s scheme in favour of, 187-188;
gives birth to a second son, 189;
her case discussed in Parliament, 192-193;
Lord Pembroke and Robert Dudley opposed to her claims, 193;
begs to be removed from the Tower, 194;
removed to Pirgo, 195-196;
her life there, 199;
letter to Cecil, 199 _f.n._;
her unhappiness and ill-health, 200, 201, 203;
petitions Elizabeth, 201;
text of petition, 202;
letter to Cecil, 203 and _footnote_, 204;
her state of poverty, 205 and _footnote_;
inventory of her effects and of her child’s clothing, 205-206
_f.n._;
account of monies paid for her maintenance, and cost thereof,
206 and _footnote_, 207;
her attendants, 207;
Hales’s book in favour of her claims, 212 and _footnote_;
removes from Pirgo, consigned to Sir John Wentworth, 216, 219;
agitation in her favour renewed, 221;
her claims supported by the House of Commons, 221, 222, 223;
remains at Gosfield after Wentworth’s death, 225-226;
Elizabeth’s orders to Sir Owen Hopton respecting her, 227-228;
is conveyed to Ipswich, 229;
cost of her stay there and of journey to Cockfield, 229-230;
falls dangerously ill, the Queen’s doctor sent for, 231;
her last hours, last instructions to Hopton, etc., 232-235;
her death, 235;
Elizabeth’s treatment of her, considered, 235-236;
her remains embalmed, 236;
funeral, 236-238;
cost of same, 237-238 _f.n._;
and of her keep, 237 _f.n._;
her religion, 238 _f.n._;
her burial place, 238-239;
tradition respecting her pet dog, 240, 244 _f.n._, 245, 246, 252,
255, 257, 263, 274, 277, 299, 300.
_See also_ Hertford, Earl of, and Hertford, sons of the Earl of
Grey, Lady Mary, xxviii, 15 _f.n._, 39, 64, 86, 90, 107, 108, 109,
120, 132;
attends her mother’s funeral, 140, 141, 141, 142, 145, 168, 240,
257;
her birth, 255;
contracted to Lord Grey de Wilton, 255;
betrothal annulled, 256;
her childhood, etc., 256-257;
her small stature and appearance, 257-258;
forms the acquaintance of Thomas Keyes, 259;
her visits to him, 261;
her marriage with Keyes, 262-263;
arrested, examined by Privy Council, 265;
her evidence before the Council, 266-267;
removed to “The Chequers,” 273;
writes to Cecil, 273, 274;
arrival at the Minories, 274;
her goods, 275-276;
her stay at the Minories, etc., 277;
her friendship for Lady Bertie, 277;
goes to the Greshams, 278;
uncomfortable life there, 282;
receives news of Keyes’s death, its effect on her, 283;
her care for his children, 283;
letter to Cecil, 283;
is released, her poverty, 285;
her gifts to Elizabeth, 286;
her death and burial, 287;
her will and bequests, 287-290;
her character, 290;
her library, 290-292, 291 _f.n._, 299, 300.
_See also_ Keyes, Thomas
Grey of Pirgo, Lord John (Lady Katherine’s uncle), 93, 109, 152, 194
_f.n._, 195 and _footnote_, 196, 198;
letter of, to Cecil, 199, 200-201, 202, 203, 204 and _footnote_,
211;
put under arrest, 215;
falls ill and dies, 215
Guildford Dudley, 97, 255
Guildford, Lady, 36, 37, 38
Guzman de Silva, Don Diego, Spanish Ambassador, 212 _f.n._, 213, 245
Hales, John, his book in favour of Lady Katherine’s claims, 212 and
_footnote_;
sent to prison, 213, 218
Hampton Court Palace, 4, 121-127
Hanworth, 127, 195, 197, 217
Hawtrey, William, 265, 266, 273, 274, 275
Henry V, xxiii, xxiv _f.n._, xxvii
Henry VI, xxvi, xxvii, xxviii, xxix, 9
Henry VII, xxiii, xxv, xxviii, xxix, 9
Henry VIII, his likeness to Charles Brandon, 3-5, 18, 19, 20;
arranges a marriage between Mary Tudor and Louis XII of France, 22,
24, 25;
urges Mary Tudor to marry Louis XII, 27, 28;
letter of Mary Tudor to, 37, 49, 51, 52, 53;
receives Mary at Greenwich, and assists at her marriage with
Brandon, 54;
schemes to destroy Brandon, 56;
stands godfather to Mary’s child, and creates him Earl, 58-59, 60,
65, 68, 69;
his piety, 76, 77, 78, 104, 295, 297
Herbert, Lord, 97, 101, 102
Hertford, Edward Seymour, Earl of (husband of Lady Katherine Grey),
102;
his meeting with Lady Katherine, 122;
his courtship of her, 125, 127, 132, 133, 135;
Lady Frances Brandon wishes him to marry Lady Katherine, Mr. Stokes
consults with him, 136, 137;
aids Mr. Stokes to prepare a letter for the Queen, but refuses to
send it, 138-139;
his weak character, 139;
his alleged courtship of Sir Peter Mewtas’s daughter, 142;
sends Katherine a ring, 143;
gets alarmed about the marriage, is questioned by Cecil, 161-162;
pledges his troth to Lady Katherine, and gives her a ring, 163-164;
his verses on this ring, 163, 164;
sends away his servants, 165;
marries Lady Katherine clandestinely, 166;
is sent to France, 169;
his gay life in Paris, 170;
recalled from France, arrested, and sent to the Tower, 176-177;
his examination, and evidence, 177, 178;
proposal to place him on the Throne, 187;
Cecil’s scheme for a _coup d’état_ in his favour, 188;
is brought before Star Chamber, and fined, 189-190;
Sir John Mason’s opinion of him, 191;
removed to Hanworth, 195;
Newdigate persuades him against Lord John Grey, 204-205;
is asked to pay for Lady Katherine’s maintenance, 208;
appeals to Dudley, 209 and _footnote_;
makes gloves for the Queen, 210;
his unhappy life at Hanworth, removed to Sir John Mason’s, 217;
writes to Cecil, 218;
Dudley offers him his support, in the matter of the succession, 224;
his imprisonment becomes more severe, 225, 233, 234, 236;
not present at Lady Katherine’s funeral, 237, 239, 240;
takes his M.A. degree, re-marries, is restored to favour, 241;
death of his second wife, 241;
erects monument to her, and to his mother, marries a third time, is
sent to the Tower afresh, 242;
released, becomes James I’s ambassador, his death, 243;
his tomb, 243-245;
inscription on it, 243 _f.n._
Hertford, sons of the Earl of (Edward and Thomas Seymour), their
births, 181, 189, 242;
movement in favour of their claims to the English throne, 186, 221,
242, 245, 248, 249, 250;
attempts to place them on the Scotch throne, 246-248, 247 _f.n._,
250-251, 252
Hopton, Lady, 232
Hopton, Sir Owen, 227, 228 and _footnote_, 229, 231-236, 237-238
_f.n._, 239, 247
Howard, Lady Frances, 242, 243
Howard, Lord William and Lady, 263, 269, 270-271
Huntingdon, Earl of, 76;
agitation in favour of his claims to the throne, 158-159, 184, 185,
245
James, Prince (afterwards King James I), 59 _f.n._, 243, 244 _f.n._,
248;
attempt to kidnap him, and put an end to him, 247, 250 and
_footnote_, 251, 252
Jane Grey, Lady. _See_ Grey
Jane Seymour, Lady (sister of the Earl of Hertford), Lady
Katherine Grey’s friendship for, 127;
acts as her intermediary, 143, 164, 165;
witnesses Lady Katherine’s wedding, 166;
her death and funeral, 167-168, 177, 178
Katherine Grey, Lady. _See_ Grey
Katherine Howard, Queen, 72
Katherine of Aragon, Queen, 6, 12, 23, 26, 28, 54, 57, 60, 62, 67, 68,
70, 71, 72, 74, 75 and _footnote_
Katherine of Valois, Queen, xxiii;
her meeting with Owen Tudor, xxiv and _footnote_;
her children by Owen, xxvi, xxvii;
banishment and death, xxvi-xxvii.
_See_ Owen Tudor
Katherine Willoughby d’Eresby, Duchess of Suffolk (fourth wife of
Charles Brandon), 19 _f.n._;
her marriage with Brandon, her parentage, etc., 73;
her children, their early deaths, 74, 75;
attends Brandon’s death-bed, 78;
her visitors at the Barbican, 78-79;
re-marries and flies from England, 79, 91 and _footnote_, 106, 136,
137;
Lady Mary Grey lodged with, 274;
complains to Cecil, 275;
her letter to same about Lady Mary’s goods, 275-276, 285, 286, 288,
290 _f.n._, 298
Keyes, Thomas, Sergeant-Porter of the Watergate (husband of Lady Mary
Grey), his antecedents, 258;
his family, extraordinary stature, etc., 259 and _footnote_;
his duties as Porter, 260 and _footnote_;
his private apartment, 260;
marries Lady Mary Grey, 262-263, 264;
sent to the Fleet Prison, 265, 266, 267;
his evidence before the Council, 268;
is to go to Ireland, 278;
is willing to renounce his wife, 279;
discomforts of his life in the Fleet, 278, 279, 280;
is nearly poisoned, 280;
removed to Lewisham, 280;
his last appeal to Cecil, 280-281;
his death 281;
news of same conveyed to Lady Mary, 283
Killigrew, Sir Henry, 250 and _footnote_
Knollys, Henry, 262 and _footnote_
Knollys, Lettice, 261, 262
Leicester, Robert Dudley, Earl of. _See_ Dudley, Robert
Lennox, Countess of. _See_ Margaret Douglas
Lisle, Lady Elizabeth, 16, 17
Lisle, Lady Elizabeth (aunt of above), 17
Louis XII of France, proposed as husband for Mary Tudor, state of his
health, 22 and _footnote_, 27, 28;
his “treaty of marriage,” and marriage by proxy, 28-29;
his meeting with Mary Tudor, 31-32;
and marriage with her, 32-33;
his gifts to Mary Tudor, 33, 38, 42, 46, 52;
objects to her attendants, 33 _et seq._, 40;
his death, 46, 54 _f.n._
Louise of Savoy, 44, 46, 50-51
Maltravers, Lady, 220
Margaret, Archduchess of Austria, Duchess of Savoy, 17, 18;
visits Henry VIII at Tournay, incidents there, 19-21, 26
Margaret Clifford, Lady, 298, 299-304
Margaret Douglas, Countess of Lennox, 115, 184 _f.n._, 193, 250, 286,
299
Margaret Plantagenet, Countess of Beaufort, xxix, 295
Margaret, Queen of Scotland, 59, 193
Mary Grey, Lady. _See_ Grey, Lady Mary
Mary Stuart, Queen of Scots, 76, 90, 96, 133-134, 149, 184 _f.n._,
193, 212 and _footnote_, 221, 223-224, 225, 250, 251
Mary Tudor, Queen of England, xxx, 60, 91, 93, 104, 107, 108, 109;
her court, 110; 111, 128, 129;
her marriage to Philip of Spain, 115-117;
proceeds to Windsor, 118-119;
goes to Suffolk Place, 120;
proceeds to Hampton Court, 121;
her life there, 122-123, 125, 127;
her death, 132, 257, 299
Mary Tudor, Queen of France, Duchess of Suffolk (Charles Brandon’s
third wife), 17, 19-20, 21, 22 and _footnote_, 23;
is told she must marry Louis XII, her refusal, 26-27;
consents to the marriage, “treaty of marriage,” and marriage by
proxy, 28-29;
leaves England, arrival at Boulogne, pageant there, 29, 30;
visits Church of Notre-Dame, 30, 31;
first meeting with Louis XII, 31, 32;
the marriage at Abbeville, 32-33;
trouble over her English attendants, 33-38;
her kindness to them, 35 _f.n._;
makes complaint to Henry VIII and Wolsey, 37;
proceeds to St. Denis, 39;
her coronation as Queen of France, 40;
proceeds to Paris, her entry into, and progress round that city,
40-42;
assists at a tournament, her popularity, 43-44;
court intrigues against her, 45;
her respectability, 45-46;
her mourning for King Louis, 46;
repulses Francis I, 47-48;
tells Brandon she will not leave France without him, 49-50 and
_footnote_;
her clandestine marriage with Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk,
50-51;
her letters to Wolsey and Henry VIII, 52;
hands over her jewelry to Henry VIII, on condition that he
recognizes her marriage with Brandon, 52, 53;
her deed of gift, 52 and _footnote_;
list of her property, 53 _f.n._;
her public re-marriage with Brandon, 54-55;
bridal portraits of, her appearance, etc., 55 and _footnote_;
her residences in London, 58;
gives birth to a son, 58;
receives Charles V, is accorded queenly precedence, 59;
goes on pilgrimage, 59;
gives birth to Lady Frances Brandon, 59;
and to Lady Eleanor Brandon, 60, 61, 64;
is neglected by her husband, death of her son, 67;
lock of her hair sold, 67;
supports Katherine of Aragon, 67;
does not attend Anne Boleyn’s coronation, 68;
her ill health, 68;
death and funeral, 70;
incident at funeral, 71;
her monument, 71 _f.n._; 244 _f.n._, 293
Mason, Sir John, 190 and _footnote_;
his letter to Cecil, 190-192, 217, 218
Merrick, Jane, 277, 289
Monteagle, Mary, Lady, 63;
her portrait, 65;
her husband, 65 _f.n._, 70
Mortimer, Lady Margaret (first wife of Charles Brandon), marries
Brandon, 14;
her antecedents, parentage, pedigree, etc., 14-15 _f.n._;
is aunt to Anne Browne (_q. v._), 15;
her marriage declared null, 16;
claims connubial rights, 61;
Brandon obtains a re-affirmation of the dissolution of the marriage,
61;
appeal to Rome, and Papal bull declaring the marriage void, 62;
her third marriage, 63 and _footnote_;
further confirmation of sentence against the marriage, 64-65, 293,
294
Newdigate, Francis, 106, 195 and _footnote_, 204, 217, 218
Norfolk, Duke of, 3, 22 _f.n._, 28, 35, 160, 185;
favours Lady Katherine Grey’s claims, 186, 221, 223, 245
Northampton, Marchioness of, 86
Northampton, Marquis of, 163
Owen Tudor, supposed pedigree of, xxiii;
appearance of, xxiv, xxviii;
his meeting with Katherine of Valois, xxiv and _footnote_, xxv
_f.n._;
clandestine marriage with her, xxiv;
the marriage discovered, his arrest, xxvi;
his imprisonments and escapes, xxvii;
restored to favour, xxvii;
beheaded, xxviii;
his children, xxviii, xxix, xxx
Pembroke, Earl of, 97-98, 101-102, 114, 185, 193
Petre, Sir William, 216
Philip II of Spain (consort of Queen Mary Tudor I), 102;
arrival in England, 111;
his appearance and manners, 112-113;
his journey to Winchester, 113;
receives a ring from the Queen, 114;
his marriage to Mary Tudor, 115-117, 119;
his rude behaviour to Lady Dacre, 123;
returns to Spain, 127; 129;
courts Queen Elizabeth, 147;
supports Lady Katherine’s claims, 150 and _footnote_, 151;
proposes to abduct her, 150 _f.n._
loses interest in Katherine after her marriage, 173, 214, 299.
_See_ Mary Tudor, Queen of England
Pirgo, 195 and _footnote_, 198, 215, 216
Popincourt, Joan, 33, 34
Powis, Anne, Lady, 63, 64 and _footnote_, 70
Quadra, Don Alvaro de la, Spanish Ambassador, 142, 154, 155, 156, 157,
158, 159, 160, 172, 183, 184 and _footnote_, 188, 193, 213, 218
Richmond, Edmund of Hadham, Earl of, xxv, xxviii-xxix.
_See_ Henry VII
Richmond Palace, 119-120
Robert, the Lord. _See_ Dudley, Robert
Saintlow, Mrs. _See_ Bess of Hardwick
Saintlow, William, 89
Seckford, Mr., 301, 302, 303, 304
Seymour, Edward. _See_ Hertford, Earl of
Seymour, Lady Jane. _See_ Jane Seymour, Lady
Seymour, Lord Henry, 179, 180, 218
Seymour, William, 252
Sheen, the Charterhouse at (residence of the Marquis of Dorset), 108,
132, 135, 137, 284
Shrewsbury, George Talbot, Earl of, 86, 250
Skipton Castle, 294, 295;
Skipton Church, 296, 297
Somerset, Anne Stanhope, Duchess of, 106, 125-126, 132;
letter to Cecil of, 169;
writes to Cecil, blaming Lady Katherine, 173 and _footnote_, 236;
appeals on behalf of Lady Katherine and Hertford, 208-209, 216; 224,
242, 244 _f. n._, 249, 274;
Somerset, Duke of, 110, 122, 127, 181 _f. n._
Spaniards, the, their opinion of England and the English, 119,
124-125;
create disturbances, 126-127
Stanley, Lord William, 304
Stokes, Adrian (second husband of Lady Frances Brandon), 103, 104,
105, 136, 138, 139, 141, 256, 284, 285
Strange, Fernando, 300, 303-304
Suffolk, Duchess of. _See_ Brandon, Lady Frances; Katherine
Willoughby; Mary Tudor
Suffolk, Duke of. _See_ Brandon, Charles
Suffolk Place, or Court, 19 _f. n._, 58, 59, 120, 295
Symonds, Dr., 231, 237 _f. n._
“The Chequers,” 266, 273
Tudor, Owen. _See_ Owen Tudor
Warner, Sir Edward (Lieutenant of the Tower), 174, 175, 182, 189,
192, 196, 197 and _footnote_
Wentworth, Lady, 219, 225
Wentworth, Sir John, 216, 219, 220, 225, 228, 241
Westhorpe Hall, 18, 19 _f. n._, 67, 68
Westminster Palace, 164
Westminster, tournament at, described, 23-26;
watergate at, 258 and _footnote_, 260;
Hall, 299
Will of Edward VI, touching the succession to the Throne, xvii, 104,
134, 245, 277
Will of Henry VIII, touching the succession to the Throne, xvi-xviii,
104 and _footnote_, 134, 159, 212 and _footnote_, 245, 277, 293
Willoughby, Katherine, Duchess of Suffolk. _See_ Katherine Willoughby
Wolsey, Cardinal, 6, 37, 51, 56-57, 61, 62, 68
Zouch, Lady, 87 and _footnote_, 88
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FOOTNOTES:
[1] See the brief synopsis of Henry VIII’s Will in Note at the end of
this Preface.
[2] _Ambassades Françaises_—Elizabeth: Archives Nationales.
[3] _Simancas Papers_ (Spanish State Papers), edited by Major Martin
Hume.
[4] See Stowe’s _Annals_; also, _The History of the Twydyr Family_.
[5] The acquaintance of Katherine the Fair with Owen Tudor must have
begun a great deal earlier than 1423, the date usually stated. There
exists in the British Museum, a picturesque old French novel, entitled
_Tidéric, Prince de Galles_—founded, according to its anonymous author,
on little-known documents amongst the French archives—which describes
Katherine as having fallen in love with Owen during the negotiations
for her marriage with Henry V. The handsome Welshman certainly
distinguished himself at Agincourt, and subsequent to that momentous
battle, was created Captain of the King’s Guard, in which position he
became a confidential attendant on the Sovereign. In that quality, we
gather, he was sent with a message to Princess Katherine, who then and
there fell in love with him. He was next—and this is an historical
fact—created Clerk of the Wardrobe to the queen, and was, therefore,
constantly in her company. When both the king and queen returned
to France, and Henry died, Owen escorted the young dowager back to
England. In the _Histoire de Boulogne_, a “M. Tidder” is described as
being in the queen’s procession, which followed “at a distance of two
miles” that conveying the king’s body through northern France on its
way to England. The queen’s procession entered Montreuil-sur-Mer one
hour after the one which bore the royal corpse had left that town, “M.
Tidder” leading the way, on a white horse. The queen and her party
paused to partake of refreshments offered by the mayor, and it was late
in the afternoon before they left Montreuil for Boulogne and Calais,
where Katherine embarked for England at nightfall, but not on the
vessel that carried the king’s body.
Thus Katherine may have had many a meeting with Owen long before her
gallant husband’s death. The adventure at the dance, which history
relates as a fact, very likely occurred, and kindled a passion that
resulted in the secret and momentous union, the precise date of which
is lost.
[6] _Parliamentary History_, vol. ii., p. 211.
[7] Among the statutes of the foundation of Bermondsey Abbey was one
whereby certain apartments were to be reserved for members of the
royal family in case of sickness, the monks having a great reputation
as skilful leeches and doctors, a fact which accounts for this queen
and for Elizabeth Woodville and other royal ladies being permitted to
reside at times in a monastery inhabited by monks.
[8] _Fosdi_, vol. x., p. 354.
[9] See Holinshed’s _Chronicles_.
[10] These facts concerning the Brandons and the Bullens are derived
from notes supplied me many years ago by the eminent Norfolk historian,
my old and valued friend, A. Carthew, whose history of the hundred
of Launditch is one of the most extraordinary volumes of its sort in
existence.
[11] Elizabeth, Duchess of Norfolk, was the daughter and heiress of
Richard Fitzalan, Earl of Arundel and Surrey. Her first husband was
Robert, Duke of Norfolk, who died in Venice; her second, Sir Gerald
Ufflete. A year after his death she took, for a third husband, Sir
Robert Goushall, by whom she had a daughter who became the wife of Sir
Robert Wingfield of Letheringham; it is this lady’s second daughter,
Elizabeth, who married Sir William Brandon, the grandfather of Charles
Brandon, Duke of Suffolk.
[12] Sir Henry Bruyn was a son of Sir Maurice Bruyn and of Elizabeth
Radford.
[13] Elizabeth Darcy was the daughter of Sir Richard Darcy and Alice
Fitzlangley, daughter and heiress of Henry Fitzlangley.
[14] _Cott. Coll. Julius_, vols. ii. and vi.
[15] The origin of this Lady Mortimer, who, for her sins and sorrows,
yielded at a mature age to the blandishments of the very youthful
Charles Brandon, has hitherto baffled the researches of historians.
Quite by chance the writer discovered her identity. Happening one
day to turn over the pages of Blomefield’s invaluable _History of
Norfolk_, under the heading “Inglethorpe” in the Lynn district, he
found, included in the pedigree of the ancient family which gives its
name to this manor, that of the Lady Mortimer. It appears that Sir
Edmond de Bellasis, Lord of Inglethorpe or Ingaldesthorpe, who died,
seized of that manor, in the thirty-sixth year of Henry V’s reign, was
the last of his line. He had, by his wife, the Lady Joan de Boase, a
daughter and heiress, Isabel, who married John Nevill, Marquis Montagu
or Montacute, brother to the famous “Kingmaker,” Richard Nevill, Earl
of Warwick. This lady had two sons and five daughters. Her eldest
son died in infancy, and the second, George, eventually followed the
fortunes of his uncle, the Earl of Warwick, and rose, under Edward
IV, to be Duke of Bedford, but was deprived of this title and of
his estates by Richard III. He died without issue, bequeathing what
remained of his fortune amongst his five sisters, one of whom, the Lady
Margaret Nevill, married Sir John Mortimer, who, dying on the field of
battle at Bosworth without issue, left her very richly dowered. Being
considerably over forty when Charles Brandon was in his nineteenth year
(it will be remembered that he was a mere child at the time of the
battle of Bosworth), she fell a victim to the youth’s fascinations, and
married him, to the amazement of the Venetian ambassador, who comments
upon the affair in a note to his government, saying: “In this country
[England] young men marry old ladies for their money, and here, for
instance, is the Duke of Suffolk, who, at nineteen, married a lady, for
her wealth, in whose house he dwelt, and who is old enough to be his
grandmother.” This Lady Mortimer had a sister, the Lady Lucy Nevill,
who married Sir Anthony Browne, governor of Calais, and who was the
mother of that Anne Browne, to whom Brandon was betrothed at the time
of his marriage with the Lady Mortimer. To add to the confusion, it
seems that Brandon’s grandmother, Elizabeth Wingfield, had a youngest
sister who married Robert Mortimer, brother to the above-named Sir
John, and was therefore sister-in-law to the Lady Margaret Mortimer
and Brandon’s great-aunt. These alliances, at a time when not only
consanguinity, but spiritual affinity, was taken into consideration
in matters matrimonial, rendered it exceedingly easy for certain
thoughtlessly undertaken marriages to be annulled by the ecclesiastical
tribunals.
There is in this pedigree another curious fact which tells indirectly
upon the tragic history of the three sisters Grey, since it proves that
there existed a connecting link between the Brandons and the Greys as
far back as the beginning of the fifteenth century. The Lady Joan,
widow of the last Lord Inglethorpe, married the first Lord Grey de
Ruthen, and thereby became the immediate ancestress of that Henry Grey
who married Brandon’s daughter by the French queen, the Lady Frances,
and was the father of the three unfortunate sisters, Jane, Katherine
and Mary Grey. This connection very probably led to the choice of Henry
Grey as consort for the Lady Frances Brandon, Mary Tudor’s eldest
daughter.
[16] Reginald de la Pole, head of this great house, was beheaded on
June 30, 1513, for an alleged treasonable correspondence with his
brother, then in the service of Louis XII, who, it was said, had
threatened to assist in placing the “heir of the White Rose” (Perkin
Warbeck) upon the English throne.
[17] Other lands and mansions assigned to Charles Brandon from time
to time were: the manors of Austin’s and Gerard’s in the parish of
Darsham (Suffolk), given at the Dissolution; Leiston Abbey (Suffolk),
granted in 1536—it is said that the patronage of this abbey had been
in the Brandon family for generations, but Charles exchanged it with
the Crown for Henham Hall; properties at Laxfield and Middleton
in Suffolk, attached to Leiston Abbey, granted to Brandon at the
Dissolution; the Priory of St. Mary of Mendham (Suffolk), which came
to Brandon through his fourth wife, Catherine, Lady Willoughby of
Eresby, she being lineally descended from a sister of Sir William de
Ufford, on whom it had been settled—Brandon conveyed it to one Richard
Freston for an annual rent of forty pounds; the estate of Combs,
which was an inheritance in the right of Catherine, Lady Willoughby,
and eventually passed to her second husband, Richard Bertie, Esq.;
Haughley Castle, manor and estate (Suffolk), an apanage of the de la
Poles; and Cavenham, granted to Suffolk on the attainder of the Duke of
Buckingham. Strange to say, Suffolk rarely visited any of his numerous
castles and manor-houses. He lived in London. His favourite country
house was Westhorpe Hall; but he died at Guildford Castle, which did
not belong to him. The estate in Southwark came to him in 1502 on the
death of his uncle Thomas, who had inherited it in his turn from his
grandfather, who died in 1497. Charles so enlarged the house that it
became a palace, second only in size and magnificence to the royal
palace at Kennington. These facts prove—the majority of the historians
of London to the contrary notwithstanding—that Suffolk Place was not a
gift to Brandon from the king, but an inheritance from his forefathers.
[18] British Museum, Titus B.I. 142; also, the _Chronique de Calais_,
71.
[19] See the dowager’s own narrative in the _Chronique de Calais_.
[20] Mary openly renounced her contract with Prince Charles of Castile
on July 30, 1514, at Wanstead, in the presence of Thomas, Duke of
Norfolk, Brandon, and the Bishops of Lincoln, Winchester and Durham.
[21] Louis’s queen, Anne of Brittany, had died, “utterly lamented,” on
January 9, 1514.
[22] Louis himself told the English ambassadors that “he was a sickly
body, and not fond of having curious eyes about him.” Peter Martyr says
he suffered from elephantiasis and bore signs of premature senility.
See Fleming’s _Chronicles_; the _Calendar of State Papers_; and Peter
Martyr’s _Epistles_, 541.
[23] Mary, however, with the kindness of heart which characterized her,
saw that they eventually obtained some recognition of their services.
According to documents in the French archives, her goldsmith, one
William Verner, of Fleet Street, London, was ordered to prepare certain
jewelry, to the value of six hundred gold crowns, to be disbursed as
gifts to the impecunious gentlewomen dismissed in France. Amongst these
valuable presents were a polished ruby and an emerald set in a gold
cross, value two hundred _écus de soleil_; a diamond and sapphire set
in a necklace, value three hundred crowns; and a table diamond worth
one hundred crowns. The gems were to be worn at court, in order that
all might see that the ladies had not been defrauded of their just dues.
[24] This Lady Boleyn is frequently described as the Lady Anne Boleyn
who became Queen of England and died on the scaffold; but this is a
popular error. Anne Boleyn was at this time in attendance on Queen
Claude of France, and the Lady Anne Boleyn, her aunt, has been
identified as the Lady Boleyn who was in attendance upon Mary at the
time of her marriage with the French king. She was the wife of Sir
William Boleyn and daughter of the Earl of Pembroke.
[25] British Museum, _Caligula_, D. vi. 192.
[26] On October 13, 1514, Louis presented his queen with the already
mentioned ruby valued at 10,000 marks.
Mary was endowed by Letters Patent (Abbeville, October 8, 1514) with
the town and castlery of Caynone and its appurtenances, the castles of
Saintonge, de Pezenas, etc. (R.O. Rymer xiii. 459.)
[27] This beautiful specimen of a Gothic palace of the fourteenth
century was the town residence of the abbots of Cluny, and was lent to
the queen dowager by the abbot of that day. The noble old building is
still standing, and converted into a museum of mediæval art.
[28] Queen Claude is said to have introduced greengages into northern
France. They are still called _prunes de la Reine Claude_.
[29] State Papers, Domestic Series, Henry VIII, vols. i. and ii.
[30] _Ambassades françaises (Angleterre) sous François I (Henri VIII)._
Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris.
[31] “When,” says Suffolk, “I came to Paris, the queen was in hand with
me the day after. She said ‘she must be short with me and show to me
her pleasure and mind,’ and so she began, and showed how good a lady
she was to me, and if I would be ordered by her, she verily would have
none but me.” “An ever I come to England,” said the youthful dowager to
Suffolk, “I never shall have you, and therefore plainly an you marry me
not now, I will never have you nor never come into England.” Suffolk
replied, “You say that but to prove me withal.” “I would but you knew
well,” answered Mary, “at your coming to Paris how it was shown to me.”
“I asked her,” continued Suffolk, “what that was?” “The best in France
has been with me,” replied Mary. Here she clearly indicated Francis I,
and from him she had intelligence which added to her excitement. “An I
go to England,” continued she to Suffolk, “then I am sent to Flanders,
and I would be torn to pieces rather than ever come there.” “And with
that,” pursues Suffolk, “she weeped as never I saw woman so weep.”
[32] For this remarkable correspondence see _Cott. Col._ (British
Museum), _Caligula_, D. vi.
[33] Some writers call it _le Miroir de Naples_, but in the list of
gems taken by Charles VIII (Neapolitan archives), it figures as _La
Stella di Napoli_. Where is it now? The “Mirror,” or “Star,” of Naples
was valued at 30,000 crowns, and eighteen pearls at 10,000 crowns.
[34] The queen, in her deed of gift adds: “I give all my dote that was
delivered with me, and also all such plate of gold and jewels as I
shall have of my late husband’s. Over and besides this, I shall, rather
than fail, give you as much yearly part of my dower as great a sum as
shall stand with your will and pleasure.”
[35] The following are the headings to the lists of the property of
Princess Mary Tudor, made at the time of her marriage with King Louis:—
“1. An inventory of date 12th October, 1514, of the jewelry, gold and
silver plate, for the chapel, buffets and kitchen of the Princess
Mary, delivered to Lewis XII, in presence of Thos. Bohier, Jacques de
Beaume, and Henry Wyat, master of the jewel-house, made in the town of
Abbeville, 10th and 11th Oct., 1514.” (Among the plate mentioned are
several silver images of St. Thomas of Canterbury, St. Katharine, and
other saints, and a silver-gilt mirror, garnished with H. & R. and red
roses.)
“2. List of the furniture for the chapel, dresses, linen, tapestries,
belonging to the Princess Mary, delivered to Lewis XII by Sir Andrew
Windsor, master of the Wardrobe, before the same witnesses; made at
Abbeville, 11th and 12th Oct., 1514.”
“3. Inventory of the horses, carriages, and their furniture,
Abbeville, 12th Oct., 1514.”
There is also a minute of an agreement, in the Rolls Office, by which
document Louis XII agrees to receive jewelry and furniture to the value
of 200,000 crowns, as the dowry of Princess Mary, reserving certain
conditions as to their restoration. What these conditions were we
learn from letters of acquittance (R.O. Rymer xiii. 462) given on the
delivery of Mary Queen of France, with her jewels, etc., of the 400,000
gold crowns promised as her dower by Henry VIII, provided that, in the
case of restitution, the king and his heirs shall only be bound to
restore what she brought with her into France, with the expenses of her
passage. Subscribed, Abbeville, 13th August, 1514.
[36] An anonymous writer to Margaret of Savoy, in a letter dated
April 9, 1514, says: “I think never man saw a more beautiful creature
[than Mary], or one possessed of so much grace and sweetness.” Gerard
de Pleine writes: “I assure you that she [Mary] is one of the most
beautiful young women in the world. I think I never saw a more charming
creature. She is very graceful. Her deportment in dancing and in
conversation is as pleasing as you could desire. There is nothing
gloomy or melancholy about her.... I assure you that she has been well
educated.... I had imagined that she would have been very tall; but she
is of middling height....” (_Lettres de Louis XII_, tome iv., p. 335;
State Papers, 5203, p. 833.)
[37] Cavendish’s _Life of Wolsey_; also, a slightly different version,
in Galt’s _Life of Cardinal Wolsey_, p. 164.
[38] In 1603, James I took a fancy to Theobalds Park at Cheshunt, the
seat of the Cecils, where he stopped on his progress from Edinburgh
to London to ascend the English throne, and exchanged Hatfield for
Theobalds, where he died in 1625. Hatfield has ever since remained in
the possession of the illustrious family of Cecil.
[39] The Lady Anne Boleyn above mentioned was not the lady who became
famous as the second queen of Henry VIII, but her aunt, a daughter of
the Earl of Pembroke and wife of Sir William Boleyn of Blickling Hall,
Norfolk.
[40] Clement had been driven from Rome by the Spanish troops, and had
taken refuge at Orvieto, in a ruinous palace. The envoys say “the
furniture of his bed and all was not worth twenty nobles.”
[41] It is not at all improbable that this, the generally received
version of what we should call the _affaire Mortimer_, is incorrect.
Cokayne says she married, after her separation from Brandon, a
gentleman named Downes—the _Baronagium_ calls him Horn. In this case
she was already out of court, and the action of Brandon and Wolsey for
a papal absolute nullification of the former’s marriage was to make the
position of the queen-duchess and her children entirely unassailable.
(See the _Baronagium Angl._; also, Brooke’s _Catalogue_, p. 141.)
The third marriage of Lady Mortimer seems to have been overlooked by
historians. Had Lady Mortimer’s marriage with Brandon been confirmed by
the pope, both she and Brandon would have been liable to the charge of
bigamy, and the succession to the throne claimed by the daughter of the
queen-duchess by Brandon would have been _ipso facto_ invalid.
[42] “The xiij day of January was bared at (Westminster) in sant
Margerett parryche my lade Powes, (daughter) to the duke of Suffoke
Charles Brandon, (with two) whytt branchys, xij torchys, and iij grett
(tapers), with xij skochyons of armes.”
[43] Lady Monteagle, who bore her husband six children, died in
1544. Her husband, Thomas Stanley, succeeded his father as Viscount
Monteagle, 1522, and was made K.B. at the Coronation of Anne
Boleyn. His second wife was Helen Preston of Livens. (See Dugdale’s
_Baronagium_, Machyn’s _Diary_, etc.) These dates prove conclusively
that the lovely woman in the sketch by Holbein, inscribed “the Lady
Monteagle,” is intended for the daughter of Charles Brandon, and is not
the second Lady Monteagle, who was married long after Holbein’s death.
[44] Dugdale. Brandon was jeweller to Elizabeth, and there are numerous
references to orders given him by the queen, for plate and jewelry.
[45] In the register of St. Mary Matfellon, Whitechapel, is the record
of the burial of Richard Brandon, “a man out of Rosemary Lane.” The
entry is dated June 2, 1649, and to it is appended a note to the effect
that “this Richard Brandon is supposed to have cut off the head of
Charles I.” This man is said to have confessed that he received thirty
pounds for the job, which was paid him in half-crowns within an hour
after the execution had taken place; he took an orange stuck with
cloves, and a handkerchief, from the king’s pocket, and sold the former
article to a gentleman for ten shillings. Richard Brandon was the son
of Gregory Brandon, and claimed the office of headsman by inheritance.
His first victim was the Earl of Strafford. In a very old MS. on
armorial bearings, dated 1692, lately in the possession of the author,
is the marginal note in an antique handwriting: “Charles Brandon, who
was cousin to Queen Elizabeth, had an ill-begotten son Gregory, whose
son Richard beheaded Charles I.”
[46] State Papers, Henry VIII, Domestic Series.
[47] Estby’s _History of Bury St. Edmunds_.
[48] Mary Tudor, Queen Dowager of France and Duchess of Suffolk, was
buried in a magnificent alabaster monument in Bury St. Edmunds Abbey,
which was destroyed at the Dissolution. Although the abbey church was
blown up with gunpowder, the townspeople carried the coffin, containing
the queen’s body, to the parish church, where it was reinterred near
the high altar, and covered with some altar slabs brought from the
desecrated abbey. The alabaster monument was destroyed. In 1734 the
remains of Mary Tudor were unearthed and her coffin was opened. The
body, that of a large woman, with a profusion of golden hair adhering
to the skull, was found to be in a perfect state of preservation.
It was re-buried close to the right of the altar, where a modern
inscription on a marble tablet, let into the wall, may still be read.
[49] There is an interesting account of the death of these “noble
imps,” as contemporary chroniclers call them, in the _Gentleman’s
Magazine_ for Nov. 1825, vol. xcv. II. 200.
[50] For an account of this visit, see State Papers, p. 453, a dispatch
from the Earl of Sussex dated December 31, 1534. Suffolk had been
to Bugden earlier in the year, in May, and had behaved with much
unnecessary brutality.
[51] A chandler, who also exercised the calling of surgeon, opened
the body of Queen Katherine, and found the heart black and dry, as he
informed the Bishop of Llandaff; proving, although he was unaware of
the fact, that she died of what is called melanotic sarcoma, or cancer
of the heart.
[52] The venerated image was again destroyed during the French
Revolution, only the left hand being saved; this is still carried in
procession through the streets of Boulogne on August 14.
[53] There is a fine drawing of this lady, by Holbein, at Windsor
Castle.
[54] Katherine, Lady Willoughby d’Eresby, was the fourth wife of
Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, and step-grandmother to Lady
Katherine Grey.
[55] The Marquis of Dorset was created Duke of Suffolk early in the
reign of Edward VI, and shortly after the death of his wife’s two
step-brothers, both successively dukes of Suffolk, who died within a
few hours of each other, as already stated, in 1551.
[56] Aylmer, however, knew Lady Katherine Grey well, for in one of
his letters from Italy he desires to be remembered to her. We may,
therefore, conclude that he had at least some share in her education;
but whereas Jane Grey’s calligraphy is very fine, for the period,
Katherine’s is nearly illegible, and her letters are not well expressed.
[57] It was written by Lady Jane, on the evening of Sunday, February 11
(the night before her execution), on the blank sheets in her favourite
Greek Testament. This may now be seen in the British Museum.
[58] An allusion to the parable of the wise and foolish virgins.
[59] The next few lines are illegible, having evidently been blotted
out by the writer’s tears.
[60] For a detailed account of Henry VIII’s will, see _The Nine-days’
Queen_, by Richard Davey, p. 109.
[61] The original copy is still preserved in the British Museum, bound
up in a small volume of MSS., _temp._ Mary I. “On the outer cover
is written, in red ink, ‘Mariæ Reginæ,’ showing this to be the copy
presented to the Queen.”
[62] There is a very beautiful picture in the King’s collection,
representing the mother of this young lady.
[63] Blanche Parry was the widow of Sir Thomas Parry, who succeeded Mr.
Saintlow as comptroller of the queen’s household. She was a palmist of
considerable skill; and an ancient black-letter volume on Palmistry,
containing a great many very curious plates, is still in the library
at Charlcote Hall. It is said by tradition to have belonged to Blanche
Parry: if so, she “told the hand” exactly as it is “told” by the occult
sisterhood of Bond Street and other fashionable parts of London in our
time. Mrs. Parry was also a crystal-gazer.
[64] Dr. Dee, who was born in 1527, was a man of superior attainments,
and a clever mathematician. He took his degree as Master of Arts in
1548 at Cambridge. Being suspected as a sorcerer, he left England in
the same year, but returned in the reign of Edward VI, who took a great
fancy to him. Under Mary, he was imprisoned for attempting the queen’s
life by witchcraft. After Elizabeth ascended the throne, he became
such a favourite with her that she sent her own doctors to him when
he was ill; and she also despatched him to investigate the recently
discovered American territory. In 1583 he went to live in Bohemia with
a Polish nobleman, who was likewise suspected of necromancy, and the
two succeeded in imposing on a great many people on the Continent.
Dee eventually returned to England, was made Chancellor of St. Paul’s
Cathedral, and died at Mortlake in 1608. He possessed a magic mirror in
which Elizabeth placed great faith and which she frequently consulted.
[65] See for particulars of the life of Amy Robsart, Mr. George
Adlard’s interesting volume, _Amye Robsart and the Earl of Leycester_,
John Russell Smith, London, 1870. Mr. Adlard had not access to the
Simancas Papers, and was therefore not aware of the rumours rife in
London at the time of the unfortunate lady’s accident or murder. Amy
Robsart did not, as Scott tells us, belong to a Devonshire family, but
to a very ancient Norfolk house.
[66] The scheme is succinctly recounted in a letter from Sir Thomas
Challoner, then English ambassador at Madrid, to Cecil, which will be
found in the State Papers (Foreign Series) for the reign of Elizabeth.
“King Philip II,” he says, “is so jealous of the anticipated power
of France, by the alliance of young Francis the Dauphin with the
Queen of Scotland, and her claims to the Crown of England, that he
positively contemplates stealing Lady Katherine Grey out of the realm,
and marrying her to his son, Don Carlos, or some other member of his
family, and setting up her title against that of Mary Stuart, as the
true heiress of England. Lady Katherine will probably be glad to go,
being most uncomfortably situated in the English court with the queen,
who cannot well abide the sight of her, and neither the duchess her
mother nor her step-father love her, and her uncle cannot abide to hear
of her, so that she lives, as it were, in great despair. She has spoken
very arrogant and unseemly words in the hearing of the queen and others
standing by. Hence it is thought that she could be enticed away if some
trusty person speak with her.”
[67] It will be remembered that these events took place late in 1558,
or early in 1559, before Lady Frances’s death.
[68] Durham House, Strand, at one time the town residence of the
Bishops of Durham, was ceded to the famous Duke of Northumberland;
and Lady Jane Grey was married, and Lady Katherine betrothed, in
the private chapel. It afterwards passed into the possession of the
Archbishops of York, under Mary, and was finally leased by Elizabeth to
the Spanish Embassy. The name of Durham Place and Durham Court, Strand,
until lately marked the site of this at one time magnificent mansion.
[69] It was even rumoured about the court that the marriage had
actually taken place in secret. Quadra, writing to the King of Spain
under date November 20, 1560, says: “They say [Robert Dudley] was
married to the queen in the presence of his brother and two ladies of
the chamber.”
[70] Hertford mentioned at his trial that he “got up at six o’clock” on
this occasion.
[71] This fashion evidently came from Germany, “froze” being an
anglicized version of “frau’s.”
[72] The full text of this letter, which will be found in the State
Papers for the reign of Elizabeth, is as follows:—
“GOOD MASTER SECRETARY,
“Hearing a great bruit that my Lady Katherine Grey is in the Tower,
and also that she should say she is married already to my son, I
could not choose but trouble you with my cares and sorrows thereof.
And although I might, upon my son’s earnest and often protesting to
me the contrary, desire you to be an humble suitor on my behalf,
that her tales might not be credited before my son did answer, yet,
instead thereof, my first and chief suit is that the Queen’s Majesty
will think and judge of me in this matter, according to my desert and
meaning. And if my son have so much forgotten Her Highness calling him
to honour, and so much overshot his bounden duty, and so far abused
Her Majesty’s benignity, yet never was his mother privy or consenting
thereunto. I will not fill my letter with how much I have schooled and
persuaded him to the contrary, nor yet will I desire that youth and
fear may help, excuse, or lessen his fault; but only that Her Highness
will have that opinion of me as of one that, neither for child nor
friend, shall willingly neglect the duty of a faithful subject. And
to conserve my credit with Her Majesty, good Master Secretary, stand
now my friend, that the wildness of mine unruly child do not minish
Her Majesty’s favour towards me. And thus so perplexed with this
discomfortable rumour I end, not knowing how to proceed nor what to
do therein. Therefore, good Master Secretary, let me understand some
comfort of my grief from the Queen’s Majesty, and some counsel from
yourself, and so do leave you to God.
“Your assured friend to my power,
“ANN SOMERSET.”
[73] Parrots and monkeys were apparently favourite domestic pets at the
end of the sixteenth century—the Duchess of Northumberland (the widow
of John Dudley), for instance, left her grey parrot to the Duchess of
Alva; in itself a slight “sign of the times,” indicating how ideas of
travel were gradually spreading. The animals were probably brought from
the north of Africa, Algeria, Morocco, etc.
[74] These were: Edward Seymour, Duke of Somerset and Lord Protector,
the infant’s grandfather, beheaded in 1552; Henry, Duke of Suffolk,
his maternal grandfather (1554); Lady Jane Grey, his aunt (1554); Lord
Seymour of Sudeley, his grandfather’s brother (1549); the Duke of
Northumberland, his great-uncle (1553); and finally, Lord Thomas Grey,
another great-uncle (1554).
[75] “Out of the fifteen or sixteen of them (i.e. members of the
council) that there are, there were nearly as many different opinions
about the succession to the Crown. It would be impossible to please
them all, but I am sure in the end they would form two or three parties
and that the Catholic party would have on its side the majority of the
country, although I do not know whether the Catholics themselves would
be able to agree, as some would like the Queen of Scots and others Lady
Margaret [Lennox].”—Quadra to the Duchess of Parma, October 25, 1562;
see Calendar of Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. i.
[76] Quadra to the King of Spain, October 25, 1562.
[77] Spanish State Papers, vol. i. p. 311.
[78] Spanish State Papers, vol. i. p. 321.
[79] Sir John Mason, who had been at one time English Ambassador to
the court of the Emperor Charles V, was one of Elizabeth’s privy
councillors.
[80] Quadra to the King of Spain, November 30, 1562. Spanish State
Papers, Elizabeth, vol. i.
[81] This order only exists in the State Papers as a draft in Cecil’s
handwriting. The full text of it is as follows:—
“Rt. Trusty and Well-beloved, We greet you well. Whereas we be informed
that the (plague) [the words in brackets are crossed out] places
near that our Tower are much visited with the plague, and yourself
not without great fear that the same may enter into our said Tower,
we (have thought meet upon earnest suit made unto us to license) are
contented the lady Catharyne and y^[e] Earl of Hertford for y^[e] time
of this danger of the plague shall be placed in some other several
and convenient places out of y^[e] Tower. Wherefore (we will that you
shall let either of them know of this our contentation that the lady
Catharyn shall be removed to And for the places of their abode) we will
that the lady Catharyne shall be removed to y^[e] house of Ld. John
Grey in Essex, there to remain (within his house) with him and his wife
during our pleasure; and y^[e] Earl of Hertford to be removed to his
mother’s house in Middlesex, there also to remain during our pleasure;
and for their behaviour our pleasure is that ye shall command them in
our name under pain of our indignation and such fine as we shall please
to assess, that neither of them shall depart from y^[e] said places
without our leave, (neither attempt to have any converse together)
otherwise than to take y^[e] air near to y^[e] same and not without the
company of his mother or Newdegate. (_Endorsed_) 21 Aug. 1563. From the
Queen’s Majesty to the Lieutenant of the Tower for the removal of the
Lady Katherine and the Earl of Hertford.”
[82] Lord John Grey, the Duke of Suffolk’s brother, had himself been
imprisoned in the Tower for eight months in 1554, for his alleged share
in Suffolk’s rebellion in favour of Lady Jane Grey. His was a courtesy
title, and he was sometimes called “Sir” John. Pirgo was granted to him
by the queen on April 24, 1559, but he evidently found some difficulty
in keeping it up, for shortly afterwards he wrote to Cecil begging him
“to acquaint the queen with his embarrassed circumstances, as they
affect her former grant.”
[83] It is a curious fact that the grandmother of Jane Dormer, Duchess
of Feria, whom we have had occasion to mention in these pages, was of
the family of “Nudigate,” her brother being that Sebastian Newdigate,
a monk of the Charterhouse, London, who was executed under Henry VIII
for denying the royal supremacy. The Duchess of Somerset’s husband,
Sergeant Francis Newdigate, was of this same family. These Newdigates
had a fine house in Charterhouse Square, which they occasionally let,
furnished, for the season to Lord Latimer, Katherine Parr’s third
husband.
[84] This list runs as follows, the disparaging comments, here printed
in brackets, being those written by Warner himself:—
“Stuff delivered in August, 1561, by the Queen’s commandments and the
Lord Chamberlain’s warrants, by William Bentley, out of the Wardrobe in
the Tower, to Sir Edward Warner, Knight, then levetenant of the Tower,
for the necessary furniture of Lady Katherine Grey’s chamber.
“First: six pieces of tapestry to hang her chamber. (‘Very old and
coarse.’) Item: a spavier (?) for a bed of changeable damask. (‘All
to-broken and not worth tenpence.’) One silk quilt of red striped with
gold. (‘Stark naught.’) Two carpets of Turkey matting. (‘The wool is
all worn.’) Item: one chair of cloth of gold with crimson velvet, with
two pommels of copper gilt, and the Queen’s arms in the back. (‘Nothing
worth.’) Item: one cushion of purple velvet. (‘An owld cast thing.’)
Item: two footstools covered with green velvet. (‘Owld stools for King
Henry’s feet.’) One bed, one bolster, and a counterpane, for her women.
(‘A mean bed.’)”
It is not improbable that the chair of cloth of gold, of which Warner
speaks so scathingly, was the “Throne” used by Katherine’s sister, Lady
Jane, during her nine-days’ reign.
[85] The text of this letter is as follows:—
“Good cousin Cecil, after my very hearty commendations to my good
cousin, your wife and you, with like thanks for your great friendship
showed me in this my lord’s deliverance and mine, with the obtaining
of the Queen’s Majesty’s most gracious favour thus farforth extended
towards us, I cannot but acknowledge myself bounden and beholding unto
you therefor. And as I am sure you doubt not of mine own dear lord’s
good-will for the requital thereof to the uttermost of his power, so
I beseech you, good cousin Cecill, make the like account of me during
life to the uttermost of my power; beseeching your farther friendship
for the obtaining of the Queen’s Majesty’s most gracious pardon and
favour towards me, which, with upstretched hands and downbent knees,
from the bottom of my heart most humbly I crave. Thus resting in prayer
for the Queen’s Majesty’s long reign over us, the forgiveness of mine
offence, the short [speedy] enjoying of [the company of] my own dear
lord and husband, with assured hope through God’s grace and your good
help and my Lord Robert [Dudley] for the enjoying of the Queen’s
Highness’s favour in that behalf, I bid you, my own good cousin, most
heartily farewell. From Pyrgo the thred of September.
“Your assured friend and cousin to my small power,
“KATHERYNE HARTFORD.”
“To my very loving cousin Sir William Cicyll, Knight, Chief Secretary
to the Queen’s Majesty, give these.”—[“Mine own dear lord,” of whom she
makes mention, is, of course, her husband, Hertford.]
[86] The letter to Cecil is worded as follows:—
“What the long want of the Queen’s Majesty’s accustomed favour towards
me hath bred in this miserable and wasted body of mine, God only
knoweth, as I daily more and more, to the torment and wasting thereof,
do otherwise feel than well able to express; which if it should any
long time thus continue, I rather wish of God shortly to be buried
in the faith and fear of Him, than in this continual agony to live.
As I have written unto my Lord Robert, so, good cousin Ceycell, do I
unto you. I must confess I never felt what the want of my Prince’s
favour was before now, which by your good means and the rest of my
very good lords, once obtained, I shall not require of any of you, if
it fall, through my default, to be means for the restitution thereof,
so mindful, God willing, shall I be, not to offend Her Highness.
Thus desiring the continuance of your friendship, I most heartily
bid you farewell, good cousin Cecil, praying you to make my hearty
commendations to my cousin your wife. From Pirgo, the xiii of December.
“Your poor cousin and assured friend to my small power,
“KATHERYNE HARTFORD.”
[87] This part of the letter (which is in the Lansdowne MSS. No. 7,
fol. 110) is as follows:—
“But because you shall truly know what charges my lord [Hertford]
is at, and hath been at, with my lady [Katherine], since her coming
hither, I have herein enclosed true inventory, besides my lady’s whole
furniture of her and hers, with hangings, bedding, sheets, drapery
and plate, for neither she nor her little boy hath one piece of plate
to drink, eat, or keep anything, but of me; which, though it cannot
be much, yet is as much as I have.... I learn from Hanworth that he
[Hertford] hath been very plain with Newdigate, since which Lady
Katherine hath received twenty pounds, and been promised to have beds
and sheets sent to her, howbeit they have not yet come; she had nothing
to send any friend at New Year’s tide, which induced Lady Clinton to
give Lady Grey a pair of silk hose, to present to Lady Knowles in Lady
Katherine’s name, as if from her.” Lord John goes on to say that he
thinks Newdigate ought to have told Cecil how unprovided she was when
she first arrived at Pirgo: “for the inventory of all she had when he
left her here I could send to you, but I am ashamed, for that it was so
bare.”
[88] The inventory includes the following items:—
“Two coats for Mr. Thomas [Katherine’s baby, then about eleven months],
whereof the one is russet damask, the other of crimson velvet. Of white
cloth to make him petticoats, two yards. Of red cloth to make him like
petticoats, two yards. Velvet caps for him, two. A russet taffeta hat
for him, laid on with silver cord.... Two pairs of fine sheets for my
Lady Katherine, of two breadths. Black velvet to make a gown for my
Lady Katherine, bound with sables, ten yards. Russet velvet to make a
gown and a kirtle. Black and russet lace to the gown and kirtle. Damask
to make a nightgown for my Lady. Crimson satin to make a petticoat. A
petticoat of crimson velvet. A velvet hood for my Lady. Two pairs of
black silk hose. Black cloth to make a cloak. Two yards of cambric to
make ruffs, plattes, coverchiefs and handkerchiefs, six ells. Linen
to make smocks, ten ells. Silver dishes and saucers for her use. The
charge of weekly rate for her board, 46s. 8d.; for her child, 13s. 4d.;
for his nurse, 6s. 8d.; her three ladies, each 6s. 8d.; for her two
men-servants, 5s. each; the same for her laundress and the widow that
washeth the child’s clothes.”
[89] The receipt in question runs as follows:—
“January 24, 1564. Received by me, John Woode, steward to the Right
Honourable my L(ord) John Graie, at the hands of George Ireland, for
fourteen weeks’ diet unto my Lady of Hartford and her train, after six
pounds sixteen shillings and eight pence the week, in full payment
of all her Ladyship’s said diet unto this day, the sum of four score
fifteen pounds thirteen shillings four pence on, besides 57li 4s. 9d.
which I received of Mr. Edward Stanhope in full satisfaction of her
Ladyship’s diet until the 17th of October last. In witness whereof I
have here under subscribed my name this 23rd of January 1563 (n.s.
1564) et Anno Regni Regine E. sext.
li s d
95 13 4
by me John Woode
s. d.
My Lady 66 8
Her son 13 4 li
——- 4
William Hampton 5 0
Her nurse 6 8
Mrs. Woodeforde 6 8
Mrs. Isham 6 8
My Lady’s groom 5 0
Nowell her man 5 0
My Lady’s two launders 10 0
Page 6 8 s d
Lackey 5 0 56 8 li s d
——- ——- 6 16 8
“Recd. of Mr. George Ireland the 23rd of January 1563 (1564) which I
stand to account for at our next reckoning, 4li 11s. 8d. by me John
Woode.
“(_Endorsed_) Copies of my Lady’s diet at Pirgo last paid for 14 weeks.
23 Jan. 1563 (1564).”
[90] The text of this letter is as follows:—
“I find myself not a little bound unto your Lordship for the friendly
welcoming and honourable using of my Lady my mother since her now being
at the Court, as also your well-tried and goodly noble furthering her
long and troublesome suit for us, to our most gracious Queen. Wherein,
as always, so now, I still crave your especial and most humble means
of desire to Her Majesty, that we may be unburdened of Her Highness’s
intolerable displeasure, the great weight whereof hath sufficiently
taught us never again to offend so merciful a Princess. And so I
beseech you, my good Lord, now on our behalf, who pray not for earthly
things so much as the comfort of her too long wasted favour. My trust
is God will bless your Lordship’s travails with the fruit thereof, and
by your means, wherein, next Him, we only depend, turn the sorrowful
mourning of us, Her Majesty’s poor captives, into a countershine
comfort, for which I rest in continual prayer. And so I take my leave,
beseeching Almighty God long to preserve her, and make me so happy as
to enjoy the company of so dear a lord and friend as I have, and do
find of your Lordship.
“From Hanworth, the xviii of March, 1563.”—State Papers, vol. xxxiii.
fol. 27.
[91] State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, vol. xxx. fol. 77.
[92] Lansdowne MSS. No. 7, article 55.
[93] Guzman de Silva, writing to the King of Spain, states that the
book was written “in the interests of Katherine in the matter of the
succession, and mainly consisted of two points: first, as to whether
King Henry’s will was valid or not, as in it this Katherine is
appointed amongst others as his successor; and secondly, the question
of the Scotch Queen being an alien.”—Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth,
vol. i. p. 427.
The validity of Henry VIII’s will was questioned on the ground that the
king did not sign it with his own hand, but by means of a stamp. See
_The Nine-days’ Queen_ (R. Davey), pp. 109, 110.
[94] Gosfield Hall, a fortified brick building, encircling a
quadrangular court, is two miles from Halstead in Essex and forty-four
from London. It stood in the midst of a pleasant park of a hundred and
seven acres, having a lake.
[95] State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, vol. xxxix. fol. 70.
[96] This phrase would tempt one to think that the scheme for abducting
the Lady Katherine to Spain may not, after all, have been altogether
abandoned, even as late as this, or that some other plot for her sudden
seizure was feared.
[97] Spanish State Papers, vol. i. pp. 618, 637.
[98] This letter runs as follows:—
“And, as I hear, the Lady Matravers her [Lady Wentworth’s] daughter
does not mind to keep the house [Gosfield], but is better disposed
to sojourn in some convenient place for her Ladyship, So that if I
should be thought meet to have the charge of the said Lady Catherin,
I must remove her from thence unto my house, which is nothing meet
for many respects for such a personage. I have no wife to take the
charge of my house, the want whereof hath occasioned me to lie most
part at the said Mr. Wentworthe’s, whose kinsman I was. My house and
provision is neither within or without furnished meet to receive such
a charge, [and] my business is most times such, by the occasion of the
great charge of children I have, that I am much enforced to be from
my house. Sir, I do not deal thus plainly and truly with you for that
I am loth to take the charge of her Ladyship (if I were meet for the
same) for any misliking I have of her or hers, for I must for truth’s
sake confess, as one that hath had good experience of her Ladyship’s
behaviour here, that it hath been very honourable and quiet, and her
Ladyship’s servants very orderly....” The letter, which is addressed to
Cecil (here written “Cyssell”), is dated October 3, 1567; and, together
with the next three warrants or letters above mentioned, will be found
in vol. xliv. of the State Papers for the reign of Elizabeth.
[99] By a curious error this order is endorsed: “The Queen to Sr. Owen
Hopton to receive the custody of Lady _Mary_ Grey.”
[100] The text of the letter is as follows:—
“My duty most humbly remembered, may it like your Honour to be
advertised, that the sixth of this month I received the Queen Her
Highness’ letters touching the charges and custody of the Lady
Katerine [_sic_], her Highness’ pleasure wherein I shall at all points
endeavour myself to accomplish as one that dare not presume to make
suit to the contrary, although I have great cause. For it may please
you to understand that I was presently prepared with my wife and small
household to lay at our little house in Ipswich and have disposed all
things touching my provision in such sort as I must be now driven
speedily to alter the same, and to rest at my poor head-house in
Suffolk, for that this house and place in Ipswich is in all respects
unfit for the charge now imposed upon me.”
[101] State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. xlvi., fol. 12.
[102] A room known as “Lady Katherine’s,” is still shown at Cockfield
Hall. Yoxford, where the house is situated, is in Suffolk, about four
miles north of Saxmundham, and five from the sea.
[103] State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, vol. xlvi., fol. 1.
[104] “She is now come to such weakness that she hath kept her bed
these three days, being not able to rise, and taketh little sustenance,
and the worst is she standeth in fear of herself [i.e. fears that she
will die].”
[105] British Museum, Harleian MSS., No. xxxix., fol. 380.
[106] The accounts sent in by Sir Owen Hopton to the Exchequer
are divided into three bills, the first for the expenses of Lady
Katherine’s keep before her death; the second for the funeral expenses;
and the third for the heralds’ fees.
The first, endorsed “The charges of the Lady Catherine and of her
servants until her funeral at Sir Owen Hopton’s,” begins with the cost
of her transport from Gosfield, already detailed, and continues:—
“Itm’; for the diet of the Lady Katherine and the board of her
ordinary servants, by the time and space of fourteen weeks, at 5 li.
the week, 70 li.
“Itm’; for the board of the Lady Katherine’s ordinary servants sithens
her departure [i.e. since her death], by the time of three weeks and
three days at 33s. 4d. the week, 6 li.
“Itm’; for sending to London three times while the Lady Katherine was
sick, 3 li.
“Itm’; for the charge of Doctor Simondes and his man and his horse at
Cockfield twice (left blank).
“Itm’; for my own charge two times coming to London (also blank).”
The charges for the funeral, exclusive of the embalming, are as
follows:—
“Imprimis; for four meals and two nights’ lodging of all the mourners,
being to the number of 77, for their horsemeat during that time, 40
li. Besides a great number of comers to see the solemnity of that
burial.
“Itm’; paid to the singing men at the same funeral, 20s.
“Itm’; paid for the watchers of the Lady Katherine, 40s.”
By a warrant of February 6 (1568) the Exchequer was ordered to pay
Sir Owen £76 for the heralds’ expenses at “the interment and burial
of our cousin the Lady Katheryne lately deceased, daughter of our
entirely beloved cousin the Lady Frances Duchess of Suffolk.” The most
interesting of these expenses are the following:—
“For the liveries of one herald, 5 yards at 16s. the yard, 4 li.
“For the herald’s fee, 3 li. 6s. 8d., & for his transportation hither
and back again at 6d. a mile, 3 li. 7s.
“For Mr. Garter’s fee, 10 li.
“To the painter, for a great banner of arms, 50s.
“For 6 great scutcheons on paste paper, 3 li.
“For 2 dozen of scutcheons of paper in metal for garnishing of the
house and the church, and 6 dozen of paper scutcheons in colours, 6
li. 8s.
“Itm’; paid to the tailors for working of the cloth & other things
upon the hearse, 20s.”
In these expenses, Hopton expended the whole £76; and by a warrant to
the Exchequer dated March 10, 1568, order was given to pay him £140
“for the board of our cousin the Lady Katheryne and of her servants
while she was in his keeping, and for charges for her coming thither,
as also for money laid out by him for household charges during her
sickness and belonging thereunto.”
(These documents will be found in the State Papers, Domestic,
Elizabeth, vol. xlvi., fols. 23, 24, 48, 49.)
[107] It has been said by recent historians, and notably by Burke,
that Lady Katherine reverted to the Catholic Church before her death.
So far as the present writer has been able to ascertain, there exists
no documentary nor any contemporary evidence to support this theory.
The burial service cannot have been any but that of the Book of Common
Prayer, seeing all Roman Catholic rites were prohibited in England at
this time. _The Manner of Her Departing_, whilst it expressly states
that she read, in her last hours, the Prayers for the Visitation of the
Sick in the English Book of Common Prayer, curiously enough, does not
say whether any minister of religion was present at her deathbed.
[108] Hertford was even made lord lieutenant of the counties of
Somerset and Wilts, and of the cities of Bristol, Bath, Wells and
Salisbury.
[109] Mr. W. L. Rutton’s translation of the very crude Latin
inscription on this tomb runs as follows:—
“Sacred to the Memory of Edward, Earl of Hertford, Baron Beauchamp, Son
and Heir of the most illustrious Prince, Edward, Duke of Somerset, Earl
of Hertford, Viscount Beauchamp and Baron of St. Maur [Seymour], Knight
Companion of the Most Noble Order of the Garter, Uncle and Governor of
King Edward VI, the most worthy Protector of his Kingdoms, Lordships
and Dependencies, Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Lord Lieutenant,
Lord Treasurer and Earl Marshal of England, Governor and Captain of the
Islands of Guernsey and Jersey: by Anne his wife, of most illustrious
and ancient descent.
“And also of his most dearly beloved wife, Catherine, Daughter and
heiress of Henry Grey, Duke of Suffolk, by his Duchess, Frances,
daughter and heiress of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, by Mary,
sister of Henry VIII, Queen of France, and thus by descent the
great-granddaughter of Henry VII. Incomparable consorts [Katherine and
Hertford], who experienced in the vicissitudes of changing fortune, at
length, in the concord which marked their lives, here rest together.
“She, a woman of exceptional quality, of honour, piety, beauty and
constancy, the best and most illustrious, not only of her own, but
every age. Piously and peacefully she expired, the 22nd of January
1563. [A complete error.]
“He, A man of perfect integrity, a pattern of nobility, a guardian
of morals and early training, of eloquence, prudence, blamelessness
and gravity, nor less distinguished by virtue and learning than by
the lustre of noble birth, as one who was associated in his youthful
studies with Prince Edward, son of King Henry VIII. An ardent champion
of religion; the never-failing maintainer of right and justice; of
consummate fidelity and influence in administration of the provinces
committed to him. Plenipotentiary for James, King of Great Britain, in
the legation to the Archduke and Duchess (of the Netherlands). Great in
his munificence at home and abroad, and although of surpassing wealth,
yet he did more largely abound in mental than in material opulence, nor
ever did he exercise his power on the weakness of his dependants. Full
of honours as of years, in his eighty-third year he yielded to Nature,
the 6th of April 1621. By the heroine (of this epitaph) he had two
sons.”
[110] Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. ii. Letter dated February
28, 1568.
[111] Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. ii., p. 249.
[112] _Ibid._ vol. ii., p. 229. Letter of Guerau de Spes to the King
of Spain. He adds that “Cecil even proposed lately to call the eldest
[son] the Duke of Somerset, which has not yet been decided upon.”
[113] It is remarkable that the official account of Katherine’s death
makes no allusion to her final parting from her younger son, now five
years old. He most certainly went with his mother to Cockfield Hall;
but judging from the above quotation, was, on Lady Katherine’s death,
handed over to the care of the queen’s attendants.
[114] British Museum, Additional MSS., 26, O 56b. Document entitled
“Substance of Guaras’ Letters.”
[115] It is most unlikely that the queen had small-pox on both these
occasions; probably this second malady was what would now be called
chicken-pox.
[116] British Museum, Cottonian MSS., Galba, c. iv.
[117] Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. ii., p. 490.
[118] Sir Henry Killigrew, brother-in-law of the Marquis of Winchester.
Needless to say, his attempt to obtain possession of Prince James,
and moreover destroy him, came to nothing, despite that Killigrew
was to offer heavy bribes to his guardians. These machinations
were principally defeated by the astuteness of De Croc, the French
Ambassador.
[119] British Museum, Additional MSS., 26, O 56b.
[120] See, for details of this marriage, the biography of Lady
Katherine Grey.
[121] Probably the reason why Lady Jane, when she was despatching
loving farewells to her father and Lady Katherine, her sister, did
not send a message to Lady Mary, was that she deemed her too young to
realize the situation. But it is strange that no mention of her should
have been made in the letter to the Lady Katherine on the pages of
Jane’s Greek Testament.
[122] The Water-gate was destroyed about 1808; it was very solidly
built, and there was a great deal of difficulty in removing it.
[123] A picture of “Queen Elizabeth’s porter” at Hampton Court Palace
probably represents Master Keyes.
[124] Amongst Keyes’s duties was the adjudication of all disputes
and brawls amongst the palace servants, whom his attendants had the
power of chastising, under his orders; but he had other offices of a
more dignified nature. The State Papers contain a document, signed
by the queen, and dated January 2, 1558, in which certain noblemen
and gentlemen are urged to levy and arm their servants, to the number
of fifty each, for the relief of Calais. These auxiliaries are to
be sent to Dover, where they will be received by “Thomas Keyes, the
Sergeant-Porter.”
[125] Mr. Knollys was the second son of Sir Francis Knollys and of
Katherine Carey, Anne Boleyn’s niece, and therefore Elizabeth’s first
cousin, as well as a relative of Mr. Keyes.
[126] In a letter of August 19, 1565; No. 102, fol. 62, in the
Lansdowne MSS., British Museum.
[127] This is obscure; we do not know to what letter she alludes.
[128] This sum was derived from the estates of Ferrars-Groby and
Bonville, of which, since they descended to the female heirs, she
should have been co-heiress with her sister Katherine, had not
Elizabeth, without the slightest justification (these lands did not
come under the head of the Duke of Suffolk’s confiscated property),
annexed the greater part of their income.
[129] State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, vol. xxxvii., No. 11. Under
date of August 20, 1565.
[130] State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, vol. xxxvii., No. 13.
[131] State Papers, Elizabeth, Domestic Series, vol. xxxvii., No. 13, I.
[132] The fact that, as it would appear, Lady Mary had at some time
or other used this identical piece of cloth as a cloth of state, to
demonstrate her relationship to royalty, probably caused the dowager
duchess to speak so disrespectfully of it.
[133] Queen Elizabeth was not then at Greenwich, being absent on one of
her annual “progresses.”
[134] It is impossible to say whether this is a mere figure of speech,
or if his family was actually imprisoned with him.
[135] As Mr. Stokes did not die until November 30, 1586, Lady Mary, who
predeceased him, never received this legacy.
[136] At the time of her death in 1578, at all events, she was living
in a house of her own, for she disposes of it without mention of any
other claim upon it. This house was evidently somewhere near Aldersgate
Street.
[137] This lady, a daughter of Katherine, dowager Duchess of Suffolk,
by Mr. Bertie, married Reginald Grey, Earl of Kent.
[138] This is the same lady who is mentioned in the biography of Lady
Katherine Grey as a palmist and great favourite of Queen Elizabeth.
[139] This gentleman married Anne Willoughby, who was a cousin of
Katherine, dowager Duchess of Suffolk, so that he was really in a sense
a “cowsine” or cousin of Lady Mary Grey and her sisters.
[140] The inventory of Lady Mary’s books is still extant among the
State Papers (Charterhouse MSS.). It is dated June 1, 1578.
[141] See the biography of Charles Brandon in this volume, for fuller
particulars of Lady Mortimer.
[142] See _The Nine-days’ Queen_, p. 342. Lady Philippa is said to have
been the author of a long account of Lady Jane Grey’s execution, which
is still in existence.