I have tried to indicate some of the obvious temptations of authors,

especially so far as they are strengthened by the practice of authorship

as a profession. They may be summed up by saying that they tend to

degrade the profession into a trade, and a trade which has as many

tricks as the least elevating kind of business. It would be, perhaps,

desirable to end by deducing some definite moral. But, in the first

place, I think that any such moral as I could give is sufficiently

indicated by the statement of the dangers. And, in the second place, I

do not think that there is any moral that can be regarded as peculiar to

authors. For an author, after all, is a man, and, as all men ought to

be, a workman. His power comes to this, that he is a man with a special

capacity for exciting sympathy. That he should be a good workman,

therefore, goes without saying; and it follows that he should have a

sense of responsibility in whatever department he undertakes; that he

should not bestow his advice upon us without qualifying himself to be a

competent adviser; nor write philosophical speculation without serious

study of philosophy; nor, if possible, produce poetry or even fiction

without filling his mind by observation or training it by sympathy with

the great movements of thought which are shaping the world in which we

live. It is a sort of paradox which cannot be avoided, that we must

warn a man that one condition of all good work is that it should be

spontaneous, and yet tell him that it should be directed to make men

better and happier. It seems to be saying that the conscious pursuit of

a given end would be inconsistent with the attainment of the end. Yet I

believe that this is a paradox which can be achieved in practice on the

simple condition of a reasonable modesty. The author, that is, should

not listen to those who would exaggerate the importance of his work. The

world can get on very well without it; and even the greatest men are far

more the product than the producers of the intellectual surroundings.

The acceptance of that truth--I hold it to be a truth--will help to keep

in check the exaggerated estimate of the importance of making a noise in

the world, which is our besetting sin, and help to make a regulating

principle of what is a theoretical belief, that a man who is doing

honestly good work in any department, whether under the eyes of a

multitude or of a few, will be happiest if he can learn to take pleasure

in doing it thoroughly rather than in advertising it widely. And,

finally, with that conviction we shall be less liable to the common

error of an author who grumbles at his want of success, and becomes

morbid and irritable and inclined to lower his standard, when in reality

he ought to remember that he is as unreasonable as a marksman who

should complain of the target for keeping out of the line of fire. "It

is my own fault" is often a bitter reflection, but a bitter may be a

very wholesome tonic.

THE VANITY OF PHILOSOPHISING.

When the Preacher exclaimed, "Vanity of vanities, all is vanity," he did

not exclude his own wisdom. "I communed with my own heart, saying, Lo, I

am come to great estate, and have gotten more wisdom than all that have

gone before me in Jerusalem: yea, my heart hath great experience of

wisdom and knowledge. And I gave my heart to know wisdom and to know

madness and folly: I perceived that this also is vexation of spirit. For

in much wisdom is much grief: and he that increaseth knowledge

increaseth sorrow." The Preacher, whoever he may have been, has uttered

thoughts upon which many eloquent followers have expatiated. More than

two thousand years have passed since the words were written;

philosophies have risen and spread and decayed; and yet, in this year

1895, can we say that they have brought more than a multiplication of

doubt? Has the increase of knowledge as yet diminished sorrow, or

established any firm standing ground from which we may look upon the

universe and say that the eternal riddle is, I will not say solved, but

brought a step nearer to solution? A great poet--I can't tell whether

he lived in the twelfth or the nineteenth century, for the phrase is

equally characteristic of either Omar Khayyam or Edward

Fitzgerald--gives the same thought:--

Myself, when young, did eagerly frequent

Doctor and saint, and heard great argument

About it and about: but evermore

Came out by the same door as in I went.

What, indeed, are eight or twenty centuries in the life even of this

planet? There are moments at which we all have suddenly felt by flashes

the sensation of being suspended in vast abysses of space and time: when

we see, for example, a chart of the heavens which has been recently

revealed to us by astronomers, and find that spaces between the stars

shown to us by ordinary eyesight are filled in every direction with

world beyond world, vast systems of worlds, worlds in every stage of

evolution, growing out of nebulous vapour or sinking into eternal

coldness: while the imagination is staggered and bewildered by the

inconceivable vastness of the spaces indicated, and its own

infinitesimal pettiness. If we stroll into a museum and look at the

petrified bones of some grotesque monster, and after rejoicing, perhaps,

that there is an end of him, we are struck by the thought of the vast

lapse of ages during which he was being slowly hammered out of some

mere primitive form, and then slowly decayed, and was gradually elbowed

out of existence by monsters a degree less preposterous than himself,

and gain a new measure of the portentous lapse of time. The greatest of

poets has summed up the impression in the phrase which Carlyle was fond

of quoting: "we are such stuff as dreams are made of": and our little

speck of existence a vanishing quantity in comparison of the infinite

above and below and around us, which we dimly infer though we cannot

distinctly realise it. If in such a mood, common at times to all who can

think or feel, we take up some philosophical work, and find the writer

complacently setting forth a cosmogony or a theory of the Universe;

explaining how things came into being; what is the reason why they are

not better or worse; what is the end of the whole drama: are we not

justified in exclaiming with Carlyle:--

The builder of this Universe was wise,

He planned all souls, all systems, planets, particles:

The plan he shaped all worlds and aeons by

Was--Heavens!--was thy small nine-and-thirty articles!

Carlyle has been, to some of us, the most stimulating of writers, just

because he succeeded in expressing, with unsurpassed power, the emotion

which I must be content with indicating--the emotion which is roused by

sudden revelations of the infinitudes, the silences and eternities that

surround us. We cannot keep it permanently before us; the present

absorbs us, and its little interests seem to be all that is important.

It is only at moments when, for example, we reflect that our action of a

minute ago is already a part of the mysterious past, sinking downwards,

and rapidly becoming invisible in the depths of the infinite ocean, that

we are startled by a momentary pang, and feel as though to live with a

constant sense of our insignificance would be to risk the paralysis of

all our powers of thought and action. That way, we are inclined to say,

lies madness. We shall lose our heads if we gaze too long into such

tremendous depths. Possibly we may restore our equilibrium by meditating

upon the infinitesimal, though possibly too we may rather feel that such

meditations only reveal another infinite. I intended to make a few

reflections suggested by such thoughts, when I found a guide, and, to a

great extent, an ally, in a writer who has lately taken up the ancient

parable. Mr. Balfour, in a book rather quaintly entitled _Foundations of

Belief_ has dwelt upon the vanity of all known philosophy, and has

shown, or appears to some of his readers to have endeavoured to show,

that it is hopeless to lay any sound foundations on the little film of

knowledge beneath which lie the great unknown abysses. He tries to

indicate some other basis, though, so far as I can understand him, the

foundations of his edifice are ingeniously supported by the

superstructure; and that is a kind of architecture which, to my mind,

lacks stability. Through a large part of his argument, however, I find

myself in the pleasanter position of an ally. He asserts, and I doubt

whether any competent thinker would materially differ from him, that

there does not, as a matter of fact, exist any established system of

philosophic truth--any system upon which we can rely, as we do, in fact,

rightly or wrongly rely, upon certain scientific doctrines. We no more

doubt the truth of the Newtonian system of astronomy than we doubt that

fire burns or that bread nourishes. But the briefest glance at the old

systems of philosophy shows us, as Mr. Balfour says, nothing but

imperishable ruins--imperishable aesthetically--but, logically, mere

crumbling fragments. We can still read Plato with delight; but the

delight is due to the beauty of style and exposition, not, certainly, to

the conviction produced by his reasoning. Aristotle's philosophy is a

marvel--for his time: but his theory of the Universe is no more tenable

than his Natural Science. The luxuriant growths of later Greek

philosophy are interesting only to the curious investigators of the

pathology of the human intellect. The vast development of scholastic

philosophy in the middle ages showed only how far unlimited ingenuity

and subtlety may lead in the wrong direction, if it starts with mistaken

principles. It ended by upsetting the doctrines which it attempted to

prove, and had finally to commit suicide, or fall before the

insurrection of living thought. The great men who revolted against its

tyranny in its later stages constructed new systems, which, to them,

seemed demonstrable, but which, to us, are already untenable. We cannot

accept Descartes, or Spinoza, or Leibnitz, or Bacon, or Hobbes, or

Locke, as giving satisfactory or even coherent systems, or as having

done more than lead to the thorough scepticism of Hume. If Kant

presented one solution of the difficulties in which philosophy was

landed, we have still to ask what precisely Kant meant; whether his

criticism was simply all-destructive, or really left anything standing,

and, if so, what it left standing; and who represents the proper line of

development. Shall we, with Schopenhauer, pronounce Hegel to be a

thorough impostor? and, if so, can we seriously accept Schopenhauer's

own system? If, here and there, some people accept his theories for

literary purposes, nobody will maintain that they rest upon any

permanently settled foundation. If, again, we believe in Hegel, we have

to make out what we mean by believing in Hegel, and to which school of

his followers we are to attach ourselves. I need not consider the

polemic which Mr. Balfour has directed against the writers who have

given a version of Hegelian principles in England. Personally, I agree

with his criticisms in a general way; but I fancy that even the

adherents of those principles would defend themselves mainly by

declaring that they do not make such pretensions as he ascribes to them.

They try, at most, to indicate a way of approaching, not of solving the

problems. But, at least, they would claim to have done one thing:

namely, to have proved the inadequacy of the rival system of empirical

philosophy, accepted by the English followers of Locke, and now mainly

represented for us by Mr. Herbert Spencer. I only add to this, that it

is not a question of the convictions of any individual thinker, however

eminent. Philosophies of every different variety have been not merely

accepted by those who first devised them, but have been taken up in good

faith by whole schools of disciples; they have been tested, on a large

scale, by systematic application to all relevant questions, and one

after the other has become bankrupt; has lost its hold on the world, and

confessed that it leaves the riddle as dark as it was before. All that

can be claimed for the greatest philosophers is, that they have, at

least, proved that certain paths which seemed to lead through the

labyrinth, end in a deadlock; that they have exposed certain fallacies

by the process of provisionally believing in them; and that they have

buoyed certain shoals, and demonstrated that no channel leads in what

seemed to be a promising direction. Is there any channel open?

Once more, I might follow--I might even, if I had time, expand Mr.

Balfour's argument in another direction. He has pointed out--not for the

first time certainly--how men's beliefs are due not to reasoning, but to

countless causes which prevent them from reasoning. The argument is too

familiar, indeed, to require much emphasis. Some one, arguing in the

days of the old orthodoxy upon the necessity of the true faith to

salvation, put the case of a couple of infants deserted by their

parents. One of them is carried off by a Mohammedan and the other by a

Christian. Each will, of course, adopt the faith of the party into whose

hands it has fallen; and the problem was, whether the infant seized by

the Mohammedan would be eternally damned, and the one taken by the

Christian go straight to heaven; and whether, on the whole, that would

satisfy our sense of justice. The argument implies the inevitableness of

error. Men not only do, but ought to hold, contradictory opinions. Take

a Scottish Davie Deans, brought up in the shadow of John Knox's pulpit;

a Tyrolese peasant, educated in the Catholic Church; and a Mohammedan,

living at Mecca; and, of course, it is plain, not only that each will

accept the creed which pervades what is for him the whole world known to

him, but that as a reasoning being each is probably in the right. That

is to say, the accessible evidence is in each case overwhelmingly in

favour of the doctrine, inasmuch as the supposed reasoner is entirely

unaware of the evidence which might be produced on the other side. But

what is true of the peasant is true of the philosopher. Measured on a

sufficient scale, the difference vanishes. This intellectual horizon is

just as much limited, though not so narrowly limited. No one but a bigot

would deny that a mediaeval philosopher might accept on perfectly

reasonable grounds the dogmas of the Catholic Church. The historical

difficulties had not even been presented to his mind. He had no reason

for doubting innumerable assumptions as to fact which have since turned

out to be erroneous; and if the method of his reasoning was itself

fundamentally vicious, the fact only came to light gradually in the

process of working out the results. We--including in the "we" the

philosophers--have to approach truth by the help of assumptions, and by

trying how in point of fact they will work; it is so hard to remember

that they are only assumptions that we generally call them self-evident

truths. Considering how many assumptions are involved even in the very

structure of language itself; how we are led into all kinds of

difficulties by the essential instrument of thought, which has been

fashioned by the unconscious logic of our ancestors; it is not strange

that the best that can be said of philosophies is, that they represent

convenient working hypotheses. That, at least, seems to be a liberal

view of their logical value. In another sense they are really to be

considered as poetry, rather than as logic. They are modes of presenting

certain conceptions of the world by apparently logical formulae, instead

of by concrete imagery; but, substantially, they represent the emotions

with which men regard their dwelling place, and are radically imperfect

if we insist upon considering them as providing us with correct plans

and drawings of its various arrangements.

Let us look for a moment at another set of reflections upon which Mr.

Balfour touches. What has been the influence of these systems upon men's

lives? Have these provisional constructions, these fluctuating,

conflicting, unstable combinations of pretentious formulae, really

decided or directed the course of human history? It would seem so, if

you read certain histories of philosophy. They seem to suggest that the

hinge upon which all the course of human affairs ultimately turns is

the growth of certain metaphysical conceptions. There is a preliminary

difficulty in seeing how such pretensions can be established. The

philosopher in his study or his lecture room discusses problems in which

the enormously preponderating majority of the race has so little

interest, that it is not even aware that there are any such problems to

be discussed. He lays down dogmas so vague and unsatisfactory that half

his hearers give up the attempt to understand, or understand them in a

sense which the more intelligent half would utterly repudiate; and that

intelligent half is itself divided into different schools, interpreting

the dogmas in radically contradictory ways. Is it not hard to believe

that speculation leads to vast results, when for ninety-nine men out of

a hundred it is practically non-existent, and with the small minority it

amounts to providing new weapons for endless controversy? We must, of

course, admit that men's conduct is in some sense determined by their

thoughts. Change the radical beliefs, and you will certainly change the

whole constitution of society. And, again, it is obvious that in one

sphere of thought the progress of inquiry is of vast importance. Nobody

can deny that scientific and mechanical discoveries have, for good or

evil, materially affected our lives. The great inventions of modern

times, from gunpowder and printing to the steam-engine and electricity,

have changed things as much as if they had altered the physical

constitution of the world. They have indeed altered it for us, for they

have given us the means of applying forces previously dormant, and

therefore for practical purposes non-existent. Such beliefs have an

immediate bearing upon the practices of ordinary human beings. But if we

are to set down all philosophies as at once untenable and as absolutely

unknown to the enormous majority of mankind, it becomes difficult to

understand by what process they come to influence, or apparently to

influence, the position of the race. A philosopher frames his scheme of

the universe to his own satisfaction; but you and I hear nothing about

it, and do not trouble ourselves to understand it, and go on working

with our good old common-sense conceptions of things, leaving it to the

philosopher to construct or destroy the fanciful system which he somehow

supposes to lie beneath them. One answer is of course obvious. Religious

and ethical systems, it is said, presuppose a philosophy: no one denies

that men are profoundly affected by the gods whom they worship and the

rules of conduct which they adopt; and therefore the sceptic who is

burrowing at the base may be ruining the whole superstructure, although

his operations are no more obvious upon the surface than those of some

minute parasite. Accordingly, we are often told that revolutions are

ultimately produced by speculation; and that old systems fall with a

crash because some shrewd witness has been boring into the foundations

upon which they really repose. The French Revolution, according to one

familiar statement, was due to the freethinkers who had set about prying

into the ultimate grounds of the old faith, and had succeeded in shaking

the convictions necessary to social welfare.

That this argument expresses a truth is what I am so far from denying

that I should be most anxious to give it emphasis. But what is precisely

the truth expressed? Destroy the belief in a church as a social system,

and the organisation will crumble. But what is the real cause of the

loss of belief? Is it the logical argument that is effective? Does the

philosophical revolution underlie the political or religious revolution,

or is that to invert cause and effect? Let me take an example to

illustrate my meaning. The doctrine of the "rights of man," proclaimed

by the whole revolutionary school, was, it is said, the cause of the

revolution. The destruction of the old order was caused by the sudden

conviction which spread through Europe of the truth of this theory, and

the consequent decay of the old authority. Now we may proceed, if we

please, to trace the origin of this doctrine back through certain

speculations to the days of the Roman jurists, themselves influenced by

the Stoical philosophy. The view suggested is that the doctrine was a

kind of germ, a something which preserved its vitality through

centuries, like the bacteria of modern physiologists, and which,

somehow, developed a baleful or a beneficial activity about a century

ago, and changed all the conditions of social equilibrium. But, if this

be true, we naturally remark that the potency of the doctrine must have

been due, not to the doctrine itself, which lay dormant so long, but to

the conditions which suddenly made it effective. The doctrine, indeed,

is so obvious, in a sense, that it is not to be doubted that anybody who

once began to philosophise about laws and political constitutions, after

they had reached a certain stage, would hit upon it in one shape or

another. It is not comparable to those scientific discoveries which

require patient thought and a dexterous combination of arguments: but

one of the primary axioms which present themselves on the very threshold

of inquiry. The mediaeval peasant who put the question:--

When Adam delved, and Eve span,

Who was then the gentleman?

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