“The two brave men,” said he, “brave men and true, who were

instrumental in releasing me were J. J. Breslin and Daniel Byrne.

Breslin was a man of great expediency, or he never could have

procured the impression of the key which opened my cell, and which

was hung on a nail in the Governor’s safe. He had to distract the

Governor’s attention; steal the key, putting another in its place;

get the impression, and then return the key to its proper place

again. The most singular circumstance connected with my escape was

that while Kickham, who was deaf, occupied the cell on my right,

M‘Leod, a thief, was in the cell on my left. A gong was placed in

his cell communicating with the Governor’s office, in order to allow

of his giving the alarm if necessary; and he could not have helped

hearing me get out, when Breslin and Byrne, at one o’clock in the

morning, stood beside my cell. He did hear me; but that thief, base

as he was, was not base enough to sell me to the British Government.

But then my trouble began. We had only a few minutes to do our work

in. It was pitch dark, and the storm howled furiously. The ladder

provided for my scaling the wall proved too short. Breslin, who was

chief hospital warden, and Byrne, who was night-watchman and ‘lock

up,’ were armed with two revolvers each. They had also provided for

me. Our intention was to fight, if discovered, until killed.

“The short ladder nearly proved fatal. I could not reach the top of

the wall, which was twenty feet high, so Byrne got a table out of

the dining-room and placed the ladder upon it. Even then it was too

short. I had to come down again. Breslin was fairly wild. Another

table was procured, and again I tried. After a dreadful struggle,

I succeeded in getting outside of the wall. It was no joke to jump

twenty feet into the darkness. I had to do it, however, or be caught.

Breslin gave me directions where to go if I did not break my neck in

falling; and he and Byrne returned to their duty. I let go my hold,

and down I went, fortunately falling on soft ground.

“My directions were to follow a gravel walk (for I was in a garden)

until I came to another wall twenty feet high, where I was to throw

a stone over as a signal to eleven men, all armed, who were waiting

outside to receive me.

“I had some difficulty in finding the walk, and could get no stone of

any size in the dark. At last I reached the garden wall, and threw

over a handful of gravel. A rope with a weight attached was thrown

over the wall. I climbed up by its aid, and soon found myself in the

arms of my body-guard. We embraced with joy, and I soon made them

disperse. I went to a house in sight of the jail, and remained there

fourteen days. I afterwards went to a fashionable boarding-house in

the finest part of Dublin and stayed two months. I left Dublin in the

brigantine _Concord_, in company with Flood and Kelly, on the 12th of

March, and landed in Ardrossan on the afternoon of the 15th.”

Poor Stephens now lives in his humble garret in Paris, an exile

broken in fortune, health, and hope, smoking his short black pipe and

brooding over these days that are no more.

XXXIV.

All this time Egan and I had been constantly together. My desire

was, of course, to make a study of the man, and to get to know as

much about him as I possibly could. Everything played into my hands.

Egan was ignorant both of the geography and the language of the

French capital, and he very largely availed himself of the help which

I was enabled to render him, as the result of my supposed French

nationality and knowledge of the city. My position, altogether, was

a very pleasant one at this period. Egan lived in a most extravagant

fashion, and as he would pay for everything and would not allow me to

share in any outlay, I had the best of all things without any strain

on my pocket whatever. He frequented the most expensive cafés, had

the choicest of dishes, would only be content with the best boxes

at places of entertainment, and, in a word, spent his money right

royally. The information should be pleasant reading for the poor

dupes in America and Ireland who subscribed the funds over which he

was then presiding.

We cemented a strong friendship, and I was with him almost at all

times. I made a point of being in his rooms when his letters

arrived, and he was certainly very frank and open in acquainting

me with their contents. As a result, I obtained full and accurate

information as to the position and progress of affairs in Ireland

during my stay. There was not the faintest shadow of a suggestion of

secrecy between us as to our attitude towards Revolutionary matters.

I remember well on one occasion Egan summing up his own position in

these words—which I noted at the time—“I am a Land Leaguer, and

something else when the opportunity presents itself.” He boasted

to me of his having been the backbone of the Fenian organisation

in Dublin for many years, and admitted the fact, with which I was

acquainted, that he was a member of the Supreme Council or executive

body there.

[Illustration: “NUMBER ONE”

P. J. TYNAN]

In our talks on Revolutionary organisations, I found Egan an

enthusiastic advocate of the “active” policy spoken of by Devoy,

and he heartily entered into a discussion with me as to the ways

and means of carrying it out. In this connection reference was made

to Mr. Parnell, and he assured me most emphatically that “Parnell

was all right as a Revolutionist.” In support of this statement he

cited the fact that some twelve months previously Mr. Parnell sought

admission into the ranks of the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood,

but was refused. “Parnell,” remarked Egan with a wise look, “thought

a good deal of the organisation, but it was not then in a flourishing

condition, and we thought he would think a great deal more of it by

being on the outside rather than in it.”

Our conversations naturally tended in the direction of finance; and

when the topic cropped up, Egan dealt with it in no nervous spirit,

regarding me as quite a worthy recipient of his confidence. About

this time a demand was being made for a public audit of the accounts

of the League. He explained that an audit committee of three members

of the League had already gone over his books, and this was all the

audit that could possibly take place. His reasons for such a strong

statement were very frankly given. A public audit would, he said, be

the very thing Dublin Castle—meaning the Irish Government—would

like to have, but this was out of the question. It was impossible for

him to make public many of the items of his expenditure! I laughed to

myself as he said this, wondering whether the expenses of our many

extravagant trips about Paris came under this head.

But he was dealing with far more dangerous matters. He stated

explicitly, in a very significant way, that the money had been used

for other purposes than those of constitutional agitation. Amongst

these sources of outlay were the expenses of the Dutch officers from

Amsterdam to assist the Boers in their revolt against British control

in South Africa; and coming nearer home, the varied expenditure in

connection with parties attached to the Irish Republican Brotherhood

in Ireland. Altogether our talks on this branch of the subject

enlightened me on many points, and supplied me with sufficient

material to form a fixed belief in my mind that his idea, at least,

was identical with that held in the States—that the open agitation

was but a branch of the movement to obtain the separation of Ireland

from England.

I use the phrase “his idea,” but to be really accurate I should say

“their idea,” for Egan always spoke on behalf of his colleagues—with

one exception, which I can recall—and represented that a complete

harmony of view prevailed. And in everything that happened

subsequently during my stay in England, I found this representation

of his sustained by fact, save the single exception of which I

speak—namely, in the case of Mr. A. M. Sullivan. I had not long

to wait for an opportunity of putting the statement to the test as

far as several of the M.P.’s were concerned; for very shortly after

this conversation, Egan and I travelled to London, and by him I was

introduced into the House of Commons, and to several Irish M.P.’s,

with the significant description “one of our friends from America.”

I well remember that amongst those I first met in this way was Mr.

Parnell himself, from whom I received a very warm greeting. On this

occasion I was accommodated with a seat under the gallery of the

House. This was but one of several visits I paid to the House at

this time, in the course of which I constantly came in contact with

Egan. When alone I generally sent in my card to Mr. Parnell, and

he obtained the necessary admission for me, much to his disgust, I

am sure, when a later day came and I put in an appearance in the

witness-box of Probate Court No. 1, London.

At every point I, of course, made careful notes of what occurred,

and, either verbally or in writing, reported them to my chief,

so that the Government were not really so deplorably ignorant as

the Parnellites then proudly hoped and believed. In fact, not one

occurrence of importance with which Egan became acquainted—and he

really knew everything, and kept nothing back from me—was delayed

by a single post from headquarters at the Home Office in London.

To resume, however. After this first visit to London, Egan and I

returned to Paris by different routes and on arriving there the

same close intercourse prevailed between us. I had not been very

long back, when Egan informed me that Mr. Parnell had written him

expressing a very strong desire to see me before my return to

America. Nothing loth, I promised to call upon the Irish leader when

next in London, and I duly carried out my promise.

XXXV.

Making my way down to the House on the occasion of my next appearance

in London, I obtained admission to the Lobby—admission was then

an easier matter than now—and encountered Mr. J. J. O’Kelly in my

search for Mr. Parnell. The late envoy of the Clan-na-Gael, who,

unfaithful to his trust, had got into Parliament with skirmishing

money instead of attending to the shipping of arms for “active” work,

had a long chat with me over the situation, before the Irish leader

put in an appearance. While we talked in this way, O’Kelly complained

bitterly of the opposition which the open or constitutional

movement known as the Land League was still receiving from the

Irish Republican Brotherhood or secret organisation in Ireland,

and he stoutly advocated coercion on the part of the directors of

the American branch of the conspiracy in order to bring the Irish

malcontents into line.

His remarks, however, were cut short by the appearance of Mr.

Parnell, who, leading the way, conducted us to a corridor outside

the Library of the House, where an interview of over an hour took

place, O’Kelly remaining for a little until the conversation was

well under way. O’Kelly, while he remained, did almost all the

talking. His remarks were a repetition of what he had already said

to me in private. When he left, Mr. Parnell adopted the same line

of complaint, speaking in low tones, as we walked up and down the

corridor, to prevent any one being continually within ear-shot. I

was told detectives were watching us, and that spies held a place

in every corner. As I afterwards learnt, the statement was not

without foundation, for every movement of myself and my companion was

noted, with details as regards time, and duly reported to Government

officials within twenty-four hours.

The whole matter, said Mr. Parnell, following up O’Kelly’s remarks,

rested in our hands in America. We had the money, he said, and if we

stopped the supplies the home organisation would act as desired. He

expressed his belief that Devoy could do more than any one else to

bring about a clear understanding and alliance; and he commissioned

me to use my influence with Devoy, and to arrange for his presence

in Paris at as early a date as possible. So anxious was he to bring

Devoy over that he undertook to pay all his expenses. Still speaking

in this connection, he asked me to at once proceed from New York,

after seeing Devoy, to other prominent members of the organisation,

mentioning particularly the names of Alexander Sullivan and William

J. Hynes, the presence of either of whom, upon this side of the

water, he desired for the purpose of bringing about a thorough

understanding and complete harmony of working. Special reference was

also made to Dr. William Carroll of Philadelphia, and his attitude

towards the open movement. Dr. Carroll, I may here explain, had been

elected Chairman of the Executive Body at the Wilkesbarre Convention

of 1879, but had resigned in 1880 in consequence of his opposition

to the way in which the New Departure was being worked, and the

treatment he received. This was the same Dr. Carroll who had spent

the previous year in Europe, having been specially charged with the

carriage of negotiations between the V.C. and the Russian Government.

After arranging these matters with me, Mr. Parnell entered into

details regarding the position of the Irish Question at this time.

His remarks on this point were a veritable bombshell to me. He

started off by stating that he had long since ceased to believe that

anything but the force of arms would accomplish the final redemption

of Ireland. He saw no reason why, when we were fully prepared,

an open insurrectionary movement could not be brought about. He

went carefully into the question of resources and necessaries. He

stated what the League could furnish in the way of men and money,

and informed me as to the assistance which he looked for from the

American organisation. He spoke of having in the League Treasury at

the end of that year an available sum of £100,000. He discussed with

me the details of the position occupied by the home and American

Revolutionary organisations, and defended the American policy for the

time being. I parted with him with the assurance that I would do all

he wished.

The interview had certainly proved a startling one for me; and as I

proceeded to my seat under the gallery of the House, I pondered over

the manner and method of my late companion, to discover, if I could,

any incident in the course of our hour’s talk which would materially

affect all that he had said. But there was none. The manner of the

League chief had been grave and impassive, as was his wont; he

had been business-like all through; there was no uncertainty, no

indistinctness in his utterance. He had certainly made a plunge, but

it was a plunge taken with all deliberation and premeditation. I went

over all the points in my own mind again, carefully impressed them on

my memory, and took my seat in the house beside General Roberts, with

whom I had an interesting talk in an undertone, and to whom I pointed

out some of the celebrities on both sides. If I remember aright, it

was the occasion of a vote of thanks to General Roberts for his march

on Candahar; and when the vote had been recorded, a large number of

members crowded round to speak to him, whereupon I left.

Reaching the street, I called a hansom at once, and late hour though

it was, I drove direct to Mr. Anderson’s private house in order to

acquaint him with what had happened, while the facts were fresh in

my memory. Carefully I went into every detail, and as carefully Mr.

Anderson followed, taking a note as I went along of the principal

points. The early dawn had crept upon us ere my report was finished,

and concluding at last, I took my departure, to lose no time in

getting that sleep for which I commenced to pine, and which I

considered I had very fairly earned.

XXXVI.

I saw Mr. Parnell once more. This was when I went to say good-bye to

him. I found him in the tea-room of the House of Commons, as cordial

as ever. Indeed, he was particularly agreeable on this occasion,

presenting me with a photograph of himself, on which he wrote,

“Yours very truly, Charles S. Parnell.” This portrait, which is here

reproduced, I kept as an interesting souvenir for a long time, but

had to surrender it at last to the Special Commission, amongst the

records of which it is now duly numbered. Soon after I left London

for Ireland, not, however, before I had seen a good deal of Egan,

and spent several pleasant evenings in his company, at the house

of Mr. A. M. Sullivan, M.P., who now, poor man! is no more. I well

remember Egan’s impressing upon me the necessity for my covering my

revolutionary sentiments whenever Mr. Sullivan was near. It would

never do, I was told, to talk of revolutionary matters, for he was

ultramontane. This advice I followed, noting the fact in my own mind

to Mr. Sullivan’s credit.

Talented, witty, and brilliant, Mr. Sullivan made a magnificent

_raconteur_. Even now I can recall many of his happy efforts which

would well bear reproduction. I shall not, however, yield to the

temptation of bringing them in here, but will content myself with

recalling one pleasant story told about the irrepressible Mr. Biggar.

Mr. Biggar, as I was informed by way of preface, was known as the

great objector and “counter-out,” sometimes, sad to relate, moving

that the House be counted when it was not to the interests of the

party to take any notice of the want of a quorum. Very pious in

disposition, he rarely failed to attend early mass, in spite of late

sittings and consequent fatigue. One morning Mr. Biggar, fatigued

after a very heavy night’s sitting, but still devotionally inclined,

attended mass at St. George’s in Southwark. So tired out was he that

he fell fast asleep in his chair as the service proceeded, and so he

remained until all had been concluded and every one had gone. Upon

being vigorously aroused by the verger, Mr. Biggar started up, rubbed

his eyes, looked at the roof, and fancying himself at the moment in

the House of Commons, with the master instinct strong within him,

loudly exclaimed, “Mr. Speaker, I move that the House be counted.”

[Illustration: (Parnell signature)

_Yours very truly

Char. S. Parnell_]

Thanks to Egan, I travelled to Dublin under happy circumstances.

I was the bearer of letters of introduction to Dr. Kenny, M.P.,

O’Rorke, Egan’s brother-in-law, and to those in charge at the

Land League head-quarters. I anticipated an interesting time, and

I was not disappointed. Dr. Kenny, though his memory is now very

deficient—shall I say?—proved the most entertaining of men, and I

had both lunch and dinner at his hospitable board in Gardiner Street.

It was in his company I paid my visit to Kilmainham Prison, and

through his kind introduction that I made the acquaintance of John

Dillon, P. J. Sheridan, M. J. Boyton, and the others I met on the

occasion. My visit and its incidents afforded a very good insight

into how matters were conducted, and proved to me how very easy

it was to carry on communication with the outside world—at least

when you were an Irish political prisoner. To my surprise there was

no attempt made by the warder to hear the conversation I had with

Boyton. On the contrary, this interesting official most obligingly

took himself off.

This meeting with Boyton was full of interest to me. He was the man,

it will be remembered, who had been named by Devoy as carrying out

the arrangements for the “active” policy of Ireland, and who was

best known as the brother of Captain Boyton the swimmer. From him

in the secrecy of conversation, undisturbed by the presence of a

warder or fellow-prisoner, I learnt that the Land League had placed

the Fenian or National cause in a far stronger position than ever in

Ireland. Could the Clan-na-Gael only see the national spirit which

had been developed all over Ireland, they would never oppose it,

he believed. In counties where the Revolutionary organisation had

been dead for years, continued he, there was now material for work,

and men ready to go as far as any one. All these men wanted was

organisation and leaders. He besought my assistance in proving his

claim to be a naturalised American citizen, which, if established,

would mean his release. I left him with no doubt in my mind as to his

being a thorough-paced Revolutionist. When I got outside the prison,

I received from Dr. Kenny a letter which Boyton had intrusted to him

after leaving, containing a couple of his photos. Boyton, need I

state, was a paid Land League organiser like Sheridan, the director

of the Invincibles. My meeting with Sheridan was, by the way, almost

a momentary affair, and that with Dillon in the presence of a warder.

After a very interesting time in Dublin, I left by North Wall boat,

being “seen off,” as the phrase is, by Egan’s business partner and

brother-in-law, O’Rorke, and Andrew Kettle, both Leaguers remaining

on the bridge of the boat talking to me till we left. The detailed

report of all I had seen and heard was duly submitted to Mr.

Anderson. I was commended for my success, said good-bye to everybody,

and once more took ship for home, in order to get back in time for

the Convention of the Clan-na-Gael, which was to take place very

soon. Of course there was another matter which prompted my speedy

return, and that was the work I had undertaken to do on behalf of

Mr. Parnell. I had to see Devoy and the others, to report the Irish

leader’s views to them, and having acquitted myself of all I had to

do as a Revolutionary envoy, to find out as much as possible of the

result, in order that I might utilise the information in my capacity

as an agent of the Secret Service.

XXXVII.

I reached New York somewhere in the month of June 1881. Devoy was not

there when I arrived, and so I had to telegraph to him at New Haven,

Conn., in order to arrange an interview. My telegram was followed by

a written report of all that had happened; and as Devoy was detained

at New Haven, a lengthy correspondence took place between us. Though

at first reluctant to go to Europe, he eventually undertook to do

so. His consent, however, was conditional on his colleagues agreeing

to the undertaking, and with them he promised to confer immediately

on his return. Later on he telegraphed me to lay his correspondence

before Sullivan and Hynes, when I discussed the matter with them.

The following is one of the letters I had from Devoy in connection

with this matter. It is, unfortunately, the only one I retained in my

possession, the others having been forwarded with my despatches at

this period, as they were of a far more important character.

“41 ORANGE STREET, NEWHAVEN,

“OFFICE OF MR. REYNOLDS,

“_June 24, 1881_.

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