_Mr. C. R. Das, in moving the Non-co-operation resolution at the Indian
National Congress, Nagapur, 1920, said:--_
I rise to move the resolution on Non-co-operation. I shall presently
read the resolution before you; but before I do that, I ask you to
consider it very carefully, word by word, and line by line, because I
must emphatically deny the charge that the Non-co-operation resolution
which was passed in the Subjects Committee, is weaker, and not
stronger, than the resolution, which was passed in Calcutta. Let me
first read this resolution. (Reads resolution). Gentlemen, let me put
before you in a few words the scheme of it. We say that our wrongs,
including the Khilafat, and the Punjab wrongs--I do not enumerate
the wrongs because they are so many--that each wrong, so far as I
am concerned, is a cause of the attitude that I have taken up. We
declare that our wrongs are of such a nature that we must attain Swaraj
immediately (hear, hear). Then, we declare that all other methods,
which we have employed up to now, have failed and that, the only method
which is left for us, is, the method of non-violent non-co-operation
(hear, hear); and we declare that there must not be any mistake about
it that this Congress has resolved definitely, clearly and without any
ambiguity, that the whole of this scheme of non-co-operation shall be
put in force to secure our rights and to attain Swaraj; and we declare
further that, in the meantime, those things which we resolved upon at
Calcutta, are to continue but not only those things, we are to direct
our activities in other directions as well. Here I pause for a moment
to consider the question which, I regret, has been raised, namely,
that this resolution is weaker than the Calcutta resolution. May I ask
you to consider in what respect is it weaker? I claim it is stronger
it is fuller, it is more complete. In the Calcutta resolution, there
was no clear declaration that this National Congress has resolved
to put in force the entire scheme of non-co-operation down to the
non-payment of taxes although I believe with Mahatma Gandhi that that
may not be necessary. But still if that is necessary I want it to be
clearly stated that the people of India will not shirk from putting
that into force. Then we say that, in the meantime, till that call
is sounded--and you must remember, gentlemen, directly the call is
sounded, that call has to be obeyed by all sections of the community,
lawyers, students, trades-men, merchants, agriculturists, every body,
every section in the country must respond to that call (hear, hear)
and do you understand what that means. That means that this tyrannical
machinery of the Government is regulated--is driven, not regulated--by
whom, not by the Bureaucracy but by the Indians; and it means that the
moment that call is sounded, every Indian is to take his hands off that
machinery (hear, hear) and compel this Government to do what you like.
But ours are not the hands which will move your machinery (hear, hear).
That is putting in force the entire scheme. Then, let us consider what
we have got to do in the meantime. The Calcutta resolution was confined
to the students and lawyers and a general resolution about boycott of
foreign goods. Here we say we keep the same injunction with regard to
students but we differentiate between students under 16 and students
above 16. Then, with regard to lawyers, we keep not only the same
thing, we re-affirm the Calcutta resolution, but we say that we are
not satisfied with the way in which that resolution has been responded
to by lawyers; and we say that greater effort must be made to secure
that; and also we refer to the scheme of settlement of disputes by
private arbitration. Then comes the economic question, and we say that
the economic drainage is one of the greatest wrongs from which we have
suffered: and we say that a Committee of experts must be appointed at
once to form and organise a plan of boycott of foreign goods. Then we
come to the other question. We come to the boycott of Councils. We say
that it has succeeded, and we say further what naturally follows from
that, namely, that the men who are at present occupying those seats
are not representatives of the people of India (Hear, Hear). Not only
do we stop there, but we go further, that those people who pretend to
represent them do not represent them, and therefore we call upon the
voters not to take any political assistance from those people. And then
we appeal generally, for unity in favour of the depressed classes, in
favour of every section of the community which require protection and
development more than we do. This is the scheme of the resolution. In
what respect is it weaker? In respect of lawyers? I say 'no,' because
it re-affirms but it continues to call upon lawyers to act up to that
resolution. Is it weaker in any point? From the point of view of
students, I say 'no.' I have guarded against students coming out under
false sentiment. I think that it is right, that this greatest national
assembly in India should declare that those students who feel the call
of duty and conscience should immediately come out, regardless of
consequence (Hear, hear). Is it weaker in respect of the boys under
16 years? I say what is weakness, and what is strength? We make it
stronger by making it more just and more practical. Is it weaker in
respect of the economic question? I do not admit that, because in the
general resolution which you had and which Mahatma Gandhi himself was
to carry out, we have got a systematic plan of economic boycott and
a practical boycott--a boycott which will not only be spoken of but
acted upon by every Indian worth the name. I ask again,--where lies
the weakness of such a resolution? It is nothing but the result of
undue suspicion. I am making no appeal. I am making no personal appeal
in my favour; but I do ask you to remember that when I say anything I
mean it, and in my life on public questions I have never said anything
which I do not believe in. Some of you may suspect, but all I can
say, brother, ask me any question and I will answer, ask me what I
intend to do, I will answer. Beyond that I will not refer to personal
questions. I call upon you, in the name of all that is holy, to carry
this resolution without one single dissentient voice. I want you to
declare it to the nation and to the bureaucracy, and to the nation to
realise their God-given rights. The rights exist, but rights have got
to be realised. The rights exist because this is the eternal law of
life; but still every man and woman and every nation on earth has got
to realise those rights. Realise the fact that we have got those rights
and the moment you realise that the bureaucracy or any cracies in the
world cannot stand against you and I want you to tell the bureaucracy
that we have made up our minds to realise it, and we have made up our
minds to compel you to recognise that which we have got. May God grant
us strength not only to pass this resolution but to work upon this
resolution and to carry out the great idea of which this resolution is
the expression (loud cheers).