Presidential primaries of 1916, but I quietly supported the regular
ticket for delegates, which was elected. We had at least three
candidates for President in Massachusetts, with all of whom I was on
friendly terms, as I had never allied myself with any faction of the
party, but I felt the convention did the wise thing in turning to the
great statesman Charles Evans Hughes, and I supported him actively in
the campaign for election. He carried Massachusetts by a small vote. My
renomination came without opposition, as did that of the Governor, who
had a plurality of 46,240 at the election. My own was 84,930.
During the summer I had been chairman of a special commission to
consider the financial condition of the Boston Elevated Street Railway,
and helped make a report recommending that the Governor be authorized to
appoint a Board of Trustees who should have the control of this property
and be vested with authority to fix a rate of fare sufficient to pay the
costs of operation and a fair return to the stockholders. This was
adopted by the General Court and solved the pressing problem of street
railway transportation, which became so acute on account of the
increasing costs of operation. Later the plan was applied to the other
large company in the eastern part of the state. It was not perfect, but
saved the properties from destruction and gave a fair means of travel
at cost, which was to be ascertained by public authority.
It was in the ensuing year that the United States entered the World War.
While this took most of our thoughts off local affairs it did not
prevent opposition to the renomination of Governor McCall. Had it been
successful it would have deferred any chance for me to run for Governor
for two or three years and probably indefinitely. Under the
circumstances most of my friends supported the Governor, and he was
renominated by a wide margin. I had no opposition. But interest in the
election was not great, so that the vote was light. Nevertheless the
Governor ran 90,479 votes ahead of his nearest competitor. In my own
contest my opponent secured the Democratic, the Progressive and the
Prohibition nomination. I did not think the combination would prove
helpful to him, and it did not. He fell off 77,000 from the vote of his
predecessor, and I won by 101,731.
While the United States had been engaged in the World War every public
man, and I among them, had been constantly employed in its many
activities. It increased every function of government from the
administration in Washington down to the smallest town office. The whole
nation seemed to be endowed with a new spirit, unified and solidified
and willing to make any sacrifice for the cause of liberty. I was
constantly before public gatherings explaining the needs of the time for
men, money and supplies. Sometimes I was urging subscriptions for war
loans, sometimes contributions to the great charities, or again speaking
to the workmen engaged in construction or the manufacture of munitions.
The response which the people made and the organizing power of the
country were all manifestations that it was wonderful to contemplate.
The entire nation awoke to a new life.
It was no secret that I desired to be Governor. Under the custom of
promotion in Massachusetts a man who did not expect to be advanced would
scarcely be willing to be Lieutenant-Governor. But I did nothing in the
way of organizing my friends to secure the nomination. It is much better
not to press a candidacy too much, but to let it develop on its own
merits without artificial stimulation. If the people want a man they
will nominate him, if they do not want him he had best let the
nomination go to another.
The Governor very much desired to be United States Senator, but made no
statement indicating he would seek that honor which would cause him to
retire from his present office. Neither I nor my friends approached him
or sought to influence him. Finally he called me aside and told me to
announce that I would run for Governor, which I did. As no one knew what
he had told me, some supposed I would run against him, which I would not
have done.
I had a strong liking for this veteran public servant, and so I felt
sure he liked me. He was away on many occasions, which under the
constitution left me as Acting Governor, but at such times I was always
careful not to encroach upon his domain. While I may have differed with
my subordinates I have always supported loyally my superiors. They have
never found me organizing a camp in opposition to them. Finally the
Governor sought the Senatorship, but before his campaign was under way
he very manfully announced that as the country was at war he was
entirely unwilling to divert public attention from the national defense
to promote his political fortune and therefore withdrew. My nomination
was again unanimous.
The campaign was difficult. The really great qualities of my principal
colleague, Senator John W. Weeks, had been displayed mostly in
Washington and were not appreciated by his home people. A violent
epidemic of influenza prevented us from having a State Convention, or
holding the usual meetings, and the party organization was not very
effective. In spite of my protest and the fact that we were engaged in a
tremendous war, criticism was too often made of President Wilson and his
administration. My own efforts were spent in urging that the people and
government of Massachusetts should all join in their support of the
national government in prosecuting the war. While I was elected by only
16,773, Senator Weeks to my lasting regret was defeated, so the state
and nation lost for a time the benefit of his valuable public service.
Later he was in the Cabinet where he remained until, during my term, he
retired due to ill health, and did not long survive.
Again I supposed I had reached the summit of any possible political
preferment and was quite content to finish my public career as Governor
of Massachusetts--an office that has always been held in the highest
honor by the people of the Commonwealth.
To get a few days’ rest I went to Maine the next Friday after the
election. It was there that I was awakened in the middle of Sunday night
to be told that the Armistice had been signed. I returned to Boston the
following day to take part in the celebration. What the end of the four
years of carnage meant those who remember it will never forget and those
who do not can never be told. The universal joy, the enormous relief,
found expression from all the people in a spontaneous outburst of
thanksgiving.
While the war was done, its problems were to confront the state and
nation for many years. I was to meet them as Governor and President.
They will remain with us for two generations. Such is the curse of war.
In my inaugural address I dwelt on the need of promoting the public
health, education, and the opportunity, for employment at fair wages in
accordance with the right of the people to be well born, well reared,
well educated, well employed and well paid. I also stressed the
necessity of keeping government expenses as low as possible, assisting
in every possible way the reestablishing of the returning veterans, and
reorganizing the numerous departments in accordance with a recent change
of the constitution which limited their number to twenty.
There being no Executive Mansion the Governor has no especial social
duties, so I kept my quarters at the Adams House, as I had always lived
there when in Boston, where Mrs. Coolidge came sometimes; but as our
boys needed her she staid for the most part in Northampton. She never
had taken any part in my political life, but had given her attention to
our home. It was not until we went to Washington that she came into
public prominence and favor.
In February, President Wilson landed at Boston on his return from France
and spoke at a large meeting, where I made a short address of welcome,
pledging him my support in helping settle the remaining war problems. I
then began a friendly personal relation with him and Mrs. Wilson which
has always continued. Our service men were constantly returning and had
to be aided in getting back into private employment. About $20,000,000
was paid them out of the state treasury.
In the confusion attending the end of the war the work of legislation
dragged on well into the summer. While I did not veto many of the bills
which were passed, I did reject a measure to increase the salaries of
members of the General Court from $1,000 to $1,500, but my objection was
not sustained.
In the great upward movement of wages that had taken place those paid by
street railways had not been proportionately increased. It is very
difficult to raise fares, so sufficient money for this purpose had not
been available, though some advances had been made. Because of this
situation a strike occurred in midsummer on the Boston Elevated that
tied up nearly all the street transportation in the city district for
three or four days. Finally I helped negotiate an agreement to send the
matter to arbitration, so that work was resumed. The men secured a very
material raise in wages, which I feel later conditions fully justified.
In August I went to Vermont. On my return I found that difficulties in
the Police Department of Boston were growing serious and made a
statement to the reporters at the State House that I should support
Commissioner Edwin U. Curtis in his decisions concerning their
adjustment. I felt he was entitled to every confidence.
The trouble arose over the proposal of the policemen, who had long been
permitted to maintain a local organization of their own, to form a union
and affiliate with the American Federation of Labor. That was contrary
to a long-established rule of the Department, which was agreed to by
each member when he went on the force and had the effect of law.
When the policemen’s union persisted in its course I was urged by a
committee appointed by the Mayor to interfere and attempt to make
Commissioner Curtis settle the dispute by arbitration. The Governor
appoints the Commissioner and probably could remove him, but he has no
more jurisdiction over his acts than he has over the Judges of the
Courts; besides, I did not see how it was possible to arbitrate the
question of the authority of the law, or of the necessity of obedience
to the rules of the Department and the orders of the Commissioner. These
principles were the heart of the whole controversy and the only
important questions at issue. It can readily be seen how important they
were and what the effect might have been if they had not been
maintained. I decided to support them whatever the consequences might
be. I fully expected it would result in my defeat in the coming campaign
for reelection as Governor.
While I had no direct responsibility for the conduct of police matters
in Boston, yet as the Chief Executive it was my general duty to require
the laws to be enforced, so I remained in Boston and kept carefully
informed of conditions. I knew I might be called on to act at any time.
On Sunday, September seventh, I went to Northampton by motor and
remained overnight as I had an engagement to speak before a state
convention of the American Federation of Labor at Greenfield Monday
morning, which I fulfilled. I left that town at once for Boston,
stopping at Fitchburg to call my office to learn if there were any new
developments. I reached Boston after four o’clock that afternoon, and
had a conference with some of the representatives of the city. I did not
leave Boston again for a long time.
When it became perfectly apparent that the policemen’s union was acting
in violation of the rules of the Department the leaders were brought
before the Commissioner on charges, tried and removed from office,
whereat about three-quarters of the force left the Department in a body
at about five o’clock on the afternoon of Tuesday, September ninth. This
number was much larger than had been expected.
The Metropolitan Police of more than one hundred, and the State Police
of thirty or forty men, had been kept in readiness and were at once put
on duty, the Motor Corps of the State Guard was held at the armory, and
that night I kept the Attorney General, the Adjutant General and my
Secretary at my hotel to be ready to respond to any call for help. As
everything was quiet the Motor Corps went home. Around midnight bands of
men appeared on the street, who broke many shop windows and carried away
quantities of the goods which were on display. Many arrests were made,
but the remaining police and their reinforcements were not sufficient to
prevent the disorder. I knew nothing of this until morning.
The disorder of Tuesday night was most reprehensible, but it was only an
incident. It had little relation to the real issues. I have always felt
that I should have called out the State Guard as soon as the police left
their posts. The Commissioner did not feel this was necessary. The
Mayor, who was a man of high character, and a personal friend, but of
the opposite party, had conferred with me. He had the same authority as
the Governor to call out all the Guard in the City of Boston. It would
be very unusual for a Governor to act except on the request of the
local authorities. No disorder existed, and it would have been rather a
violent assumption that it was threatened, but it could have been made.
Such action probably would have saved some property, but would have
decided no issue. In fact it would have made it more difficult to
maintain the position Mr. Curtis had taken, and which I was supporting,
because the issue was not understood, and the disorder focused public
attention on it, and showed just what it meant to have a police force
that did not obey orders.
On reaching my office in the morning it was reported to me that the
Mayor was calling out the State Guard of Boston to report about five
o’clock that afternoon. He also requested me to furnish more troops. I
supplemented his action by calling substantially the entire State Guard
to report at once. They gathered at their armories and were patrolling
the streets in a few hours. When they came with their muskets in their
hands with bayonets fixed there was little more trouble from disorder.
It was soon reported to me that the Mayor, acting under a special law,
had taken charge of the police force of the city, and by putting a
Guard officer in command had virtually displaced the Commissioner, who
came to me in great distress. If he was to be superseded I thought the
men that he had discharged might be taken back and the cause lost.
Certainly they and the rest of the policemen’s union must have rejoiced
at his discomfort. Thinking I knew what to do, I consulted the law as is
my custom. I found a general statute that gives the Governor authority
to call on any police officer in the state to assist him. I showed this
to the Attorney General and to Ex-Attorney General Herbert Parker, who
was advising Mr. Curtis. They thought I was right and consulted a
profound judge of law, Ex-Attorney General Albert E. Pillsbury, who
confirmed their opinions. The strike occurred Tuesday night, the Guard
were called Wednesday, and Thursday I issued a General Order restoring
Mr. Curtis to his place as Commissioner in control of the police, and
made a proclamation calling on all citizens to assist me in preserving
order, and especially directing all police officers in Boston to obey
the orders of Mr. Curtis.
This was the important contribution I made to the tactics of the
situation, which has never been fully realized. To Mr. Curtis should go
the credit for raising the issue and enforcing the principle that police
should not affiliate with any outside body, whether of wage earners or
of wage payers, but should remain unattached, impartial officers of the
law, with sole allegiance to the public. In this I supported him.
When rumors started of a strike at the power house which furnished
electricity for all Boston, a naval vessel was run up to the station
with plenty of electricians on board ready to go over the side and keep
the plant in operation. A wagon train of supplies, arms, and ammunition
was brought in from Camp Devens and all the State Guard mobilized. A
statement was made by President Wilson strongly condemning the defection
of the police. Volunteer police began to come in, and over half a
million dollars was raised by popular subscription to meet necessary
expenses in caring for dependents of the Guard and even for helping the
families of some of the police who left their posts. Later I helped
these men in securing other employment, but refused to allow them again
to be policemen. Public feeling became very much aroused. While offers
of support came from every quarter the opposition was very active.
Soon, Samuel Gompers began to telegraph me asking the removal of Mr.
Curtis and the reinstatement of the union policemen. This required me to
make a reply in which I stated among other things that “There is no
right to strike against the public safety by any body, any time, any
where.” This phrase caught the attention of the nation. It was beginning
to be clear that if voluntary associations were to be permitted to
substitute their will for the authority of public officials the end of
our government was at hand. The issue was nothing less than whether the
law which the people had made through their duly authorized agencies
should be supreme.
This issue I took to the people in my campaign for reelection as
Governor. Though I was hampered by an attack of influenza and spoke but
three or four times, I was able to make the issue plain even beyond the
confines of Massachusetts. Many of the wage earners both organized and
unorganized, who knew I had always treated them fairly, must have
supported me, for I won by 125,101 votes. The people decided in favor
of the integrity of their own government. President Wilson sent me a
telegram of congratulations.
I felt at the time that the speeches I made and the statements I issued
had a clearness of thought and revealed a power I had not before been
able to express, which confirmed my belief that, when a duty comes to
us, with it a power comes to enable us to perform it. I was not thinking
so much of the Governorship, which I already had, as of the grave danger
to the country if the voters did not decide correctly. My faith that the
people would respond to the truth was justified.
The requirements of the situation as it developed seem clear and plain
now, and easy to decide, but as they arose they were very complicated
and involved in many immaterial issues. The right thing to do never
requires any subterfuges, it is always simple and direct. That is the
reason that intrigue usually falls of its own weight.
After the election I had the work of making the appointments in order to
reduce the entire state administration to the limit of twenty
Departments and a special session of the General Court to deal with some
street railway problems, so I had little time to think of politics. But
I soon learned that many people in the country were thinking of me.
The two years that I served as Governor were a time of transition from
war to peace. New problems constantly arose, great confusion prevailed,
nothing was settled and it was possible only to feel my way from day to
day. But they were years of progress if partly in a negative way. The
new position of the wage earners was perfected and solidified. A
forty-eight-hour week for women and minors was established by a bill
passed by the General Court, which I signed. The budget system went
fully into effect the first year I was Governor and helped keep the
state finances in good condition. The departments were reorganized, and
the street railways given relief. In my second year a bill was passed
allowing the sale of beer with a 2.75 per cent alcoholic content, which
I vetoed because I thought it was in violation of the Constitution which
I had sworn to defend. The veto was sustained. A constant struggle
[Illustration:
Wide World Photos
CALVIN COOLIDGE
_At Amherst College_]
was going on to keep the costs of living down and the rate of wages up.
A State Commission was held in office with increased powers to resist
profiteering in the necessaries of life. In the depression of 1920 some
of our banks and manufacturers found themselves in difficulties. All of
these things reached the Governor in one form or another. But, in
general, conditions were such that the entire efforts of the people were
engaged in easing themselves down. There was little opportunity to
direct their attention towards constructive action. They were clearing
away the refuse from the great conflagration preparatory to rebuilding
on a grander and more pretentious scale. Nothing was natural, everything
was artificial. So much energy had to be expended in keeping the ship of
state on a straight course that there was little left to carry it ahead.
But when I finished my two terms in January, 1921, the demobilization of
the country was practically complete, people had found themselves again,
and were ready to undertake the great work of reconstruction in which
they have since been so successfully engaged. In that work we have seen
the people of America create a new heaven and a new earth. The old
things have passed away, giving place to a glory never before
experienced by any people of our world.
IN NATIONAL POLITICS
_CHAPTER FOUR_
IN NATIONAL POLITICS
No doubt it was the police strike of Boston that brought me into
national prominence. That furnished the occasion and I took advantage of
the opportunity. I was ready to meet the emergency. Just what lay behind
that event I was never able to learn. Sometimes I have mistrusted that
it was a design to injure me politically; if so it was only to recoil
upon the perpetrators, for it increased my political power many fold.
Still there was a day or two when the event hung in the balance, when
the Police Commissioner of Boston, Edwin U. Curtis, was apparently cast
aside discredited, and my efforts to give him any support indicated my
own undoing. But I soon had him reinstated, and there was a strong
expression of public opinion in our favor.
The year 1919 had not produced much on the positive side of our
political life. President Wilson had returned from the peace conference
at Paris determined to have the United States join the League of Nations
as established in the final Treaty of Versailles. He found opposition in
the Senate both within and without his own party. In attempting to gain
the approval of the country he had made his trip across the continent
and returned a broken man never to regain his strength. For eight years
he had so dominated his party that it had not produced any one else with
a marked ability for leadership. During these months the contest was
raging in the Senate over the peace treaty, but as a result it had put
the leadership of our party in a negative position, which never appeals
to the popular imagination, and besides in the country many Republicans
favored a ratification of the treaty with adequate reservations. Many of
the Senators on our side cast their vote for that proposal, which would
have prevailed but for the opposition of the regular administration
Democrats. In this confusion no dominant popular figure emerged in the
Congress, but many ambitions became apparent.
Following my decisive victory in November there very soon came to be
mention of me as a Presidential candidate. About Thanksgiving time
Senator Lodge came to me and voluntarily requested that he should
present my name to the national Republican convention. He wished to go
as a delegate with that understanding. Of course I told him I could not
make any decision in relation to being a candidate, but I would try to
arrange matters so that he could be a delegate at large. When he left
for Washington he gave out an interview saying that Massachusetts should
support me.
Very soon a movement of considerable dimensions started both in my home
state and in other sections of the country to secure delegates who would
support me. An old friend and long time Secretary of the Republican
National Committee, James B. Reynolds, was placed in charge of the
movement, and I was gaining considerable strength. Senator Crane in his
own quiet but highly efficient way became very interested and let it be
known that I had his support, as did Speaker Gillett, who is now our
Senator, but then represented my home district in Congress. They both
went as delegates pledged to me.