precedent; and, to the vast majority of the members of the Clan,
the statement will come no doubt as a great surprise that the much
vaunted secret forms of the Masonic order need be secret to them no
longer, inasmuch as that, when being admitted to a Clan-na-Gael club,
they were going through the same forms and ceremonies as attached
themselves to that great source of mystery and wonderment in the
eyes of the non-elect, the Masonic Brotherhood. I have often laughed
to myself at the surprise shown by some Masons on the occasion of
their initiation to Clan-na-Gael clubs—for there are Masons in the
Clan—at being brought once more into contact with the familiar
procedure. One great feature of similarity exists between the two
ceremonies. In both the candidate is impressed with a deep sense of
awe and respect, to learn subsequently that nothing very mysterious
or wonderful is to come within his knowledge. Though the effect is
the same, however, the causes are very different. In one case,
that of the Mason, nothing very strange happens or is committed to
his secrecy, for the simple reason that the practice of brotherly
love and charity requires no unusual strain either on his powers of
wonder or reserve; while in the other the poor confiding Irishman is
simply intended to play the part of a dupe, to move and subscribe to
order, but to be trusted in no single regard, until by jobbery or
manipulation he works his way to the higher ranks of the organisation.
The candidates for membership were balloted for in the usual club
manner, three black balls excluding. The successful ones having
answered different queries regarding their age, belief in God,
&c. &c., were, after being blindfolded and shut out from view of
their future associates, brought forward and addressed by the
Vice-President of the meeting as follows:—
“MY FRIENDS,—Animated by love, duty, and patriotism, you have
sought affiliation with us. We have deemed you worthy of our
confidence and our friendship. You are now within these secret
walls. The men who surround you have all taken the obligations of
our Order, and are endeavouring to fulfil its duties. These duties
must be cheerfully complied with, or not at all undertaken. We are
Jsjtinfo (Irishmen) banded together for the purpose of freeing
Jsfmboe (Ireland) and elevating the position of the Jsjti (Irish)
race. The lamp of the bitter past plainly points our path, and we
believe that the first step on the road to freedom is secrecy.
Destitute of secrecy, defeat will again cloud our brightest hopes;
and, believing this, we shall hesitate at no sacrifice to maintain
it. Be prepared, then, to cast aside with us every thought that may
impede the growth of this holy feeling among Jsjtinfo (Irishmen);
for, once a member of this Order, you must stand by its watchwords
of Secrecy, Obedience, and Love. With this explanation, I ask you
are you willing to proceed?”
The answer being satisfactory, the candidates were next placed
opposite the President, and addressed by him as follows:—
“MY FRIENDS,—By your own voluntary act you are now before
us. You have learned the nature of the cause in which we are
engaged—a cause honourable to our manhood, and imposed upon us
by every consideration of duty and patriotism. We would not have
an unwilling member amongst us, and we give you, even now, the
opportunity of withdrawing, if you so desire. Every man here has
taken a solemn and binding oath to be faithful to the trust we
repose in him. This oath, I assure you, is one which does not
conflict with any duty which you owe to God, to your country,
your neighbours, or yourself. It must be taken before you can be
admitted to light and fellowship in our Order. With this assurance,
and understanding, as you do, that the object of this organisation
is the freedom of Jsfmboe (Ireland), will you submit yourself to
our rules and regulations and take our obligation without mental
reservation?”
At the conclusion of the address, the questions having been put, and
correctly replied to, the candidate took the oath as follows:—
“I, ————, do solemnly and sincerely swear, in the presence
of Almighty God, that I will labour, while life is left me,
to establish and defend a republican form of government in
Jsfmboe (Ireland). That I will never reveal the secrets of this
organisation to any person or persons not entitled to know them.
That I will obey and comply with the Constitution and laws of the
V.C., and promptly and faithfully execute all constitutional orders
coming to me from the proper authority, to the best of my ability.
That I will foster a spirit of unity, nationality, and brotherly
love among the people of Jsfmboe (Ireland).
“I furthermore swear that I do not now belong to any other Jsjti
sfwpmvujpobsz (Irish revolutionary) society antagonistic to this
organisation, and that I will not become a member of such society
while connected with the V.C., and, finally, I swear that I take
this obligation without mental reservation, and that any violation
hereof is infamous and merits the severest punishment. So help me
God.” (Kiss the book.)
And then, in conclusion, the President made the following remarks:—
“The name of this Order is the V.C. Its local sub-divisions are
styled D.’s, and are known by members. This is D. No. —. The
leading object of the V.C. is to co-operate with the J.S.C. (Irish
Republican Brotherhood) in securing the independence of Jsfmboe
(Ireland), and the special object is to secure the union of all
Jsjti Obujpobmjtut (Irish Nationalists). As it is essential for
the safe and efficient working of our organisation to preserve the
strictest secrecy in reference to it, you will never mention the
name of the V.C., or anything connected therewith, to any one whom
you do not know to be a member thereof in good standing. And that
we may be more effectually guarded from exposure, as well as to
secure concentration of effort, you are prohibited by the supreme
authority from contributing money to, or otherwise aiding, any
other Jsjti sfwpmvujpobsz (Irish revolutionary) society.
“Should you desire to secure some worthy person for membership,
you will first have him proposed here, and, if elected, you may
then indirectly and carefully ascertain his sentiments on the
subject of secret Jsjti Obujpobm (Irish National) organisations,
and, should his views be favourable, you might then intimate that
you believe there is a secret organisation in existence working for
Jsjti (Irish) liberty; and, if he appears inclined to join it, you
may admit that you are a member of it, or acquainted with a member
of it, and that you think you can secure his admission therein; but
no further information must you convey, nor use the name of any
person connected with the Order....
“Finally, my brother, be careful that you do not make an improper
use of these instructions, and let not the cause of Jsfmboe
(Ireland) or the interests of the V.C. suffer through any want of
prudence, perseverance, and courage on your part while travelling
onwards on the path to freedom. (Two raps.)
“Brothers! It affords me great pleasure to introduce to you your
new brother.” (One rap.)
XXII.
Up to the year 1881, when the administration of the conspiracy
underwent a change, with which I will deal at its proper time, the
Clan-na-Gael was governed by an executive body (known in the cypher
as F.C.), presided over by a Chairman elected by the body at the
annual conventions, and a Revolutionary Directory known without any
regard to the cypher by its initial letters R.D. This Revolutionary
Directory was composed of seven men, three of whom were nominated
by the Executive, three by the Irish Republican Brotherhood (known
as the J.S.C.) in Ireland, and a seventh selected by the six when
appointed. The Revolutionary Directory was, as its name implies, a
body dealing directly with revolutionary matters, and it was chiefly
characterised by the autocratic power possessed by its members, about
whose action no detailed information was supplied, and against whose
proceedings there was, in consequence, no basis for appeal. The names
of all these officers were known only to the delegates who elected
them, and to the Presiding Officer of each camp, known as Senior
Guardian.
To the Executive (or F.C.) was intrusted, amongst other things, the
arrangements regarding the places and dates for holding the biennial
and annual conventions of the order; and their decision in this
respect was carefully guarded, and only at the very last moment
communicated to the high officials, in order to prevent any spies
or agents of the British Government from becoming acquainted with
their proceedings. The head of each subordinate body was informed a
week in advance of the date and place of the convention; and he was
instructed to arrange for the immediate election of a delegate from
his camp. So close was the secret kept, that the delegate, if other
than the presiding officer, did not know till the very hour of his
starting where he was bound for. Like convicts, the members were
known by numbers, never by names. Camps (known as D.’s) were also
numbered; and, in order the better to cover their doings from the
outside world, each camp had a public name by which it was known. For
instance, my own camp was known as the “Emmet Literary Association.”
During the early years of its existence I was not a member of the
Clan-na-Gael. Although, as I have stated, I was one of the “Knights
of the Inner Circle,” I did not take any prominent part in the
early days, when the V.C. succeeded, or rather absorbed it. There
were reasons for my not doing so. My prominence and action in the
ill-fated Canadian raid had not been altogether forgotten, and I
was still held responsible, in certain minds, for the premature
undertaking of it. Another reason affecting my action was the
difficulty introduced by a clause in the new constitution in regard
to the question of nationality. This clause read as follows:—
“All persons of Irish birth or descent, or of partial Irish
descent, shall be eligible to membership; but in cases of persons
of partial Irish descent, the camps are directed to make special
inquiries in regard to the history, character, and sentiments of
the person proposed.”
In view of the whole situation, I determined that I should live down
any ill-feeling which might exist regarding my previous exploits,
and that I should take advantage of the interval thus brought about
by arranging some plan for my election later, on the ground of my
partial Irish descent. I had, of course, hitherto passed myself off
as a Frenchman, strongly sympathising with Irish affairs, though
never laying any claim to connection with the country. Now I had
to change my tactics a little, and so I gradually got it put about
that my mother—poor lady, she is living to-day, and will probably
never know till she reads this of the liberty I took with her
birthright—was of Irish descent. Of course, as the people out there
had never seen or heard of my mother, and it was quite a common thing
for French and Irish to intermarry, the deception was not likely to
be discovered, as indeed it never was.
There was still yet another reason for my being cautious. The most
insane and implacable enemy of O’Neill’s—and through my friendship
for O’Neill, of myself—Major William M‘Williams, of old Fenian fame,
was now high in the councils of the new organisation. In the O’Neill
_régime_, presumably jealous of my position, he had denounced me
as an adventurer, and the ill-feeling he had for me had culminated
during the sittings of a Fenian congress in an open attack, reported
in the New York papers as follows:—
“THE FENIAN CONGRESS AND A FENIAN ROW.
“The Fenian Congress was in session yesterday. A quorum of the
Executive Committee appointed in Chicago was in session all day.
They say they intend to commence work as soon as they obtain
possession of the munitions of war. Major M‘Williams and Major Le
Caron, two of the delegates, had a little onset in front of the
Whitney House last eve, and blood might have flowed had it not been
for the interference of several delegates.”
The altercation, I may add, on this occasion involved the use of
revolvers, and created too pronounced a feeling between us to allow
of my ever after expecting anything but the bitterest opposition from
M‘Williams. To my relief, however, M‘Williams eventually got into a
personal altercation with a fiercer antagonist than myself, by whom
he was shot in Columbia, S.C., being killed on the spot. His exit
cleared the way of the only difficulty which existed at the time of
his death, and so I considered it prudent to accept the invitation,
often extended to me, to join the Clan-na-Gael. I joined, and an
appointment upon the Military Board of the organisation quickly
followed. It must not, however, be thought that I had been “out of
things” meantime. Not at all. Possessed, as I was, of more than one
confiding friend, I secured information about everything that took
place.
XXIII.
Slowly but surely the Clan-na-Gael was gaining ground, despite all
the forces arrayed against it. Triumphing over Church opposition,
conscientious scruple on the score of joining secret societies, and
the single opposing Revolutionary faction still faithful to the
memory of Stephens, it had, in 1876, a membership exceeding 11,000,
which included amongst its leading names those of Alexander Sullivan,
John Devoy, O’Donovan Rossa, Thomas Clarke Luby, Thomas F. Burke, Dr.
Carroll, James Reynolds, Frank Agnew, Colonel Clingen, Wm. J. Hynes,
P. W. Dunne, Michael Boland, Denis Feeley, J. J. Breslin, Michael
Kirwen, and General Millen.
These were the men who in the after years were to be in the front
rank of the Clan-na-Gael, and by their position and influence to
model and direct the policy of the organisation. Of them and their
position at this time I shall now have some little to say.
With Sullivan I have already dealt, and here I need only state that,
having established himself in Chicago, he had taken to the study of
law, in which branch of the profession he was now—in 1876—preparing
to practise. He had been maintaining his questionable reputation,
for he had shot a man in cold blood; and though twice tried, had
been successful in escaping the consequences of his act, owing to
the employing of that process so frequently charged against the
Government in Ireland—packing the jury. Of Devoy and O’Donovan Rossa
I have also spoken before. The former, drifting to New York, had
since we parted with him been engaged on some two or three American
papers, and he was now, if I remember aright, engaged on the _New
York Herald_ staff. Rossa, very much to the front for the moment, in
consequence of his “skirmishing” theory, had meantime been living on
the proceeds of the fund raised for himself and his fellow-exiles on
their arrival in 1871, and a special subscription for himself, which
Ford inaugurated in the _Irish World_. Luby had been a well-known
patriot since 1865, when, in company with John O’Leary and Charles
J. Kickham, he had been sentenced to a long term of penal servitude
for the part he played in Ireland as one of the editors of the _Irish
People_. General Thomas Fras. Burke had served with the Confederate
Army, and had been amongst those who, in 1867, left America to lead
in that most disheartening of fiascos, the Irish rising of 1865,
as the result of his part in which he was sentenced to death, but
subsequently amnestied.
Dr. William Carroll, one of the principal physicians in Philadelphia,
whose name will appear prominently in the future, and who stood one
of the sponsors for Mr. Parnell on the occasion of his arrival in
America, was best known as the admirer, friend, and associate of
John Mitchell, and was himself nothing if not a Revolutionist. James
Reynolds of New Haven, Conn., whom I first met in connection with the
secret organisation, was by profession a gas- and brass-fitter, and
an avowed advocate of “extreme” measures. He was in fact a member of
the Revolutionary Directory of this period. Frank Agnew had a Fenian
record extending as far back as the Senate period of the Fenian
Brotherhood. Strangely enough, I first came in contact with him when,
on an inspecting tour, I had occasion to inspect a Fenian Company of
which he was captain in Chicago. He was one of those who arrived too
late to be of use in connection with the Fenian raid of ’70. He was
now a contractor of some importance in Chicago, and a great friend
and ally of Sullivan’s. Of Colonel Clingen I need not say much, save
that he had been an old Fenian ally of mine in days gone by, and had
sat with myself on the Military Board during O’Neill’s _régime_.
Of the others I have mentioned, Hynes and Dunne perhaps deserve
the most prominent place, by reason of the part they have recently
played in the Cronin affair. Both these men, it will be remembered,
came out as very strong opponents of Alexander Sullivan, whom they
roundly accused of causing Dr. Cronin’s death. Hynes I knew as far
back as 1865, when, as a clerk to John O’Neill, he took a very active
part in the work of the Fenian Brotherhood. Owing to a row between
O’Neill and himself, he severed his connection with active Fenianism,
and obtained a clerkship in one of the departments at Washington,
finding his way, after a little time, to Arkansas. Although returned
as a carpet-bag Congressman for the State, he failed to prosper,
and at last he found himself without a dollar in Chicago. Here the
first man to help him was Alexander Sullivan, against whom he is now
arrayed. Through Sullivan’s political influence, Hynes was engaged
as professional juryman at a fee of two dollars a day, from which
position he worked himself forward to that of a prominent politician
and a well-known member of the bar at which he practises.
P. W. Dunne proved to be a duplicate of O’Donovan Rossa, in
appearance and in many other ways, with this one strong exception,
that, whereas Rossa never sacrificed any of his means for the good of
his countrymen, but rather lived upon them in fact, Dunne sacrificed
an almost princely fortune. In early years he had been a prominent
distiller (a very lucrative business) in Peoria, Illinois; and
he was one of the leading seceders from the Stephens wing of the
Fenian Brotherhood, after the failure of 1865, in which he himself
participated, in company with P. J. Meehan, editor of the _Irish
American_. He was now situated in Chicago, occupying the position of
Superintendent of Streets, and had preceded Sullivan and Clingen upon
the Executive of the Clan-na-Gael.
As for the remainder, Boland, once a lieutenant in the United States
Army, was now a practising lawyer in Kentucky, having meantime
taken part in the ’66 raid on Canada. He was also one of the most
prominent of Clan-na-Gael officials, and an advocate of extreme
measures. Feeley, also an attorney-at-law, had been a member of the
Royal Irish Constabulary in his early days, and was now, as of yore,
one of the most prominent and bloodthirsty of rebels in the States.
Kirwen had been Brigadier-General and Fenian Secretary of War during
the Canadian raid of 1870, and had preserved his Revolutionary
record unbroken; while Breslin, chiefly remarkable for the part he
had played in helping James Stephens to escape from Richmond prison
(Ireland) in 1866, now, as ever since then, a prominent and avowed
Revolutionist, was occupying his public life in some municipal office
of an important character, while, in secret, playing his part on the
Revolutionary Directory of the Clan-na-Gael.
One name I have left to the last, and that is General Millen’s. The
discredited hero of the Jubilee Explosion Scheme of 1887 was at this
time engaged on the editorial staff of the _New York Herald_. Unlike
almost every one whom I have named, his military title was neither
of Fenian nor of American extraction. He had, according to his own
account, gained both his military knowledge and his rank when, out in
Mexico on the part of the _New York Herald_, he had thrown in his lot
with Juarez prior to the overthrow of the government of Maximilian
and the establishment of the First Republic, of which Juarez was
President. Be the claims to military knowledge which he advanced good
or bad, they were accepted with a certain amount of good faith by the
Clan leaders; and his usefulness in this regard being appreciated,
he held a position of some importance at this time, being in fact
Chairman of the Military Board.
XXIV.
My advent in the organisation, though gratifying to a certain extent,
did not satisfy me as fully as I wished. I wanted to know everything
that took place on the inner side of the movement, and I found
that, as one of the rank and file, I could really learn nothing.
Accordingly, I set my wits to work to see how I could accomplish my
desire of gaining such a position as would give me all I wanted. Very
little consideration was needed to show me that, in a large centre
like Chicago, where jealousy and ambition governed every motive,
it would be impossible for a new-comer to get to the front, and so
I decided to work out my designs in a smaller and more unimportant
place, where internal dissensions would find little if any home.
It will be remembered that Braidwood was the place where I had my
drug-store, and where I had had strong evidence of my popularity in
my election as Supervisor by a majority of 103 over my opponents. In
the end, therefore, I determined to establish a camp in Braidwood,
and with the assistance of the official organiser, a most promising
“camp” was got together, to the Senior Guardianship or Presidency of
which I was unanimously elected. Sullivan unconsciously assisted me
in my design. It was through his influence, though at my suggestion,
that the official organiser was sent down in the first instance.
Having once obtained the position, I spared neither pains nor money
to make myself secure in it. My status and extensive practice as a
doctor permitted of my playing the _rôle_ of the generous patriot,
and there was no subscription list on which my name did not figure in
some capacity as the patriotic, political, charitable, or religious
friend. The latter was not by any means the most infrequent, for
religion of a certain type plays a very large part in Irish politics.
Where money and the other arts failed, then I took to diplomacy.
Year in, year out, I continued president of my camp, though always
at election time asking to be allowed to retire in favour of some
better and more deserving brother. Of course it was simply a case of
“swearing I would ne’er consent, consenting.”
I was too useful to my brothers of “Camp 463,” now 204, to allow of
their permitting me to retire to the ranks. If no other reason but
the question of money came in, then this of itself alone would have
been sufficient. When a delegate had to be despatched to conventions
or gatherings elsewhere, none were more ready to start than I,
while—more important still for the patriots—my bills for expenses,
instead of being of the large and unjustifiable character usually
associated with such proceedings, could only be got from me under
protest, and with every manifestation of desire to save them outlay.
Of course, this travelling about from centre to centre, this mixing
with many men from many points, and the opportunities thus afforded
for gaining information and opening up new sources of supply,
admirably suited my purpose; and by taking advantage of the varied
openings given me, I was enabled to extend my usefulness as a Secret
Service agent to a very appreciable extent.