1554
Lady Jane and her husband doomed--Her dispute with
Feckenham--Gardiner’s sermon--Farewell messages--Last
hours--Guilford Dudley’s execution--Lady Jane’s death.
Those anxious days when the fortunes of England and its Queen appeared
once more to hang in the balance had sealed the fate of the prisoners
in the Tower. They must die. Mary had been warned that the clemency
shown to her little cousin was unwise; she had struggled against the
counsellors who had striven to convince her that the usurper, so long
as she lived, was a menace to the peace of the realm, and the stability
of her government. Their warnings had been justified, and Jane must pay
the penalty.
What was to be done was to be done quickly. It was perhaps feared
that, with leisure to reconsider the matter, the Queen would even now
retract her consent to deliver up the victim; nor was there any excuse
for delay. The boy and girl already lay under sentence of death; it
was only necessary to carry it into effect. So far as this life was
concerned Lady Jane’s doom was fixed.
It remained to take thought for her soul. With death staring them in
the face, many had been lately found willing to conform their faith
to the Queen’s. Why should it not be so with the Queen’s cousin? To
compass this object Mary’s chaplain, Dr. Feckenham, the new Dean of St.
Paul’s, was sent to plead with the captive, and to strive to reconcile
her with God and the Church before she went hence.
The ambassador was well chosen. Learned and devout, he had been bred
a Benedictine, and had, under Henry VIII., suffered imprisonment
on account of his faith; until Sir Philip Hoby, in his own words,
“borrowed him of the Tower.” Since then it had been his habit to hold
disputations, “earnest yet modest,” according to Fuller, in defence of
his religion, and was honoured by Mary and Elizabeth alike. This was
the man to whom was entrusted the difficult task of convincing Lady
Jane of her errors. It was scarcely to be anticipated that he would
succeed, but he seems to have performed the thankless duty laid upon
him with gentleness and good feeling.
Arrived at the Tower--his whilom place of captivity--Feckenham, after
some preliminary courtesies, disclosed the object of his visit, adding
certain persuasive arguments, to which the prisoner made reply that
he had delayed too long, and time was over-short to allow her to give
attention to these matters. The answer, in whatever sense it was
meant, was sufficiently ambiguous to afford a sanguine and anxious
man grounds for hope that, with leisure for discussion, he might
win a favourable hearing; considering his proposed convert “in very
good dispositions,” he went to seek the Queen; and, describing his
interview, had no difficulty in inducing her to grant a three-days’
reprieve. Friday, February 9, had been at first appointed for the
execution, and when--for reasons undisclosed to the public--it was
deferred until the following Monday, the change may have given rise
in some quarters to expectations unwarranted by the event. There were
those determined to hold Mary to her purpose.
On Sunday, the 11th, Gardiner preached before the Queen, dealing first
with the doctrine of free will; secondly, with the institution of
Lent; thirdly, with the necessity of good works; and fourthly, with
Protestant errors. After which he came to the practical question in all
men’s minds. He asked a boon of the Queen’s Highness--that, like as
she had beforetime extended her mercy, particularly and privately, so
through her lenity and gentleness much conspiracy and open rebellion
were grown, according to the proverb, _nimia familiaritas parit
contemptum_, which he brought in for the purpose that she would now
be merciful to the body of the Commonwealth and conservation thereof,
which could not be unless the rotten and hurtful members thereof
were cut off and consumed. “And thus he ended soon after, whereby all
the audience did gather there should shortly follow sharp and cruel
execution.”[214]
Whether or not Gardiner’s discourse was directed against a tendency to
waver in her intention on the part of his mistress, it was proved that
there was nothing in that direction to be apprehended. Meantime, armed
with the boon he had obtained, Feckenham had returned to the Tower, to
beg the captive to make use of the reprieve for the salvation of her
soul.
Lady Jane’s reply was not encouraging. She had not, she told him,
intended her words to be repeated to the Queen; she had already
abandoned worldly things, had no thought of fear, and was prepared to
meet death patiently in whatsoever form might please the Queen. To the
flesh it was indeed painful, but her soul was joyful at quitting this
darkness, and rising, as by God’s mercy she hoped to rise, to eternal
light.[215]
It was not to be expected that the priest, a good man, full of zeal for
his religion and of solicitude for the dying culprit, would consent
to relinquish, without an effort, the attempt to utilise the respite
he had been granted. Of what followed accounts vary, according to
the theological proclivities of the narrator of the scene, an early
pamphlet asserting that Feckenham, finding himself, in reasoning,
“in all holy gifts so short of [Lady Jane’s] excellence that he
acknowledged himself fitter to be her disciple than teacher, thereupon
humbly besought her to deliver unto him some brief sum of her faith
which he might hereafter keep, and as a faithful witness publish to
the world; to which she willingly condescended, and bade him boldly
question her in what points of religion soever it pleased him.”[216]
The attitude ascribed to Queen Mary’s chaplain would seem more likely
to be due to imagination than to fact. It appears, however, that a
species of “catechising argument” did in truth take place in the
presence of witnesses, an account of which was set down in writing, and
received Lady Jane’s signature. The only result of the discussion was
the strengthening rather than shaking of her convictions; and though it
was not until she stood upon the scaffold that the last farewells of
the disputants were taken, Feckenham must soon have been aware that his
efforts would be made in vain. It may be hoped that to the imagination
of the chronicler is again to be ascribed the manner of the parting of
the two on this first occasion, when, feeling himself to be worsted
in argument, Feckenham is said to have “grown into a little choler,”
and used language unsuitable to his gravity, received with smiles and
patience by the cause of his irritation. It is further stated that to
a final speech of her visitor, to the effect that he was sorry for her
obstinacy, and was certain that they would meet no more, Lady Jane, not
altogether with the meekness attributed to her, retorted that his words
were indeed most true, since, unless he should repent, he was in a sad
and desperate case, and she prayed God that, as He had given him His
great gift of utterance, He might open his heart to His truth.[217]
So the days passed, and the fatal one was at hand. On Saturday,
February 10, the Duke of Suffolk, with his brother, Lord John Grey,
had been brought prisoners to the Tower; but it does not appear
that any meeting took place between father and daughter, and Lady
Jane’s leave-taking was made in writing; sentences of farewell being
inscribed by her and her husband in a manual of prayers belonging, as
is conjectured, to the Lieutenant of the Tower, and used by her on the
scaffold. In this volume three sentences were written.
“Your loving and obedient son,” wrote Guilford, “wisheth unto your
Grace long life in this world, with as much joy and comfort as
ever I wished to myself, and in the world to come joy everlasting.
G. DUDDELEY.”
Jane’s farewell followed:
“The Lord comfort your Grace, and that in His word wherein all
creatures only are to be comforted. And though it has pleased God
to take away two of your children, yet think not, I most humbly
beseech your Grace, that you have lost them, but trust that we,
by leaving this mortal life, have won an immortal life. And I,
for my part, as I have honoured your Grace in this life, will
pray for you in another life.
“Your Grace’s humble daughter,
“JANE DUDDELEY.”
The same book bears another inscription addressed to the Lieutenant of
the Tower, Bridges, apparently at his own request.
“Forasmuch as you have desired,” Jane wrote, “so simple a woman to
write in so worthy a book, good Master Lieutenant, therefore I
shall as a friend desire you, and as a Christian require you, to
call upon God to incline your heart to His laws, to quicken you
in His way, and not to take the word of truth utterly out of your
mouth. Live still to die, that by death you may purchase eternal
life, and remember the end of Methuselah, who, as we read in the
Scriptures, was the longest liver that was of a man, died at the
last; for as the preacher saith, there is a time to be born and a
time to die, and the day of death is better than the day of our
birth. Yours, as the Lord knoweth, as a friend,
“JANE DUDDELEY.”
Such an admonition to the Lieutenant, written when death was very near,
is characteristic. It was ever Lady Jane’s custom to use her pen, and
the habit clung to her. Tradition asserts that three sentences, the one
in Greek, the other in Latin, and the third in English, were written by
her in yet another book; and though it has been argued that she would
have been in no condition to compose epigrams in the dead languages
at a moment when death was staring her in the face, there is nothing
improbable in the story, unsupported as it is by evidence. As a man
lives, he dies; and Jane had been a scholar and a moralist from her
cradle.
“If justice dwells in my body”--thus the sentences are said to have
run--“my soul will receive it from the mercy of God.--Death will pay
the penalty of my fault, but my soul will be justified before the Face
of God.--If my fault merited chastisement, my youth, at least, and my
imprudence, deserved excuse. God and posterity will show me grace.”
A letter of exhortation addressed to her sister Katherine likewise
remains, another proof of her desire to impress upon others the lessons
life had taught her. Having been reading, the night before her death,
in “a fair New Testament in Greek,” she found, on closing it, some
few leaves of clean paper, unwritten, at the end of the volume, and
made use of them to convey her final farewell to the sister she was
leaving behind, giving it in charge to her servant as a token of love
and remembrance. As might have been expected, with the thought of
the morrow before her, death was the recurrent burden of her theme.
“Live still to die,” she told little Katherine, as she had told the
Lieutenant of the Tower, “and that by death you may purchase eternal
life; and trust not that the tenderness of your age shall lengthen your
life ... for as soon will the Lord be glorified in the young as in
the old.... Once more let me entreat thee to learn to die.... Desire
with St. Paul to be dissolved and to be with Christ, with whom even in
death there is life.... As touching my death, rejoice as I do ... that
I shall be delivered of this corruption and put on incorruption; for I
am assured that I shall, for losing of a mortal life, win one that is
immortal, joyful, and everlasting.”
Another composition is extant, said to belong to this last period, and
showing the writer, it may be, in a more pathetic light than that
thrown upon her by disputes with controversialists, or exhortations to
those she left behind. This is a prayer, exhibiting not so much the
premature woman as the child--a child, it is true, facing death with
steadfast faith and resignation, but nevertheless frightened, unhappy,
“unquieted with troubles, wrapped in cares, overwhelmed with miseries,
vexed with temptations ... craving Thy mercy and help, without the
which so little hope of deliverance is left that I may utterly despair
of my liberty.”[218]
Of liberty it was, in truth, time to despair. It is said that for two
hours on this last night two bishops, with other divines, made a vain
attempt to accomplish the conversion that Feckenham had failed to
effect[218]; after which we may hope that, worn out and exhausted, the
prisoner forgot her troubles in sleep. And so the night passed away.
In another part of the great fortress young Guilford Dudley was also
preparing for the end. It is said[219] that, “desiring to give his wife
the last kisses and embraces,” he begged for an interview, but that she
refused the request--not disallowed by Mary--replying that, could sight
have given souls comfort, she would have been very willing; that since
it would only increase the misery of each, and bring greater grief, it
would be best to put off their meeting, since soon they would see each
other in another place and live joined for ever by an indissoluble tie.
If the story is true, there is something a little inhuman--or perhaps
only belonging to the coldness of a child--in the wisdom which, at that
moment, could weigh and balance the disadvantages of a leave-taking and
refuse it. It is not, however, out of character.
It had been at first intended that the two should suffer together
on Tower Hill. Fearing the effect upon the populace, the order was
cancelled, and it was decided that, whilst Guilford’s execution should
take place as originally arranged, Lady Jane should meet her death
within the precincts of the Tower itself. As the lad, led to his doom,
passed below her window, the two looked upon each other for the last
time. Young Dudley met the end bravely. Taking Sir Anthony Browne,
John Throckmorton and others by the hand, he asked their prayers;
then, attended by no priest or minister, he knelt to pray, “holding up
his eyes and hands to God many times,” before the executioner did his
work and he went to join the father who was responsible for his fate,
“bewailed with lamentable tears” even by those of the spectators who
till that day had never seen him.[220]
A ghastly incident, variously recorded, followed. His body thrown into
a cart, and his head wrapped in a cloth, he was brought into the
Tower chapel, where Lady Jane, having probably left her apartments
on her way to her own place of execution, encountered the cart and
those in charge of it, seeing the husband who had passed beneath her
window a few minutes earlier living, taken from it a corpse--a sight
to her, says the chronicler, no less than death. It “a little startled
her,” observes another narrator, “and many tears were seen to descend
and fall upon her cheeks, which her silence and great heart soon
dried.”[221] According to a third account, she addressed the dead.
“Oh, Guilford, Guilford,” she is made to exclaim, “the antepast that
you have tasted and I shall soon taste, is not so bitter as to make
my flesh tremble; for all this is nothing to the feast that you and I
shall partake this day in Paradise.”
It had been ten o’clock when Guilford had left his prison. By the time
that the first act of the tragedy was over, a scaffold had been erected
upon the green over against the White Tower, and led by the Lieutenant,
the chief victim was brought forth, “her countenance nothing abashed,
neither her eyes moisted with tears,”[222] as she moved onwards, a book
in her hand--the same she gave afterwards to Sir John Bridges--from
which she prayed all the way until the scaffold was reached. With
her were her two gentlewomen, Elizabeth Tylney and Eleyn, who both
“wonderfully wept” as they accompanied their mistress; and Feckenham
was also present, her kindly opponent, perhaps even now hoping against
hope that success might crown his efforts. As the two stood together at
the place of execution, she took him by the hand, and, embracing him,
bade him leave her--desiring, it may be, to spare him the sight of what
was to follow. Might God our Lord, she said, give him all his desires;
she was grateful for his company, although it had given her more
disquiet than, now, the fear of death.[223]
Like most of her fellow-sufferers she had come prepared with a speech.
That her sentence was lawful she admitted, but reasserted the absence
on her part of any desire for her elevation to the throne, “touching
the procurement and desire thereof by me or my half, I do wash my hands
in innocency before God and the face of you, good Christian people,
this day,” and therewith she wrung her hands, in which she had her
book; proceeding to make confession of the faith in which she died,
owning that she had neglected the word of God, and loved herself and
the world, and thereby merited her punishment. “And yet I thank God
that He hath thus given me time and respite to repent. And now, good
people, while I am alive, I pray you to assist me with your prayers.”
After this, kneeling down, she turned to Feckenham, who had not availed
himself of her suggestion that he should leave her.
“Shall I say this psalm?” she asked him; and on his assenting repeated
the _Miserere_ in English, before, rising again, she prepared for the
end, giving her book to Bridges, brother to the Lieutenant, who stood
by, and her gloves and handkerchief to one of her ladies. With her
own hands she untied her gown, rejecting the aid of the executioner,
and, turning to her maids for assistance, removed her “frose
paast”--probably some kind of head-dress--let down her hair, throwing
it over her eyes, and knit a “fair handkerchief” about them.
After kneeling for her forgiveness, the executioner directed her to
take her place on the straw.
“Then she said,
“‘I pray you despatch me quickly.’
“Then she kneeled down, saying,
“‘Will you take it off before I lay me down?’
“And the hangman answered her,
“‘No, madame.’”
The handkerchief was bound about her eyes, blinding her.
“What shall I do?” she said, feeling for the block. “Where is it?”
Then, as some one standing near guided her, she laid down her head,
and saying, “Lord, into Thy hands I commend my spirit,” met the blow of
the executioner.
Thus died Lady Jane Grey, most guiltless of traitors; who, to quote
Fuller’s panegyric, possessed, at sixteen, the innocency of childhood,
the beauty of youth, the solidity of middle, and the gravity of old,
age; who had had the birth of a princess, the learning of a clerk, the
life of a saint, and the death of a malefactor.
INDEX
Annebaut, Admiral d’, French ambassador, 33
Arundel, Earl of, 222, 236, 240, 241, 242, 247, 249-51, 253, 262, 287
Ascham, Roger, 141-4, 152
Ashley, Katherine, Princess Elizabeth’s governess, 88-91, 110, 115,
116
Ashridge, Princess Elizabeth at, 294
Askew, Anne, Trial and execution of, 36-41
Aylmer, John, Lady Jane’s tutor, 143, 149, 150, 152, 154-7, 165
Baker, Sir Richard, 204
Barnes, Dr., burnt, 6
Bath, Earl of, 231
Baynard’s Castle, Meeting at, 240
Bel Savage Inn, Wyatt at, 309
Berkeley, Sir Maurice, Wyatt surrenders to, 309
Bloody Statute, The, 4
Bodoaro, Venetian ambassador to Charles V., 198
Bonner, Dr., Bishop of London, 32, 38, 175, 255, 256
Borough, Lord, Katherine Parr’s first husband, 19
Bradgate Park, 25 _seq._
Brandon, Charles, Duke of Suffolk, 24
Bret, Captain, 296
Bridges, Sir John, Lieutenant of the Tower, 300, 310, 317, 318
Bromley, Sir Thomas, 204
Browne, Sir Anthony, 61, 166, 261, 321
Bucer, the reformer, 150, 151
Bullinger, Henry, 145-55, 161, 165, 179, 180, 211
Burgoyne, 159
Calvin, 159
Cecil, Secretary, 160, 179, 227, 240
Charles V., The Emperor, 2, 49, 176, 277, 288
Cheke, John, Edward VI.’s tutor, 22
Clerkenwell, Lady Jane visits Mary at, 183
Commendone, the Pope’s agent, 262
Corriers, Sieur de, 290
Courtenay, Edward, afterwards Earl of Devonshire, 255, 275-7, 280,
290, 292-4
Cox, Dr., tutor to Edward VI., 22
Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, 7, 8-10, 59, 62, 72, 131, 133, 135,
152, 153, 174, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285
Crofts, Sir John, 294
Crome, Dr., 34
Cromwell, Thomas, 5;
executed, 6, 7
Culpeper, Thomas, 11
Darcy, Lord, 240, 256
Day, Bishop, 175
Denmark, King of, 277
Denny, Sir Anthony, 58
-- Sir Philip, 310
Deptford, Wyatt at, 297
Diego, Don, 229
Dorset, Marchioness of, afterwards Duchess of Suffolk. _See_ Suffolk
Dorset, Marquis of, afterwards Duke of Suffolk. _See_ Suffolk
Dudley, Lord Guilford, married to Lady Jane Grey, 196 _seq._, 221,
222, 229, 237, 238, 283;
attainted and sentenced, 284-6, 289, 316, 320;
executed, 321, 322
-- Sir Ambrose, 284
-- _See_ Warwick and Northumberland
Edward, Prince, afterwards Edward VI., 1;
education, 22, 23;
relations with Lady Jane, 28;
and with Elizabeth, 29;
his coronation, 62;
his uncles, 83-85, 134-8, 162, 163, 169-71;
illness, 172, 173, 175;
religious scruples, 176;
dying, 189, 193, 194, 199;
his will, 202-7;
death, 209;
funeral, 256
Egmont, Count of, 290
Eleyn, Lady Jane Grey’s attendant, 323
Elizabeth, Princess, 1, 13, 20, 29;
Seymour her suitor, 70, 71, 73, 78;
relations with Seymour, 88-91, 95, 108 _seq._, 155, 156;
set aside by Edward’s will, 203;
enters London with Mary, 253-5, 278, 279;
at Mary’s coronation, 280, 281, 283, 292, 294
Eyre, Christopher, 122
Feckenham, Dr., Dean of St. Paul’s, 312, 314, 315, 316, 323, 324
Fitzpatrick, Barnaby, 23, 162, 172, 208
Florio, Michel Angelo, 192, 245
Fowler, John, 85
Fuller, quoted, 69, 159, 325
Gage, Sir John, Constable of the Tower, 263, 305, 306
Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, 7, 13, 16, 32, 39, 42 _seq._, 60, 64,
175, 255, 262, 286, 287, 288, 313, 314
Garrard, burned, 6
Gates, Sir John, 204, 215, 256;
sentenced, 263, 265;
executed, 266
Grey, Lady Jane, 2, 23;
childhood and education, 26;
relations with her cousins, 28-30;
consigned to Seymour’s custody, 67 _seq._;
her parents’ severity, 69;
with Queen Katherine Parr, 77 _seq._;
reclaimed by her parents, 100-104;
sent back to Seymour, 105-107, 166;
return to Bradgate, 139;
interview with Ascham, 141-4;
intercourse with Protestant divines, 145-52;
love of dress, 154, 155, 156, 165;
visits Mary, 173;
letter to Bullinger, 178, 179;
visit to Mary, 183;
at Tylsey, 188;
her eulogists, 190, 191;
Florio’s description of her, 192;
her marriage, 196 _seq._;
made Edward’s heiress, 203, _seq._;
receives the news, 212, 217-220;
at the Tower, 220;
quarrels with Guilford Dudley, 221, 222;
proclaimed, 223;
her reign, 225;
begs that her father may remain in London, 232;
takes leave of Northumberland, 233;
deposed, 244-6;
returns to Sion House, _ibid._, 264;
her fate uncertain, 269, 270, 271;
conversation in the Tower, 271-4;
letter to Hardinge 279, 280;
attainted, 284;
tried and sentenced, 285;
indulgence shown her, 289, 295;
her fate sealed, 311;
interviews with Feckenham, 312, 314-16;
her written farewells, 317-19;
refuses to see Guilford Dudley, 320, 321;
meets his body, 322;
her execution, 323-5
Grey, Lady Katherine, 196;
Lady Jane’s letter to, 319
-- Lord John, 293, 316
-- Lord Leonard, 293
-- _See_ Suffolk
Haddon, James, 148, 149, 165, 179-83
Hardinge, Lady Jane’s letter to, 279, 280
Harper, Sir George, 296, 301
Harrington, Lord Seymour’s servant, 67, 68, 104
Hastings, Lord, 196
-- Sir Edward, 298
Heath, Bishop, 175
Henry VIII., King, 1 _seq._, 34, 35, 36;
displeased with his wife, 44 _seq._;
reconciled with her, 47;
dying, 48;
death, 56 _seq._
Herbert, Lady, 43, 45, 75
-- Lord, of Cherbury, quoted, 44
Hertford, Lord, son of the Protector, 87, 106
-- _See_ Somerset
Hoby, Sir Philip, 228, 229, 313
Hooper, Bishop, 149
Howard, Sir William, 308
Hunsdon, Mary at, 184
Huntingdon, Earl of, 218, 256
Huyck, Dr. Robert, 98
Jerningham, Captain of the Guard, 297, 309
Jerome, burned, 6
Katherine, Queen, of Aragon, 3
-- Howard, Queen, 10, 11, 12
-- Parr, Queen, 12;
marriage to Henry, 13;
her past, 14, 15;
as Queen, 17 _seq._;
Protestant sympathies, 41;
plot against her, 43 _seq._;
her escape, 47;
Queen-dowager, 65;
marriage to Lord Seymour, 69-77;
married life, 80 _seq._;
illness and death, 96-9
Kett’s Rebellion, 130, 232
Laing, Count of, 290
Lane, Lady, Katherine Parr’s cousin, 43, 45
Latimer, Bishop of Worcester, 5, 6, 94, 129, 130, 281, 282
-- Lord, Katherine Parr’s second husband, 18
Lee, Sir Richard a, 131
Lovell, Thomas, 236, 251
Maeterlinck, quoted, 78
Mary Stuart, 1, 2, 128
-- Tudor, Princess, afterwards Queen, 1, 13, 18, 19, 29-32, 59, 73,
76, 155;
quarrels with Council, 174-7;
visited by Ridley, 184-6;
set aside in Edward’s will, 203;
plot against, 214;
escape, 215, 216;
at Kenninghall, 226, 227;
popular enthusiasm for, 230, 231;
successful, 238 _seq._;
proclaimed, 242, 247, 248;
enters London, 253, 254;
at the Tower, 255, 256, 258, 268, 269-71;
marriage question, 275 _seq._;
coronation, 280, 281;
Spanish match, 286 _seq._;
at the Guildhall, 299;
conduct during Wyatt’s Rebellion, 300 _seq._, 311, 313, 314
Mary of Lorraine, Queen-Dowager of Scotland, 156, 165
Michele, Venetian ambassador, 198
Montagu, Sir Edward, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, 204, 205, 206
Morysine, Sir Richard, 228, 229
Newhall, Mary and Lady Jane at, 173
Noailles, French ambassador, 193, 194, 207, 208, 243, 276, 279, 280,
281, 296
Norfolk, Duke of, 52;
imprisoned, 55, 159, 255, 259, 296, 297
Northampton, Earl of, at first Lord Parr, 16, 93, 106, 158, 204, 255,
259, 269
Northumberland, Duchess of, 212, 218, 222, 228
-- Duke of, at first Earl of Warwick, 82, 128, 132, 133, 145, 157;
his unpopularity, 160, 161, 164, 169, 170, 171;
his schemes, 189, 190, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 200;
his character, 201;
dictates Edward’s will, 202, 203, 205, 206, 207, 208, 212;
his conspiracy, 215, 216;
at Sion House with Lady Jane, 218 _seq._;
commander of the forces, 232-6;
fall and arrest, 247-51;
trial and sentence, 259 _seq._;
recantation, 263;
execution, 266;
burial, 268;
discussed by Lady Jane, 272, 273
Ormond, Earl of, 297
Owen, Dr., 209
Paget, Lady, 72
-- Secretary, 72, 131, 132, 133, 135, 247
Palmer, Sir Thomas, 262, 266, 267, 268
Parkhurst, Rev. John, 98
Parr, Lord. _See_ Northampton
Parry, Princess Elizabeth’s Cofferer, 88, 114, 115, 116
Partridge’s lodging in the Tower, Lady Jane at, 271 _seq._
Pellican, Conrad, 147
Pembroke, Earl of, 196, 218, 222, 238, 241;
proclaims Mary, 242, 243, 306, 307
Petre, Secretary of the Council, 240
Philip, Prince of Spain, 277, 286, 291, 292, 293
Piedmont, Prince of, 277
Pinkie, Battle of, 128
Pole, Cardinal, 275
“Poor Pratte,” 230
Portugal, Infant of, 277
Powell, Dr., hanged, 6
Poynings, Sir Nicholas, 300
Raleigh, Sir Walter, quoted, 1, 58
Renard, Simon, imperial envoy, 270, 286, 287
“Resident in the Tower,” The, 271 _seq._
Rich, Lord Chancellor, 159, 160
Richmond, Duchess of, 52, 53
Ridley, Bishop, 184-6, 239, 252, 281
Russell, Lord, Privy Seal, 113
Sandys, Dr., Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge, 248, 249
Seymour, Sir Thomas, Lord Admiral, afterwards Lord Seymour of
Sudeley, 13;
Katherine Parr’s lover, 14, 15, 17;
opposes his brother, 64;
obtains Lady Jane’s custody, 66, 67, 68;
is suitor to Elizabeth, 70, 71;
marries Katherine Parr, 72-7, 81, 82, 83 _seq._;
relations with Elizabeth, 88-91;
his wife’s death, 96 _seq._;
again Elizabeth’s suitor, 108 _seq._;
in the Tower, 117, 122, 123;
trial and execution, 124, 125
-- _See_ Somerset
Shaxton, Nicholas, 40
Shrewsbury, Earl of, 242
Sion House, Lady Jane at, 213 _seq._
Somerset, Duchess of, 82, 83, 136, 255
-- Edward Seymour, Duke of, at first Earl of Hertford, 13;
rivalry between him and Surrey, 50 _seq._;
Lord Protector, 61;
and Duke of Somerset, 63;
campaign in Scotland, 64;
dissensions with his brother, 64, 65, 71, 81, 82, 83, 84, 92, 96,
109;
his wealth, 127;
in danger, 130 _seq._;
prisoner, 135;
pardoned, 136;
in the Tower, 157 _seq._;
trial, 161;
execution, 165, 166, 167;
his spoils, 197, 213
Southwell, Sir Richard, 307
Sudeley Castle, 80, 93
Suffolk, Duchess of, at first Marchioness of Dorset, Lady Jane Grey’s
mother, 24, 27, 36, 102, 103, 105, 142, 145, 148, 218
Suffolk, Duke of, at first Marquis of Dorset, 24, 62, 67, 68, 100-7,
142, 148;
created Duke, 178, 179, 231, 232, 233, 242, 243, 244, 245, 252, 253,
293, 295, 316, 317
Surrey, Henry Howard, Earl of, 48 _seq._, 54;
trial, 55;
execution, 56
Sydney, Lady, 213
Throckmorton House, 215
-- John, 321
-- Lady, 243, 244
-- Sir Nicholas, 111, 202, 215, 216, 243 note
Traheron, 152
Tudor, Mary, daughter of Henry VII., 24
-- _See_ Mary
Tunstall, Bishop of Durham, 255
Tylney, Elizabeth, 323
Tyrwhitt, Lady, 43, 97, 98, 112, 120, 121
Tyrwhitt, Sir Robert, 112, 118, 119, 120, 121
Ulmis, John ab, 146, 147, 153, 161, 180
Underhyll, Edward, the “Hot-Gospeller,” 243, 302-5
Warwick, Earl of. _See_ Northumberland
-- Earl of, son to Duke of Northumberland, 249, 259, 265, 268, 269
Weston, Dr., 298
Wharton, Sir Thomas, 186
Wightman, Sir Thomas Seymour’s servant, 111
Winchester, Marquis of, 221, 239, 240, 256
Wriothesley, Chancellor, and afterwards Earl of Southampton, 16, 32,
40, 47, 60, 61
Wyatt, Sir Thomas, rebel leader, 293, 295 _seq._, 307, 309, 310
_Printed by Hazell, Watson & Viney, Ld., London and Aylesbury._
FOOTNOTES
[1] Hall’s _Chronicle_.
[2] Martin Hume, _The Wives of Henry VIII._, p. 447.
[3] Ellis’s _Original Letters_, Series III., vol. iii., p. 203.
[4] _Grey Friar’s Chronicle_ (Camden Society), p. 44.
[5] Martin Hume, _Wives of Henry VIII._, p. 344.
[6] Holinshed.
[7] Strype’s _Memorials of Archbishop Cranmer_.
[8] Hall’s _Chronicle_.
[9] _Spanish Chronicle of Henry VIII._, translated by Martin Hume.
[10] Hayward’s _Life of Edward VI._
[11] Sir H. Ellis, _Original Letters_.
[12] _Calendar, Henry VIII._, vol. xviii., p. 1.
[13] Speed.
[14] _Chronicle of Henry VIII._, translated by Martin Hume.
[15] Martin Hume, _Wives of Henry VIII._, p. 438.
[16] Heylyn’s _Reformation_.
[17] Heylyn’s _Reformation_.
[18] Andrew Bloxam.
[19] _Calendar of State Papers_ (Venetian), p. 346.
[20] It is stated in the _Dictionary of National Biography_ that Lady
Jane was attached to the Queen’s household in 1546, but I am unable
to discover any proof of the fact. Speed, in his chronicle, makes two
or three mentions of her, from which other biographers have concluded
that she was in close attendance on Katherine Parr during the King’s
lifetime. But it seems clear that he made a confusion between Lady
_Jane_, the King’s great-niece, and Lady _Lane_, Katherine’s cousin,
born Maud Parr, who was at that time a member of her household.
[21] Naunton.
[22] Foxe, _Acts and Monuments_.
[23] _Grey Friars’ Chronicle_ (Camden Society), p. 50.
[24] G. Leti, _Vie d’Elizabeth, Reine d’Angleterre_, t. i., p. 153.
[25] _Grey Friars’ Chronicle_ (Camden Society), p. 51.
[26] Ellis’s _Original Letters_, Series II., vol. ii., p. 176.
[27] Lord Herbert of Cherbury, _Life of Henry VIII._, p. 537.
[28] N. D., quoted, with disapproval, by Speed.
[29] Lingard, _History_, vol. v., p. 200.
[30] Foxe, _Acts and Monuments_.
[31] Dr. Lingard, quoting the narrative attributed to Anne, credits
neither it nor the addition for which Foxe is responsible, stating
that there is no other instance of a woman being subjected to
torture, that a written order from the Lords of the Council was
necessary before it could be inflicted, and that it was not customary
for either the Chancellor or his colleagues to be present on these
occasions.--_History_, vol. v., p. 201.
[32] Foxe, _Acts and Monuments_.
[33] _Life of Henry VIII._, p. 561.
[34] Speed, and Miss Strickland following him, read the name “Jane.”
[35] _Acts and Monuments_, Speed’s _Chronicle_, Lord Herbert of
Cherbury, etc.
[36] Bapst, _Deux Gentilshommes Poëtes_, p. 275.
[37] Bapst, _Deux Gentilshommes Poëtes_, p. 287.
[38] Lord Herbert of Cherbury, _Life of Henry VIII._, p. 564.
[39] _Ibid._, p. 563.
[40] _Chronicle of King Henry VIII. of England_ (translated by Martin
Hume), p. 182.
[41] _Chronicle of Henry VIII._ (tr. by Martin Hume), p. 152.
[42] Bapst, _Deux Gentilshommes Poëtes_, p. 346.
[43] _Grey Friars’ Chronicle_, p. 52.
[44] _Chronicle of Henry VIII._ (tr. by Martin Hume), p. 147.
[45] _Chronicle of Henry VIII._ (tr. by Martin Hume), p. 148.
[46] Foxe, _Acts and Monuments_, vol. v., p. 689.
[47] _History of the World._
[48] _Chronicle of Henry VIII._ (tr. by Martin Hume), p. 152.
[49] _Acts and Monuments_, vol. v., p. 689.
[50] _Acts and Monuments_, vol. v., p. 691.
[51] _Literary Remains of Edward VI._, Roxburgh Club, ed. Nichols.
[52] Hayward’s _Life of Edward VI._, p. 82.
[53] Leti, _Vie de la Reine Elizabeth_, p. 166.
[54] Haynes, _State Papers_. It is difficult to distinguish between
statements relating to the negotiations with regard to Lady Jane
carried on at this date, and those taking place eighteen months later.
[55] Tytler, _England under Edward VI. and Mary_, vol. i.
[56] Fuller’s _Worthies_.
[57] Leti, _Vie de la Reine Elizabeth_, p. 163.
[58] _Chronicle of Henry VIII._, p. 158.
[59] Leti, _Vie de la Reine Elizabeth_, p. 170.
[60] Haynes, _State Papers_.
[61] _An Historical Account of Sudeley Castle._
[62] Quoted by Strype.
[63] _Chronicle of Henry VIII._, p. 156.
[64] Hayward, _Life of Edward VI._, p. 82.
[65] Heylyn’s _Reformation_, p. 71.
[66] Haynes, _State Papers_.
[67] _Ibid._
[68] Haynes, _State Papers_.
[69] _State Papers._ Quoted in Strickland’s _Queens of England_, vol.
iii., p. 272.
[70] Haynes, _State Papers_.
[71] Haynes, _State Papers_.
[72] Leti is responsible for it.
[73] Haynes, _State Papers_, p. 96.
[74] Tytler, _Edward and Mary_, vol. i., p. 70.
[75] Haynes, _State Papers_, p. 61.
[76] _Ibid._
[77] Quoted _Remains of Edward VI._
[78] Tytler, _Edward and Mary_, vol. i.
[79] Haynes, _State Papers_, pp. 103, 104.
[80] Miss Strickland, _Queens of England_, vol. iii., p 281.
[81] Haynes, _State Papers_, pp. 77, 78.
[82] Haynes, _State Papers_, pp. 78, 79.
[83] Tytler, _Edward VI. and Mary_, vol. i., p. 134.
[84] Haynes, _State Papers_, p. 76.
[85] _Ibid._, pp. 79, 80.
[86] _Chronicle of King Henry VIII._, p. 163.
[87] Haynes, _State Papers_, p. 89.
[88] Haynes, _State Papers_.
[89] Haynes, _State Papers_, p. 109.
[90] Haynes, _State Papers_, p. 98.
[91] Haynes, _State Papers_, p. 108.
[92] Haynes, _State Papers_, p. 71.
[93] Haynes, _State Papers_, p. 106.
[94] Latimer’s _Sermons_, quoted by Lingard, _History_, vol. v., p. 279.
[95] Leti, _Vie de la Reine Elizabeth_.
[96] Lingard, _History_, vol. v., p. 293.
[97] Strype’s _Ecclesiastical Memorials_, vol. ii., p. 2.
[98] Tytler, _Edward VI. and Mary_, vol. i., p. 174.
[99] Holinshed, vol. iii., p. 1014.
[100] _Chronicle of King Henry VIII._, p. 187.
[101] See Tytler, _Edward VI. and Mary_, vol. i., p. 241. Dr. Lingard
expresses doubts as to the document upon which Tytler relies, and
Froude acquits the Council of treachery.
[102] Tytler, _Edward VI. and Mary_, vol. i., p. 242.
[103] _Chronicle of King Henry VIII._, p. 192.
[104] Foxe, _Acts and Monuments_, vol. vi., pp. 351, 352.
[105] Ascham describes her as fifteen--a manifest error.
[106] Roger Ascham, _The Schoolmaster_, bk. ii.
[107] Ascham, _The Schoolmaster_, bk. i.
[108] _Zurich Letters_, Parker Society.
[109] _Ibid._
[110] _Zurich Letters_, vol. ii., Parker Society, p. 399.
[111] _Ibid._, p. 427.
[112] _Zurich Letters_, vol. ii., p. 430.
[113] _Zurich Letters_, p. 433.
[114] There is little mention of Lady Jane’s mother in contemporary
records. But the nature of the woman, and her heritage of Tudor blood,
is sufficiently indicated by the fact that not a fortnight after her
husband had been executed, and about a month after Lady Jane’s death
she bestowed herself in marriage upon her equerry.
[115] Becon’s _Jewel of Joy_, Parker Society.
[116] _Zurich Letters_, p. 103.
[117] _Zurich Letters_, vol. i., p. 5.
[118] _Zurich Letters_, vol. i., p. 72.
[119] _Zurich Letters_, vol. i., pp. 76, 77.
[120] _Church History_, vol. i., p. 338.
[121] _Church History_, vol. i., p. 340.
[122] _Zurich Letters_, vol. ii., p. 441.
[123] Fuller’s _Church History_, vol. i., p. 341.
[124] Ellis’s _Original Letters_, Series III., vol. i., p. 216.
[125] Heylyn’s _Reformation_, vol. ii., p. 7.
[126] Soranzo’s Report (_Venetian Calendar_), p. 535.
[127] Strype’s _Ecclesiastical Memorials_, vol. ii., p. 2.
[128] _Venetian Calendar_, p. 535.
[129] Fuller’s _Church History_, vol, i., p. 345.
[130] _Zurich Letters_, vol. ii., p. 466. Meaning that Cranmer, who had
already been married some years, had brought his wife from Germany, and
owned her openly. See Strype.
[131] Two victims were burnt for heresy, Joan Bocher and a Dutch
surgeon, named Pariss. A priest is also stated by Wriothesley to have
been hanged and quartered, July 7, 1548.
[132] _Zurich Letters_, pp. 281 _et seq._
[133] Foxe, _Acts and Monuments_, vol. vi., pp. 354-5. Heylyn’s
_Reformation_.
[134] Speed’s _Chronicle_, p. 1122.
[135] Heylyn’s _Reformation_, vol. i., p. 291.
[136] Rosso, _Succesi d’Inghilterra_, p. 5.
[137] Wriothesley’s _Chronicle_, vol. ii., p. 82.
[138] _Ibid._
[139] Florio’s _Life_, p. 27.
[140] _Ibid._, p. 28.
[141] _Ibid._
[142] Heylyn’s _Reformation_, p. 297.
[143] _Ambassades de Noailles_; Griffet, _Nouveaux Éclaircissements sur
l’Histoire de Marie_.
[144] Wriothesley’s _Chronicle_, vol. ii., p. 79.
[145] _Reformation_, vol. i., p. 294.
[146] Heylyn’s _Reformation_, vol. i., p. 294.
[147] Griffet, _Éclaircissements_, etc., p. 16.
[148] _Ambassades de Noailles_, vol. i., p. 49.
[149] _Ibid._, p. 57.
[150] Quoted in Strickland’s _Queen Mary_.
[151] Fuller’s _Church History_, vol. i., pp. 369 _et seq._
[152] Rosso, _Succesi d’Inghilterra_.
[153] Griffet’s _Éclaircissements_, etc.
[154] Foxe’s _Acts and Monuments_, vol. vi., p. 352.
[155] The paper is only to be found in two Italian histories, Pollini’s
_Istoria Ecclesiastica della Rivoluzione d’Inghilterra_ and Raviglio
Rosso’s account of the events following upon Edward’s death, stated to
be partly drawn from the despatches of Bodoaro. The discrepancies here
and there in the translation point to both having had access to an
English version.
[156] _History of Syon Monastery_, Aungier.
[157] _Chronicle of Queen Jane_ (Camden Society), p. 2.
[158] Speed’s _Chronicle_, p. 1127.
[159] Heylyn makes Durham House the scene of the announcement. In
this he seems clearly to be mistaken, as it is stated in the _Grey
Friar’s Chronicle_ that she was brought down the river from Richmond to
Westminster, and so to the Tower.
[160] _The Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary_ (Camden Society), p.
3.
[161] Letter from Jane to Mary, Pollini’s _Istoria Ecclesiastica della
Rivoluzione d’Inghilterra_, pp. 355-8.
[162] Rosso, _Succesi d’Inghilterra_, p. 13.
[163] Rosso, _Succesi d’Inghilterra_, p. 9.
[164] Heylyn’s _Reformation_.
[165] Griffet, _Nouveaux Éclaircissements_.
[166] Strype’s _Memorials_.
[167] _Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary_, ed. John Nichols
(Camden Society), App., pp. 116-121.
[168] The foregoing details are mostly taken from Stowe’s _Chronicle_.
At this point _The Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary_ by a
Resident in the Tower (Camden Society), takes up the tale. The
anonymous author plainly speaks from personal knowledge, and is the
principal authority for this period.
[169] Grafton’s _Chronicle_.
[170] Heylyn’s _Reformation_.
[171] Fuller’s _Worthies_.
[172] Tytler’s _Edward and Mary_, vol. ii., p. 202.
[173] Rosso’s _Succesi_.
[174] Rosso’s _Succesi_.
[175] Quoted in _Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary_, p. 11.
[176] This fact, together with Sir Nicholas’s subsequent trial, seems
to throw doubt upon the veracity of his versified account of the
services he had rendered to Mary.
[177] _Biog. Brit._ Quoted in _Lady Jane Grey’s Literary Remains_.
[178] _L’Istoria Ecclesiastica della Rivoluzione d’Inghilterra._
Pollini, pp. 274, 275. Rosso’s _Succesi_, p. 20.
[179] M. A. Florio, _Vita_, pp. 58, 59.
[180] _Dictionary of National Biography._
[181] Rosso, _Succesi_, p. 23.
[182] _Chronicle of Queen Jane_, etc., pp. 10, 11.
[183] Foxe, _Acts and Monuments_.
[184] _Chronicle of Queen Jane_, etc. p. 16.
[185] Rosso.
[186] _Vie d’Elizabeth_, p. 198.
[187] Griffet, _Nouveaux Éclaircissements_, p. 23.
[188] _Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary_, p. 16.
[189] Griffet, _Nouveaux Éclaircissements_, p. 25.
[190] Griffet, _Nouveaux Éclaircissements_, pp. 26, 27.
[191] _Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary_, p. 24.
[192] _Edward and Mary_, vol. ii., p. 224.
[193] _Peerage of England_ (1799), vol. ii., p. 406. Quoted in
_Strickland’s Queens of England_.
[194] Lingard, _History_, vol. v., pp. 390, 391.
[195] _Ibid._, p. 391.
[196] Tytler, _Edward and Mary_, vol. ii., p. 227.
[197] _Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary_, from which the
following details of the execution are mostly taken.
[198] _Peerage of England_ (1709), vol. ii., p. 406. Quoted in Miss
Strickland’s _Queens_.
[199] Griffet, _Nouveaux Éclaircissements_, p. 55.
[200] Dr. Nichols suggests that Partridge may have been Queen Mary’s
goldsmith of that name, apparently resident in the Tower during the
following year.
[201] Lingard, _History_, vol. v., p. 393.
[202] Griffet, _Nouveaux Éclaircissements_, p. 65.
[203] Griffet, _Nouveaux Éclaircissements_, p. 60.
[204] Lingard, _History_, vol. v., p. 401.
[205] Speed’s _Chronicle_.
[206] Griffet, _Nouveaux Éclaircissements_, pp. 125-6.
[207] Griffet, _Nouveaux Éclaircissements_, p. 127.
[208] Lingard, _History_, vol. v., p. 411.
[209] _Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary_, p. 34.
[210] Griffet, _Nouveaux Éclaircissements_, p. 118.
[211] _Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary_, p. 38 _et seq._
[212] _Ibid._
[213] Speed’s _Chronicle_, p. 1133.
[214] _Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary_, p. 54.
[215] Rosso, _Succesi d’Inghilterra_, p. 53.
[216] _Life and Death of Lady Jane Grey_, 1615, p. 22.
[217] It will be seen that the bearing of the two opponents on the
scaffold would seem to give the lie to this account of their interview;
unless, the heat of argument over, both should have regretted what had
passed.
[218] _Life and Death of Lady Jane Grey_, 1615, p. 25.
[219] Rosso, _Succesi_, etc., p. 57.
[220] _Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary._
[221] _Life and Death of Lady Jane Grey_, 1615, p. 30.
[222] _Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary_, pp. 54-6. The author,
“resident in the Tower,” was doubtless an eye-witness of the scene.
[223] Rosso, _Succesi d’Inghilterra_, etc., pp. 57, 58.
Transcriber’s Notes
Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling were made consistent when a
predominant preference was found in this book; otherwise they were not
changed.
Simple typographical errors were corrected; occasional unbalanced
quotation marks retained.
Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained.
Index not checked for proper alphabetization or correct page references.
Index often used semi-colons between page number references. They have
been replaced by commas in this eBook. Semi-colons between sub-entries
have been retained.
Frontispiece: The original caption attributes the painting to “Lucas
? Heere” where the “?” represents an indistinct letter. It should be
“de”, and that is what is used in this eBook.
The illustrations on the Title Page are just very small decorations.
Page 13: The chapter number was misprinted as “I”; changed here to “II”.
Page 29: “to my cousin, Jane Gray,” was printed with the surname
spelled that way.
Page 35: Closing quotation mark added after “and served.”