At last the time for action arrived. The boat landed at a point which
appeared to me the place of all others to start from. I found that it
would be impossible to carry anything with me but what was upon my
person. I had some provisions, and a single suit of clothes, about
half worn. When the boat was discharging her cargo, and the passengers
engaged carrying their baggage on and off shore, I improved the
opportunity to convey myself with my little effects on land. Taking up
a trunk, I went up the wharf, and was soon out of the crowd. I made
directly for the woods, where I remained until night, knowing well that
I could not travel, even in the state of Ohio, during the day, without
danger of being arrested.
I had long since made up my mind that I would not trust myself in the
hands of any man, white or colored. The slave is brought up to look
upon every white man as an enemy to him and his race; and twenty-one
years in slavery had taught me that there were traitors, even among
colored people. After dark, I emerged from the woods into a narrow
path, which led me into the main travelled road. But I knew not which
way to go. I did not know north from south, east from west. I looked in
vain for the North Star; a heavy cloud hid it from my view. I walked up
and down the road until near midnight, when the clouds disappeared, and
I welcomed the sight of my friend--truly the slave's friend--the North
Star!
As soon as I saw it, I knew my course, and before daylight I travelled
twenty or twenty-five miles. It being in the winter, I suffered
intensely from the cold; being without an overcoat, and my other
clothes rather thin for the season. I was provided with a tinder-box,
so that I could make up a fire when necessary. And but for this, I
should certainly have frozen to death; for I was determined not to go
to any house for shelter. I knew of a man belonging to Gen. Ashly, of
St. Louis, who had run away near Cincinnati, on the way to Washington,
but had been caught and carried back into slavery; and I felt that a
similar fate awaited me, should I be seen by any one. I travelled at
night, and lay by during the day.
On the fourth day my provisions gave out, and then what to do I could
not tell. Have something to eat I must; but how to get it was the
question! On the first night after my food was gone, I went to a barn
on the road-side and there found some ears of corn. I took ten or
twelve of them, and kept on my journey. During the next day, while in
the woods, I roasted my corn and feasted upon it, thanking God that I
was so well provided for.
My escape to a land of freedom now appeared certain, and the prospects
of the future occupied a great part of my thoughts. What should be my
occupation, was a subject of much anxiety to me; and the next thing
what should be my name? I have before stated that my old master, Dr.
Young, had no children of his own, but had with him a nephew, the son
of his brother, Benjamin Young. When this boy was brought to Dr. Young,
his name being William, the same as mine, my mother was ordered to
change mine to something else. This, at the time, I thought to be one
of the most cruel acts that could be committed upon my rights; and I
received several very severe whippings for telling people that my name
was William, after orders were given to change it. Though young, I was
old enough to place a high appreciation upon my name. It was decided,
however, to call me "Sandford," and this name I was known by, not only
upon my master's plantation, but up to the time that I made my escape.
I was sold under the name of Sandford.
But as soon as the subject came to my mind, I resolved on adopting my
old name of William, and let Sandford go by the board, for I always
hated it. Not because there was anything peculiar in the name; but
because it had been forced upon me. It is sometimes common, at the
south, for slaves to take the name of their masters. Some have a
legitimate right to do so. But I always detested the idea of being
called by the name of either of my masters. And as for my father, I
would rather have adopted the name of "Friday," and been known as the
servant of some Robinson Crusoe, than to have taken his name. So I was
not only hunting for my liberty, but also hunting for a name; though I
regarded the latter as of little consequence, if I could but gain the
former. Travelling along the road, I would sometimes speak to myself,
sounding my name over, by way of getting used to it, before I should
arrive among civilized human beings. On the fifth or six day, it rained
very fast, and froze about as fast as it fell, so that my clothes were
one glare of ice. I travelled on at night until I became so chilled and
benumbed--the wind blowing into my face--that I found it impossible to
go any further, and accordingly took shelter in a barn, where I was
obliged to walk about to keep from freezing.
I have ever looked upon that night as the most eventful part of my
escape from slavery. Nothing but the providence of God, and that old
barn, saved me from freezing to death. I received a very severe cold,
which settled upon my lungs, and from time to time my feet had been
frostbitten, so that it was with difficulty I could walk. In this
situation I travelled two days, when I found that I must seek shelter
somewhere, or die.
The thought of death was nothing frightful to me, compared with that
of being caught, and again carried back into slavery. Nothing but the
prospect of enjoying liberty could have induced me to undergo such
trials, for
"Behind I left the whips and chains,
Before me were sweet Freedom's plains!"
This, and this alone, cheered me onward. But I at last resolved to seek
protection from the inclemency of the weather, and therefore I secured
myself behind some logs and brush, intending to wait there until some
one should pass by; for I thought it probable that I might see some
colored person, or, if not, some one who was not a slaveholder; for I
had an idea that I should know a slaveholder as far as I could see him.
The first person that passed was a man in a buggy-wagon. He looked too
genteel for me to hail him. Very soon another passed by on horseback.
I attempted to speak to him, but fear made my voice fail me. As he
passed, I left my hiding-place, and was approaching the road, when I
observed an old man walking towards me, leading a white horse. He had
on a broad-brimmed hat and a very long coat, and was evidently walking
for exercise. As soon as I saw him, and observed his dress, I thought
to myself, "You are the man that I have been looking for!" Nor was I
mistaken. He was the very man!
On approaching me, he asked me, "if I was not a slave." I looked at him
some time, and then asked him "if he knew of any one who would help
me, as I was sick." He answered that he would; but again asked, if I
was not a slave. I told him I was. He then said that I was in a very
pro-slavery neighborhood, and if I would wait until he went home, he
would get a covered wagon for me. I promised to remain. He mounted his
horse, and was soon out of sight.
After he was gone, I meditated whether to wait or not; being
apprehensive that he had gone for some one to arrest me. But I finally
concluded to remain until he should return; removing some few rods to
watch his movements. After a suspense of an hour and a half or more, he
returned with a two-horse covered wagon, such as are usually seen under
the shed of a Quaker meeting-house on Sundays and Thursdays; for the
old man proved to be a Quaker of the George Fox stamp.
He took me to his house, but it was some time before I could be induced
to enter it; not until the old lady came out, did I venture into the
house. I thought I saw something in the old lady's cap that told me
I was not only safe, but welcome, in her house. I was not, however,
prepared to receive their hospitalities. The only fault I found with
them was their being too kind. I had never had a white man to treat me
as an equal, and the idea of a white lady waiting on me at the table
was still worse! Though the table was loaded with the good things of
this life, I could not eat. I thought if I could only be allowed the
privilege of eating in the kitchen I should be more than satisfied!
Finding that I could not eat, the old lady, who was a "Thompsonian,"
made me a cup of "composition," or "number six;" but it was so strong
and hot, that I called it "_number seven_!" However, I soon found
myself at home in this family. On different occasions, when telling
these facts, I have been asked how I felt upon finding myself regarded
as a man by a white family; especially just having run away from one. I
cannot say that I have ever answered the question yet.
The fact that I was in all probability a freeman, sounded in my ears
like a charm. I am satisfied that none but a slave could place such
an appreciation upon liberty as I did at that time. I wanted to see
mother and sister, that I might tell them "I was free!" I wanted to
see my fellow-slaves in St. Louis, and let them know that the chains
were no longer upon my limbs. I wanted to see Captain Price, and let
him learn from my own lips that I was no more a chattel, but a man! I
was anxious, too, thus to inform Mrs. Price that she must get another
coachman. And I wanted to see Eliza more than I did either Mr. or Mrs.
Price!
The fact that I was a freeman--could walk, talk, eat and sleep, as a
man, and no one to stand over me with the blood-clotted cow-hide--all
this made me feel that I was not myself.
The kind friend that had taken me in was named Wells Brown. He was a
devoted friend of the slave; but was very old, and not in the enjoyment
of good health. After being by the fire awhile, I found that my feet
had been very much frozen. I was seized with a fever, which threatened
to confine me to my bed. But my Thompsonian friends soon raised me,
treating me as kindly as if I had been one of their own children. I
remained with them twelve or fifteen days, during which time they made
me some clothing, and the old gentleman purchased me a pair of boots.
I found that I was about fifty or sixty miles from Dayton, in the State
of Ohio, and between one and two hundred miles from Cleaveland, on
Lake Erie, a place I was desirous of reaching on my way to Canada. This
I know will sound strangely to the ears of people in foreign lands,
but it is nevertheless true. An American citizen was fleeing from a
democratic, republican, Christian government, to receive protection
under the monarchy of Great Britain. While the people of the United
States boast of their freedom, they at the same time keep three
millions of their own citizens in chains; and while I am seated here in
sight of Bunker Hill Monument, writing this narrative, I am a slave,
and no law, not even in Massachusetts, can protect me from the hands of
the slaveholder!
Before leaving this good Quaker friend, he inquired what my name was
besides William. I told him that I had no other name. "Well," said he,
"thee must have another name. Since thee has got out of slavery, thee
has become a man, and men always have two names."
I told him that he was the first man to extend the hand of friendship
to me, and I would give him the privilege of naming me.
"If I name thee," said he, "I shall call thee Wells Brown, after
myself."
"But," said I, "I am not willing to lose my name of William. As it was
taken from me once against my will, I am not willing to part with it
again upon any terms."
"Then," said he, "I will call thee William Wells Brown."
"So be it," said I; and I have been known by that name ever since I
left the house of my first white friend, Wells Brown.
After giving me some little change, I again started for Canada. In four
days I reached a public house, and went in to warm myself. I there
learned that some fugitive slaves had just passed through the place.
The men in the bar-room were talking about it, and I thought that it
must have been myself they referred to, and I was therefore afraid to
start, fearing they would seize me; but I finally mustered courage
enough, and took my leave. As soon as I was out of sight, I went into
the woods, and remained there until night, when I again regained the
road, and travelled on until next day.
Not having had any food for nearly two days, I was faint with hunger,
and was in a dilemma what to do, as the little cash supplied me by my
adopted father, and which had contributed to my comfort, was now all
gone. I however concluded to go to a farm-house, and, ask for something
to eat. On approaching the door of the first one presenting itself, I
knocked, and was soon met by a man who asked me what I wanted. I told
him that I would like something to eat. He asked me where I was from,
and where I was going. I replied that I had come some way, and was
going to Cleaveland.
After hesitating a moment or two, he told me that he could give me
nothing to eat, adding, "that if I would work, I could get something to
eat."
I felt bad, being thus refused something to sustain nature, but did not
dare tell him that I was a slave.
Just as I was leaving the door, with a heavy heart, a woman, who
proved to be the wife of this gentleman, came to the door, and asked
her husband what I wanted. He did not seem inclined to inform her. She
therefore asked me herself. I told her that I had asked for something
to eat. After a few other questions, she told me to come in, and that
she would give me something to eat.
I walked up to the door, but the husband remained in the passage, as if
unwilling to let me enter.
She asked him two or three times to get out of the way, and let me in.
But as he did not move, she pushed him on one side, bidding me walk in!
I was never before so glad to see a woman push a man aside! Ever since
that act; I have been in favor of "woman's rights!"
After giving me as much food as I could eat, she presented me with ten
cents, all the money then at her disposal, accompanied with a note
to a friend, a few miles further on the road. Thanking this angel of
mercy from an overflowing heart, I pushed on my way, and in three days
arrived at Cleaveland, Ohio.
Being an entire stranger in this place, it was difficult for me to find
where to stop. I had no money, and the lake being frozen, I saw that
I must remain until the opening of the navigation, or go to Canada by
way of Buffalo. But believing myself to be somewhat out of danger,
I secured an engagement at the Mansion House, as a table waiter, in
payment for my board. The proprietor, however, whose name was E. M.
Segur, in a short time, hired me for twelve dollars a month; on which
terms I remained until spring, when I found good employment on board a
lake steamboat.
I purchased some books, and at leisure moments perused them with
considerable advantage to myself. While at Cleaveland, I saw, for the
first time, an anti-slavery newspaper. It was the "_Genius of Universal
Emancipation_," published by Benjamin Lundy; and though I had no home,
I subscribed for the paper. It was my great desire, being out of
slavery myself, to do what I could for the emancipation of my brethren
yet in chains, and while on Lake Erie, I found many opportunities of
"helping their cause along."
It is well known that a great number of fugitives make their escape to
Canada, by way of Cleaveland; and while on the lakes, I always made
arrangement to carry them on the boat to Buffalo or Detroit, and thus
effect their escape to the "promised land." The friends of the slave,
knowing that I would transport them without charge, never failed to
have a delegation when the boat arrived at Cleaveland. I have sometimes
had four or five on board at one time.
In the year 1842, I conveyed, from the first of May to the first of
December, sixty-nine fugitives over Lake Erie to Canada. In 1843,
I visited Malden, in Upper Canada, and counted seventeen in that
small village, whom I had assisted in reaching Canada. Soon after
coming north I subscribed for the Liberator, edited by that champion
of freedom, William Lloyd Garrison. I had heard nothing of the
anti-slavery movement while in slavery, and as soon as I found that my
enslaved countrymen had friends who were laboring for their liberation,
I felt anxious to join them, and give what aid I could to the cause.
I early embraced the temperance cause, and found that a temperance
reformation was needed among my colored brethren. In company with a
few friends, I commenced a temperance reformation among the colored
people in the city of Buffalo, and labored three years, in which time a
society was built up, numbering over five hundred out of a population
of less than seven hundred.
In the autumn, 1843, impressed with the importance of spreading
anti-slavery truth, as a means to bring about the abolition of slavery,
I commenced lecturing as an agent of the western New York Anti-Slavery
Society, and have ever since devoted my time to the cause of my
enslaved countrymen.
From the Liberty Bell of 1848.
THE AMERICAN SLAVE-TRADE.
BY WILLIAM WELLS BROWN.
Of the many features which American slavery presents, the most cruel
is that of the slave-trade. A traffic in the bodies and souls of
native-born Americans is carried on in the slave-holding states to
an extent little dreamed of by the great mass of the people in the
non-slave-holding states. The precise number of slaves carried from
the slave-raising to the slave-consuming states we have no means of
knowing. But it must be very great, as forty thousand were sold and
carried out of the State of Virginia in one single year!
This heart-rending and cruel traffic is not confined to any particular
class of persons. No person forfeits his or her character or standing
in society by being engaged in raising and selling slaves to supply
the cotton, sugar, and rice plantations of the south. Few persons who
have visited the slave states have not, on their return, told of the
gangs of slaves they had seen on their way to the southern market. This
trade presents some of the most revolting and atrocious scenes which
can be imagined. Slave-prisons, slave-auctions, hand-cuffs, whips,
chains, bloodhounds, and other instruments of cruelty, are part of the
furniture which belongs to the American slave-trade. It is enough to
make humanity bleed at every pore, to see these implements of torture.
Known to God only is the amount of human agony and suffering which
sends its cry from these slave-prisons, unheard or unheeded by man,
up to His ear; mothers weeping for their children--breaking the
night-silence with the shrieks of their breaking hearts. We wish no
human being to experience emotions of needless pain, but we do wish
that every man, woman, and child in New England, could visit a southern
slave-prison and auction-stand.
I shall never forget a scene which took place in the city of St. Louis,
while I was in slavery. A man and his wife, both slaves, were brought
from the country to the city, for sale. They were taken to the rooms of
AUSTIN & SAVAGE, auctioneers. Several slave-speculators, who
are always to be found at auctions where slaves are to be sold, were
present. The man was first put up, and sold to the highest bidder. The
wife was next ordered to ascend the platform. I was present. She slowly
obeyed the order. The auctioneer commenced, and soon several hundred
dollars were bid. My eyes were intensely fixed on the face of the
woman, whose cheeks were wet with tears. But a conversation between the
slave and his new master attracted my attention. I drew near them to
listen. The slave was begging his new master to purchase his wife. Said
he, "Master, if you will only buy Fanny, I know you will get the worth
of your money. She is a good cook, a good washer, and her last mistress
liked her very much. If you will only buy her how happy I shall be."
The new master replied that he did not want her, but if she sold cheap
he would purchase her. I watched the countenance of the man while the
different persons were bidding on his wife. When his new master bid on
his wife you could see the smile upon his countenance, and the tears
stop; but as soon as another would bid, you could see the countenance
change and the tears start afresh. From this change of countenance one
could see the workings of the inmost soul. But this suspense did not
last long; the wife was struck off to the highest bidder, who proved
not to be the owner of her husband. As soon as they became aware that
they were to be separated, they both burst into tears; and as she
descended from the auction-stand, the husband, walking up to her and
taking her by the hand, said, "Well, Fanny, we are to part forever, on
earth; you have been a good wife to me. I did all that I could to get
my new master to buy you; but he did not want you, and all I have to
say is, I hope you will try to meet me in heaven. I shall try to meet
you there." The wife made no reply, but her sobs and cries told, too
well, her own feelings. I saw the countenances of a number of whites
who were present, and whose eyes were dim with tears at hearing the man
bid his wife farewell.
Such are but common occurrences in the slave states. At these
auction-stands, bones, muscles, sinews, blood and nerves, of human
beings, are sold with as much indifference as a farmer in the north
sells a horse or sheep. And this great American nation is, at the
present time, engaged in the slave-trade. I have before me now the
Washington "UNION," the organ of the government, in which I
find an advertisement of several slaves to be sold for the benefit of
the government. They will, in all human probability, find homes among
the rice-swamps of Georgia, or the cane-brakes of Mississippi.
With every disposition on the part of those who are engaged in it to
veil the truth, certain facts have, from time to time, transpired,
sufficient to show, if not the full amount of the evil, at least that
it is one of prodigious magnitude. And what is more to be wondered
at, is the fact that the greatest slave-market is to be found at the
capital of the country! The American slave-trader marches by the
capitol with his "coffle-gang,"--the stars and stripes waving over
their heads, and the constitution of the United States in his pocket!
The Alexandria Gazette, speaking of the slave-trade at the capital,
says, "Here you may behold fathers and brothers leaving behind them
the dearest objects of affection, and moving slowly along in the mute
agony of despair; there, the young mother, sobbing over the infant
whose innocent smile seems but to increase her misery. From some you
will hear the burst of bitter lamentation, while from others, the loud
hysteric laugh breaks forth, denoting still deeper agony. Such is but a
faint picture of the American slave-trade."
_Boston, Massachusetts._
THE BLIND SLAVE BOY.
BY MRS. BAILEY.
Come back to me mother! why linger away
From thy poor little blind boy the long weary day!
I mark every footstep, I list to each tone,
And wonder my mother should leave me alone!
There are voices of sorrow, and voices of glee,
But there's no one to joy or to sorrow with me;
For each hath of pleasure and trouble his share,
And none for the poor little blind boy will care.
My mother, come back to me! close to thy breast
Once more let thy poor little blind boy be pressed;
Once more let me feel thy warm breath on my cheek,
And hear thee in accents of tenderness speak.
O mother! I've no one to love me--no heart
Can bear like thine own in my sorrows a part,
No hand is so gentle, no voice is so kind,
Oh! none like a mother can cherish the blind!
Poor blind one! No mother thy wailing can hear,
No mother can hasten to banish thy fear;
For the slave-owner drives her o'er mountain and wild,
And for one paltry dollar hath sold thee, poor child;
Ah, who can in language of mortals reveal
The anguish that none but a mother can feel.
When man in his vile lust of mammon hath trod
On her child, who is stricken or smitten of God!
Blind, helpless, forsaken, with strangers alone,
She hears in her anguish his piteous moan;
As he eagerly listens--but listens in vain--
To catch the loved tones of his mother again!
The curse of the broken in spirit shall fall
On the wretch who hath mingled this wormwood and gall,
And his gain like a mildew shall blight and destroy,
Who hath torn from his mother the little blind boy!
APPENDIX.
In giving a history of my own sufferings in slavery, as well as the
sufferings of others with which I was acquainted, or which came under
my immediate observation, I have spoken harshly of slaveholders, in
church and state.
Nor am I inclined to apologize for anything which I have said. There
are exceptions among slaveholders, as well as among other sinners;
and the fact that a slaveholder feeds his slaves better, clothes them
better, than another, does not alter the case; he is a slaveholder.
I do not ask the slaveholder to feed, clothe, or to treat his victim
better as a slave. I am not waging a warfare against the collateral
evils, or what are sometimes called the abuses, of slavery. I wage a
war against slavery itself, because it takes man down from the lofty
position which God intended he should occupy, and places him upon a
level with the beasts of the field. It decrees that the slave shall
not worship God according to the dictates of his own conscience; it
denies him the word of God; it makes him a chattel, and sells him in
the market to the highest bidder; it decrees that he shall not protect
the wife of his bosom; it takes from him every right which God gave
him. Clothing and food are as nothing compared with liberty. What
care I for clothing or food, while I am the slave of another? You may
take me and put cloth upon my back, boots upon my feet, a hat upon my
head, and cram a beef-steak down my throat, and all of this will not
satisfy me as long as I know that you have the power to tear me from
my dearest relatives. All I ask of the slaveholder is to give the
slave his liberty. It is freedom I ask for the _slave_. And that the
American slave will eventually get his freedom, no one can doubt. You
cannot keep the human mind forever locked up in darkness. A ray of
light, a spark from freedom's altar, the idea of inherent right, each,
all, will become fixed in the soul; and that moment his "limbs swell
beyond the measure of his chains," that moment he is free; then it is
that the slave dies to become a freeman; then it is felt that one hour
of virtuous liberty is worth an eternity of bondage; then it is, in the
madness and fury of his blood, that the excited soul exclaims,
"From life without freedom, oh! who would not fly;
For one day of freedom, oh! who would not die?"
The rising of the slaves in Southampton, Virginia, in 1831, has not
been forgotten by the American people. Nat Turner, a slave for life,--a
Baptist minister,--entertained the idea that he was another Moses,
whose duty it was to lead his people out of bondage. His soul was fired
with the love of liberty, and he declared to his fellow-slaves that the
time had arrived, and that "They who would be free, themselves must
strike the blow." He knew that it would be "liberty or death" with
his little band of patriots, numbering less than three hundred. He
commenced the struggle for liberty; he knew his cause was just, and he
loved liberty more than he feared death. He did not wish to take the
lives of the whites; he only demanded that himself and brethren might
be free. The slaveholders found that men whose souls were burning for
liberty, however small their numbers, could not be put down at their
pleasure; that something more than water was wanted to extinguish the
flame. They trembled at the idea of meeting men in open combat, whose
backs they had lacerated, whose wives and daughters they had torn from
their bosoms, whose hearts were bleeding from the wounds inflicted by
them. They appealed to the United States government for assistance. A
company of United States troops was sent into Virginia to put down men
whose only offence was, that they wanted to be free. Yes! northern men,
men born and brought up in the free states, at the demand of slavery,
marched to its rescue. They succeeded in reducing the poor slave again
to his chains; but they did not succeed in crushing his spirit.
Not the combined powers of the American Union, not the slaveholders,
with all their northern allies, can extinguish that burning desire
of freedom in the slave's soul! Northern men may stand by as the
body-guard of slaveholders. They may succeed for the time being in
keeping the slave in his chains; but unless the slaveholders liberate
their victims, and that, too, speedily, some modern Hannibal will
make his appearance in the southern states, who will trouble the
slaveholders as the noble Carthaginian did the Romans. Abolitionists
deprecate the shedding of blood; they have warned the slaveholders
again and again. Yet they will not give heed, but still persist in
robbing the slave of liberty.
"But for the fear of northern bayonets, pledged for the master's
protection, the slaves would long since have wrung a peaceful
emancipation from the fears of their oppressors, or sealed their
own redemption in blood." To the shame of the northern people, the
slaveholders confess that to them they are "indebted for a permanent
safe-guard against insurrection;" that "a million of their slaves stand
ready to strike for liberty at the first tap of the drum;" and but
for the aid of the north they would be too weak to keep them in their
chains. I ask in the language of the slave's poet,
"What! shall ye guard your neighbor still,
While woman shrieks beneath his rod,
And while he tramples down at will
The image of a common God?
Shall watch and ward be 'round him set,
Of northern nerve and bayonet?"
The countenance of the people at the north has quieted the fears of
the slaveholders, especially the countenance which they receive from
northern churches. "But for the countenance of the northern church, the
southern conscience would have long since awakened to its guilt: and
the impious sight of a church made up of slaveholders, and called the
church of Christ, been scouted from the world." So says a distinguished
writer.
Slaveholders hide themselves behind the church. A more praying,
preaching, psalm-singing people cannot be found than the slaveholders
at the south. The religion of the south is referred to every day,
to prove that slaveholders are good, pious men. But with all their
pretensions, and all the aid which they get from the northern church,
they cannot succeed in deceiving the Christian portion of the world.
Their child-robbing, man-stealing, woman-whipping, chain-forging,
marriage-destroying, slave-manufacturing, man-slaying religion,
will not be received as genuine; and the people of the free states
cannot expect to live in union with slaveholders, without becoming
contaminated with slavery. They are looked upon as one people; they
_are_ one people; the people in the free and slave states form the
"American Union." Slavery is a national institution. The nation
licenses men to traffic in the bodies and souls of men; it supplies
them with public buildings at the capital of the country to keep their
victims in. For a paltry sum it gives the auctioneer a license to sell
American men, women, and children, upon the auction-stand. The American
slave-trader, with the constitution in his hat and his license in
his pocket, marches his gang of chained men and women under the very
eaves of the nation's capitol. And this, too, in a country professing
to be the freest nation in the world. They profess to be democrats,
republicans, and to believe in the natural equality of men; that they
are "all created with certain inalienable rights, among which are
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." They call themselves a
Christian nation; they rob three millions of their countrymen of their
liberties, and then talk of their piety, their democracy, and their
love of liberty; and, in the language of Shakspeare, say,
"And thus I clothe my naked villany,
And seem a saint when most I play the devil."
The people of the United States, with all their high professions, are
forging chains for unborn millions, in their wars for slavery. With
all their democracy, there is not a foot of land over which the "stars
and stripes" fly, upon which the American slave can stand and claim
protection. Wherever the United States constitution has jurisdiction,
and the American flag is seen flying, they point out the slave as a
chattel, a thing, a piece of property. But I thank God there is one
spot in America upon which the slave can stand and be a man. No matter
whether the claimant be a United States president, or a doctor of
divinity; no matter with what solemnities some American court may have
pronounced him a slave; the moment he makes his escape from under the
"stars and stripes," and sets foot upon the soil of CANADA,
"the altar and the god sink together in the dust; his soul walks abroad
in her own majesty; his body swells beyond the measure of his chains,
that burst from around him; and he stands redeemed, regenerated, and
disenthralled, by the irresistible genius of universal emancipation."
But slavery must and will be banished from the United States soil:
"Let tyrants scorn, while tyrants dare,
The shrieks and writhings of despair;
The end will come, it will not wait,
Bonds, yokes, and scourges have their date;
Slavery itself must pass away,
And be a tale of yesterday."
But I will now stop, and let the slaveholders speak for themselves. I
shall here present some evidences of the treatment which slaves receive
from their masters; after which I will present a few of the slave-laws.
And it has been said, and I believe truly, that no people were ever
found to be better than their laws. And, as an American slave,--as one
who is identified with the slaves of the south by the scars which I
carry on my back,--as one identified with them by the tenderest ties
of nature,--as one whose highest aspirations are to serve the cause
of truth and freedom,--I beg of the reader not to lay this book down
until he or she has read every page it contains. I ask it not for my
own sake, but for the sake of three millions who cannot speak for
themselves.
From the Livingston County (Alabama) Whig of Nov. 16, 1845.
"NEGRO DOGS.--The undersigned having bought the entire pack of
Negro Dogs, (of the Hays & Allen stock,) he now proposesto catch
runaway Negroes. His charge will be three dollars per day for
hunting, and fifteen dollars for catching a runaway. He resides
three and a half miles north of Livingston, near the lower Jones'
Bluff road.
"WILLIAM GAMBREL.
"Nov. 6, 1845."
The Wilmington [North Carolina] Advertiser of July 13, 1838, contains
the following advertisement:
"Ranaway, my Negro man Richard. A reward of $25 will be paid for
his apprehension, DEAD or ALIVE. Satisfactory proof will only be
required of his being killed. He has with him, in all probability,
his wife Eliza, who ran away from Col. Thompson, now a resident of
Alabama, about the time he commenced his journey to that state.
"D. H. RHODES."
The St. Louis Gazette says--
"A wealthy man here had a boy named Reuben, almost white, whom he
caused to be branded in the face with the words 'A slave for life.'"
From the N. C. Standard, July 28, 1838.
"TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.--Ranaway from the subscriber, a
negro woman and two children; the woman is tall and black, and _a
few days before she went off_ I BURNT HER ON THE LEFT SIDE OF HER
FACE: I TRIED TO MAKE THE LETTER M, _and she kept a cloth over her
head and face, and a fly bonnet over her head, so as to cover the
burn_; her children are both boys, the oldest is in his seventh
year; he is a _mulatto_ and has blue eyes; the youngest is a black,
and is in his fifth year.
"MICAJAH RICKS, Nash County."
"One of my neighbors sold to a speculator a negro boy, about 14
years old. It was more than his poor mother could bear. Her reason
fled, and she became a perfect _maniac_, and had to be kept in
close confinement. She would occasionally get out and run off to
the neighbors. On one of these occasions she came to my house.
With tears rolling down her cheeks, and her frame shaking with
agony, she would cry out, '_Don't you hear him--they are whipping
him now, and he is calling for me!_' This neighbor of mine, who
tore the boy away from his poor mother, and thus broke her heart,
was a _member of the Presbyterian church_."--_Rev. Francis Hawley,
Baptist minister, Colebrook, Ct._
A colored man in the city of St. Louis was taken by a mob, and burnt
alive at the stake. A bystander gives the following account of the
scene:--
"After the flames had surrounded their prey, and when his clothes
were in a blaze all over him, his eyes burnt out of his head, and
his mouth seemingly parched to a cinder, some one in the _crowd_,
more compassionate than the rest, proposed to put an end to his
misery by shooting him, when it was replied, that it would be
of no use, since he was already out of his pain. 'No,' said the
wretch, 'I am not, I am suffering as much as ever,--shoot me,
shoot me.' 'No, no,' said one of the fiends, who was standing
about the sacrifice they were roasting, 'he shall not be shot; I
would sooner slacken the fire, if that would increase his misery;'
and the man who said this was, we understand, an _officer of
justice_."--_Alton Telegraph._
"We have been informed that the slave William, who murdered his
master (Huskey) some weeks since, was taken by a party a few days
since _from the sheriff_ of Hot Spring, and _burned alive_! yes,
tied up to the limb of a tree and a fire built under him, and
consumed in a slow lingering torture."--_Arkansas Gazette, Oct.
29, 1836._
_The Natchez Free Trader_, 16th June, 1842, gives a horrible account of
the execution of the negro Joseph on the 5th of that month for murder.
"The body," says that paper, "was taken and chained to a tree
immediately on the bank of the Mississippi, on what is called
Union Point. The torches were lighted and placed in the pile.
He watched unmoved the curling flame as it grew, until it began
to entwine itself around and feed upon his body; then he sent
forth cries of agony painful to the ear, begging some one to blow
his brains out; at the same time surging with almost superhuman
strength, until the staple with which the chain was fastened to
the tree, not being well secured, drew out, and he leaped from the
burning pile. At that moment the sharp ring of several rifles was
heard, and the body of the negro fell a corpse to the ground. He
was picked up by two or three, and again thrown into the fire and
consumed."
"ANOTHER NEGRO BURNED.--We learn from the clerk of the Highlander,
that, while wooding a short distance below the mouth of Red river,
they were _invited to stop a short time and see another negro
burned_."--_New Orleans Bulletin._
"We can assure the Bostonians, one and all, who have embarked in
the nefarious scheme of abolishing slavery at the south, that
lashes will hereafter be spared the backs of their emissaries.
Let them send out their men to Louisiana; they will never return
to tell their sufferings, but they shall expiate the crime of
interfering in our domestic institutions by being BURNED AT THE
STAKE."--_New Orleans True American._
"The cry of the whole south should be death, instant death, to the
abolitionist, wherever he is caught."--_Augusta (Geo.) Chronicle._
"Let us declare through the public journals of our country,
that the question of slavery is not and shall not be open for
discussion: that the system is too deep-rooted among us, and
must remain forever; that the very moment any private individual
attempts to lecture us upon its evils and immorality, and the
necessity of putting means in operation to secure us from them,
in the same moment his tongue shall be cut out and cast upon the
dunghill."--_Columbia (S. C.) Telescope._
From the St. Louis Republican.
"On Friday last the coroner held an inquest at the house of Judge
Dunica, a few miles south of the city, over the body of a negro
girl, about 8 years of age, belonging to Mr. Cordell. The body
exhibited evidence of the most cruel whipping and beating we have
ever heard of. The flesh on the back and limbs was beaten to a
jelly--one shoulder-bone was laid bare--there were several cuts,
apparently from a club, on the head--and around the neck was
the indentation of a cord, by which it is supposed she had been
confined to a tree. She had been hired by a man by the name of
Tanner, residing in the neighborhood, and was sent home in this
condition. After coming home, her constant request, until her
death, was for bread, by which it would seem that she had been
starved as well as unmercifully whipped. The jury returned a
verdict that she came to her death by the blows inflicted by some
persons unknown whilst she was in the employ of Mr. Tanner. Mrs.
Tanner has been tried and acquitted."
A correspondent of the N. Y. Herald writes from St. Louis, Oct. 19:
"I yesterday visited the cell of Cornelia, the slave charged with
being the accomplice of Mrs. Ann Tanner (recently acquitted) in
the murder of a little negro girl, by whipping and starvation. She
admits her participancy, but says she was compelled to take the
part she did in the affair. On one occasion she says the child was
tied to a tree from Monday morning till Friday night, exposed by
day to the scorching rays of the sun, and by night to the stinging
of myriads of musquitoes; and that during all this time the child
had nothing to eat, but was whipped daily. The child told the same
story to Dr. McDowell."
From the Carroll County Mississippian, May 4th, 1844.
"Committed to jail in this place, on the 29th of April last,
a runaway slave named Creesy, and says she belongs to William
Barrow, of Carroll county, Mississippi. Said woman is stout built,
five feet four inches high, and appears to be about twenty years
of age; she has a band of iron on each ankle, and a trace chain
around her neck, fastened with a common padlock.
"J. N. SPENCER, Jailer.
"May 15, 1844."
The Savannah, Ga., Republican of the 13th of March, 1845, contains an
advertisement, one item of which is as follows:--
"Also, at the same time and place, the following negro slaves, to
wit: Charles, Peggy, Antonnett, Davy, September, Maria, Jenny,
and Isaac--levied on as the property of Henry T. Hall, to satisfy
a mortgage fi. fia. issued out of McIntosh Superior Court, in
favor of the board of directors of the _Theological Seminary of
the Synod of South Carolina and Georgia_, vs. said Henry T. Hall.
Conditions, cash.
"C. O'NEAL, Deputy Sheriff, M. C."
In the "Macon (Georgia) Telegraph," May 28, is the following:
"About the first of March last, the negro man RANSOM
left me, without the least provocation whatever. I will give a
reward of $20 dollars for said negro, if taken DEAD or
ALIVE,--and if killed in any attempt an advance of $5
will be paid.
"BRYANT JOHNSON.
"Crawford Co., Ga."
From the Apalachicola Gazette, May 9.
"ONE HUNDRED AND FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD.--Ranaway from
my plantation on the 6th inst., three negro men, all of dark
complexion.
"BILL is about five feet four inches high, aged about
twenty-six, _a scar on his upper lip_, also _one on his shoulder_,
and has been _badly cut on his arm_; speaks quick and broken, and
a venomous look.
"DANIEL is about the same height, chunky and well set,
broad, flat mouth, with a pleasing countenance, rather inclined to
show his teeth when talking, no particular marks recollected, aged
about twenty-three.
"NOAH is about six feet three or four inches high,
twenty-eight years old, with rather a down, impudent look,
insolent in his discourse, with a large mark on his breast, _a
good many large scars_, caused by the whip, on his back--_has
been shot in the back of his arm_ with small shot. The above
reward will be paid to any one who will KILL the three,
or fifty for either one, or twenty dollars apiece for them
delivered to me at my plantation alive, on Chattahoochie, Early
county.
"J. MCDONALD."
From the Alabama Beacon, June 11, 1845.
"Ranaway, on the 15th of May, from me, a negro woman named Fanny.
Said woman is twenty years old; is rather tall, can read and
write, and so forge passes for herself. Carried away with her a
pair of ear-rings, a Bible with a red cover, is very pious. She
prays a great deal, and was, as supposed, contented and happy. She
is as white as most white women, with straight light hair, and
blue eyes, and can pass herself for a white woman. I will give
five hundred dollars for her apprehension and delivery to me. She
is very intelligent.
"JOHN BALCH.
"Tuscaloosa, May, 29, 1845."
From the N. O. Commercial Bulletin, Sept. 30.
"TEN DOLLARS REWARD.--Ranaway from the subscribers, on
the 15th of last month, the negro man Charles, about 45 years of
age, 5 feet 6 inches high; red complexion, has had the _upper
lid of his right eye torn_, and _a scar on his forehead_; speaks
English only, and stutters when spoken to; he had on when he
left, _an iron collar, the prongs of which he broke off before
absconding_. The above reward will be paid for the arrest of said
slave.
W. E. & R. MURPHY,
"132 Old Raisin."
From the N. O. Bee, Oct. 5.
"Ranaway from the residence of Messrs. F. Duncom & Co., the negro
Francois, aged from 25 to 30 years, about 5 feet 1 inch in height;
the _upper front teeth are missing_; he had _chains on both of
his legs_, dressed with a kind of blouse made of sackcloth. A
proportionate reward will be given to whoever will bring him back
to the bakery, No. 74, Bourbon street."
From the N. O. Picayune of Sunday, Dec. 17.
"COCK-PIT.--_Benefit of Fire Company No. 1,
Lafayette._--A cock-fight will take place on Sunday, the 17th
inst., at the well-known house of the subscriber. As the entire
proceeds are for the benefit of the fire company, a full
attendance is respectfully solicited.
ADAM ISRANG.
"_Corner of Josephine and Tchoupitolas streets, Lafayette._"
From the N. O. Picayune.
"TURKEY SHOOTING.--This day, Dec. 17, from 10 o'clock, A. M., until
6 o'clock, P. M., and the following Sundays, at M'Donoughville,
opposite the Second Municipality Ferry."
The next is an advertisement from the New Orleans Bee, an equally
popular paper.
"A BULL FIGHT, between a ferocious bull and a number of dogs, will
take place on Sunday next, at 4¼ o'clock, P. M., on the other side
of the river, at Algiers, opposite Canal street. After the bull
fight, a fight will take place between a bear and some dogs. The
whole to conclude by a combatbetween an ass and several dogs.
"Amateurs bringing dogs to participate in the fight will be
admitted gratis. Admittance--Boxes, 50 cts.; Pit, 30 cts. The
spectacle will be repeated every Sunday, weather permitting.
"PEPE LLULLA."
EXTRACTS FROM THE AMERICAN SLAVE CODE.
The following are mostly abridged selections from the statutes of the
slave status and of the United States. They give but a faint view of
the cruel oppression to which the slaves are subject, but a strong
one enough, it is thought, to fill every honest heart with a deep
abhorrence of the atrocious system. Most of the important provisions
here cited, though placed under the name of only one state, prevail
in nearly all the states, with slight variations in language, and
some diversity in the penalties. The extracts have been made in part
from Stroud's Sketch of the Slave Laws, but chiefly from authorized
editions of the statute books referred to, found in the Philadelphia
Law Library. As the compiler has not had access to many of the later
enactments of the several states, nearly all he has cited are acts of
an earlier date than that of the present anti-slavery movement, so that
their severity cannot be ascribed to its influence.
The cardinal principle of slavery, that the slave is not to be
ranked among _sentient beings_, but among things--is an article of
property, a chattel personal--obtains as undoubted law in all the slave
states.[1]--_Stroud's Sketch_, p. 22.
The dominion of the master is as unlimited as is that which is
tolerated by the laws of any civilized country in relation to brute
animals--to _quadrupeds_; to use the words of the civil law.--_Ib._ 24.
Slaves cannot even contract matrimony.[2]--_Ib._ 61.
LOUISIANA.--A slave is one who is in the power of his master, to
whom he belongs. The master may sell him, dispose of his person, his
industry and his labor; he can do nothing, possess nothing, nor acquire
anything, but what must belong to his master.--_Civil Code_, Art. 35.
Slaves are incapable of inheriting or transmitting property.--_Civil
Code_, Art. 945; also Art. 175, and _Code of Practice_, Art. 103.
_Martin's Digest_, Act of June 7, 1806.--Slaves shall always be reputed
and considered real estate; shall be as such subject to be mortgaged,
according to the rules prescribed by law, and they shall be seized and
sold as real estate.--_Vol. I._, p. 612.
_Dig. Stat._ Sec 13.--No owner of slaves shall hire his slaves
to themselves, under a penalty of twenty-five dollars for each
offence.--_Vol. I._, p. 102.
Sec. 15.--No slave can possess anything in his own right, or dispose of
the produce of his own industry, without the consent of his master.--p.
103.
Sec. 16.--No slave can be party in a civil suit, or witness in a civil
or criminal matter, against any white person.--p. 103. _See also Civil
Code_, Art. 117, p. 28.
Sec. 18.--A slave's subordination to his master is susceptible of no
restriction, (except in what incites to crime,) and he owes to him and
all his family, respect without bounds, and absolute obedience.--p. 103.
Sec. 25.--Every slave found on horseback, without a written permission
from his master, shall receive twenty-five lashes.--p. 105.
Sec. 32.--Any freeholder may seize and correct any slave found absent
from his usual place of work or residence, without some white person,
and if the slave resist or try to escape, he may use arms, and if the
slave _assault_[3] and strike him, he may _kill_ the slave.--p. 109.
Sec. 35.--It is lawful to fire upon runaway negroes who are armed, and
upon those who, when pursued, refuse to surrender.--p. 109.
Sec. 38.--No slave may buy, sell, or exchange any kind of goods, or
hold any boat, or bring up for his own use any horses or cattle, under
a penalty of forfeiting the whole.--p. 110.
Sec. 7.--Slaves or free colored persons are punished with _death_,
for wilfully burning or destroying any stack of produce or any
building.--p. 115.
Sec. 15.--The punishment of a slave for striking a white person, shall
be for the first and second offences at the discretion of the court,[4]
but not extending to life or limb, and for the third offence _death_;
but for grievously wounding or mutilating a white person, _death_ for
the first offence; provided, if the blow or wound is given in defence
of the person or _property of his master_, or the person having charge
of him, he is entirely justified.
_Act of Feb. 22, 1824_, Sec. 2.--A slave for wilfully striking his
master or mistress, or the child of either, or his white overseer, so
as to cause a bruise or shedding of blood, _shall be punished with
death_.--p. 125.
_Act of March 6, 1819._--Any person cutting or breaking any iron chain
or collar used to prevent the escape of slaves, shall be fined not less
than two hundred dollars, nor more than one thousand dollars, and be
imprisoned not more than two years nor less than six months.--p. 64 of
the session.
_Law of January 8, 1813_, Sec. 71.--All slaves sentenced to death or
perpetual imprisonment, in virtue of existing laws, shall be paid for
out of the public treasury, provided the sum paid shall not exceed $300
for each slave.
_Law of March 16, 1830_, Sec. 93.--The state treasurer shall pay the
owners the value of all slaves whose punishment has been commuted from
that of death to that of imprisonment for life, &c.
If any slave shall _happen_ to be slain for refusing to surrender him
or herself, contrary to law, or in unlawfully resisting any officer or
_other person_, who shall apprehend, or endeavor to apprehend, such
slave or slaves, &c., such officer or _other person so killing such
slave as aforesaid_, making resistance, shall be, and he is by this
act, _indemnified_, from any prosecution for such killing aforesaid,
&c.--_Maryland Laws, act of 1751, chap_ xiv., § 9.
And by the negro act of 1740, of South Carolina, it is declared:
If any slave, who shall be out of the house or plantation where such
slave shall live, or shall be usually employed, or without some white
person in company with such slave, shall _refuse to submit_ to undergo
the examination of _any white_ person, it shall be lawful for such
white person to pursue, apprehend, and moderately correct such slave
and if such slave shall assault and strike such white person, such
slave may be _lawfully killed_!!--_2 Brevard's Digest_, 231.
MISSISSIPPI. _Chapt._ 92, Sec. 110.--Penalty for any slave or free
colored person exercising the functions of a minister of the gospel,
thirty-nine lashes; but any master may permit his slave to preach
on his own premises, no slaves but his own being permitted to
assemble.--_Digest of Stat._, p. 770.
_Act of June 18, 1822_, Sec. 21.--No negro or mulatto can be a witness
in any case, except against negroes or mulattoes.--p. 749. _New Code_,
372.
Sec. 25.--Any master licensing his slave to go at large and trade as a
freeman, shall forfeit fifty dollars to the state for the literary fund.
Penalty for teaching a slave to read, imprisonment one year. For using
language having a _tendency_ to promote discontent among free colored
people, or insubordination among slaves, imprisonment at _hard labor_,
not less than three, nor more than twenty-one years, or DEATH, at the
discretion of the court.--_L. M. Child's Appeal_, p. 70.
Sec. 26.--It is _lawful_ for _any_ person, and the duty of every
sheriff, deputy-sheriff, coroner and constable to apprehend any slave
going at large, or hired out by him, or herself, and take him or her
before a justice of the peace, who shall impose a penalty of not less
than twenty dollars, nor more than fifty dollars, on the owner, who has
permitted such slave to do so.
Sec. 32.--Any negro or mulatto, for using abusive language, or lifting
his hand in opposition to any white person, (except in self-defence
against a wanton assault,) shall, on proof of the offence by oath of
such person, receive such punishment as a justice of the peace may
order, not exceeding thirty-nine lashes.
Sec. 41--Forbids the holding of cattle, sheep or hogs by slaves, even
with consent of the master, under penalty of forfeiture, half to the
county, and half to the _informer_.
Sec. 42--Forbids a slave keeping a dog, under a penalty of twenty-five
stripes; and requires any master who permits it to pay a fine of five
dollars, and make good all damages done by such dog.
Sec. 43--Forbids slaves cultivating cotton for their own use, and
imposes a fine of fifty dollars on the master or overseer who permits
it.
_Revised Code._--Every negro or mulatto found in the state, not able to
show himself entitled to freedom, may be sold as a slave.--p. 389. The
owner of any plantation, on which a slave comes without written leave
from his master, and not on lawful business, may inflict ten lashes for
every such offence.--p. 371.
ALABAMA.--_Aiken's Digest._ Tit. _Slaves, &c._, Sec. 31.--For
_attempting_ to teach any free colored person, or slave, to spell,
read or write, a fine of not less than two hundred and fifty dollars,
nor more than five hundred dollars!--p. 397.
Sec. 35 and 36.--Any free colored person found with slaves in a
kitchen, outhouse or negro quarter, without a written permission from
the master or overseer of said slaves, and any slave found without such
permission with a free negro on his premises, shall receive fifteen
lashes for the first offence, and thirty-nine for each subsequent
offence; to be inflicted by master, overseer, or member of any patrol
company.--p. 397.
_Toulmin's Digest._--No slave can be emancipated but by a _special_ act
of the Legislature.--p. 623.
Act Jan. 1st, 1823--Authorizes an agent to be appointed by the governor
of the state, _to sell for the benefit of the state_ all persons of
color brought into the United States and within the jurisdiction of
Alabama, _contrary to the laws of congress prohibiting the slave
trade_.--p. 643.
GEORGIA.--_Prince's Digest._ Act Dec. 19, 1818.--Penalty for any free
person of color (except regularly articled seamen) coming into the
state, a fine of one hundred dollars, and on failure of payment to be
sold as a slave.--p. 465.
Penalty for permitting a slave to labor or do business for himself,
except on his master's premises, thirty dollars per week.--p. 457.
No slave can be a party to any suit against a white man, except on
claim of his freedom, _and every colored person is presumed to be a
slave, unless he can prove himself free_.--p. 446.
Act Dec. 13, 1792--Forbids the assembling of negroes under pretence of
divine worship, contrary to the act regulating patrols, p. 342. This
act provides that any justice of the peace may disperse any assembly of
slaves which _may_ endanger the peace; and every slave found at such
meeting shall receive, _without trial_, twenty-five stripes!--p. 447.
Any person who sees more than seven men slaves without any white
person, in a high road, may whip each slave _twenty_ lashes.--p. 454.
Any slave who harbors a runaway, may suffer punishment to _any extent_,
not affecting life or limb.--p. 452.
SOUTH CAROLINA.--_Brevard's Digest._--Slaves shall be deemed sold,
taken, reputed, and adjudged in law to be _chattels personal_ in
the hands of their owners and possessors, and their executors,
administrators, and assigns, _to all intents, constructions and
purposes whatever_.--Vol. ii., p. 229.
Act of 1740, in the preamble, states that "_many_ owners of slaves and
others that have the management of them do confine them _so closely
to hard labor_, that they have _not sufficient time for natural
rest_," and enacts that no slave shall be compelled to labor more than
_fifteen_ hours in the twenty-four, from March 25th to Sept. 25th, or
_fourteen_ in the twenty-four for the rest of the year. Penalty from £5
to £20.--Vol. ii., p. 243.
[Yet, in several of the slave states, the time of work for _criminals_
whose _punishment_ is hard labor, is eight hours a day for three
months, nine hours for two months, and ten for the rest of the year.]
A slave endeavoring to entice another slave to run away, if provision
be prepared for the purpose of aiding or abetting such endeavor, shall
suffer _death_.--pp. 233 and 244.
Penalty for cruelly scalding or burning a slave, cutting out his
tongue, putting out his eye, or depriving him of any limb, a fine
of £100. For beating with a _horse_-whip, cow-skin, switch or small
stick, or putting irons on, or imprisoning a slave, _no penalty or
prohibition_.--p. 241.
Any person who, not having lawful authority to do so, shall beat a
slave, so as to disable him from _working_, shall pay fifteen shillings
a day _to the owner_, for the slave's lost time, and the charge of his
cure.--pp. 231 and 232.
A slave claiming his freedom may sue for it by some friend who will act
as guardian, but if the action be judged groundless, said guardian
shall pay _double_ costs of suit, and such damages to the owner as the
court may decide.--p. 260.
Any assembly of slaves or free colored persons, in a secret or confined
place, for mental instruction, (even if white persons _are_ present,)
is an unlawful meeting, and magistrates must disperse it, breaking
doors if necessary, and may inflict _twenty lashes_ upon each slave or
colored person present.--pp. 254 and 255.
Meetings for religious worship, before sunrise, or after 9 o'clock,
P. M., unless a majority are white persons, are forbidden; and
magistrates are required to disperse them.--p. 261.
A slave who lets loose any boat from the place where the owner has
fastened it, for the first _offence shall receive thirty-nine lashes,
and for the second shall have one ear cut off_.--p. 228.
_James' Digest._--Penalty for _killing_ a slave, on _sudden heat of
passion_, or by _undue correction_, a fine of $500 and imprisonment not
over six months.--p. 392.
NORTH CAROLINA.--_Haywood's Manual._--Act of 1798, Sec. 3, enacts,
that the killing of a slave shall be punished like that of a free man;
_except_ in the case of a slave _out-lawed_,[5] or a slave _offering to
resist_ his master, or a slave _dying under moderate correction_.--p.
530.
Act of 1799.--Any slave set free, except for meritorious services, to
be adjudged of by the county court, may be seized by any freeholder,
committed to jail, _and sold to the highest bidder_.[6]--p. 525.
Patrols are not liable to the master for punishing his slave, unless
their conduct clearly shows malice _against the master_.--_Hawk's
Reps._, vol. i., p. 418.
TENNESSEE.--_Stat. Law_, Chap. 57, Sec. 1.--Penalty on master for
hiring to any slave his own time, a fine of not less than one dollar
nor more than two dollars a day, _half_ to the informer.--p. 679.
Chap. 2, Sec. 102.--No slave can be emancipated but on condition of
immediately removing from the state, and the person emancipating
shall give bond, in a sum equal to the slave's value, to have him
removed.--p. 279.
_Laws of 1813._ Chap. 35.--In the trial of slaves, the sheriff
chooses the court, which must consist of three justices and twelve
_slaveholders_ to serve as jurors.
ARKANSAS.--_Rev. Stat._, Sec. 4, requires the patrol to visit all
places suspected of unlawful assemblages of slaves; and sec. 5 provides
that any slave found at such assembly, or strolling about without a
pass, _shall receive_ any number of _lashes_, at the discretion of the
patrol, not exceeding twenty.--p. 604.
MISSOURI.--_Laws, I._--Any master may commit to jail, there to
remain, at _his pleasure_, any slave who refuses to obey him or his
overseer.--p. 309.
Whether a slave claiming freedom may even commence a suit for it, may
depend on the decision of a single judge.--_Stroud's Sketch_, p. 78,
note which refers to Missouri laws, I., 404.
KENTUCKY.--_Dig. of Stat._, Act Feb. 8, 1798, Sec. 5.--No colored
person may _keep_ or _carry_ gun, powder, shot, _club_ or _other
weapon_, on penalty of _thirty-nine lashes_, and forfeiting the weapon,
which any person is authorized to take.
VIRGINIA.--_Rev. Code._--Any emancipated slave remaining in the state
more than a year, may be sold by the overseers of the _poor_, for the
benefit of the _literary fund_!--Vol. i., p. 436.
Any slave or free colored person found at any school for teaching
reading or writing, by day or night, may be whipped, at the discretion
of a justice, not exceeding twenty lashes.--p. 424.
_Suppl. Rev. Code._--Any white person assembling with slaves, for
the _purpose_ of teaching them to read or write, shall be fined, not
less than 10 dollars, nor more than 100 dollars; or with free colored
persons, shall be fined not more than fifty dollars, and imprisoned not
more than two months.--p. 245.
By the revised code, _seventy-one_ offences are punished with _death_
when committed by slaves, and by nothing more than imprisonment when by
the whites.--_Stroud's Sketch_, p. 107.
_Rev. Code._--In the trial of slaves, the court consists of five
justices without juries, even in capital cases.--I., p. 420.
MARYLAND.--_Stat. Law_, Sec. 8.--Any slave, for rambling in the night,
or riding horses by day without leave, or running away, may be punished
by whipping, cropping, or branding in the cheek, or otherwise, not
rendering him unfit for labor.--p. 237.
Any slave convicted of petty treason, murder, or _wilful burning of
dwelling houses_, may be sentenced _to have the right hand cut off, to
be hanged in the usual manner, the head severed from the body, the body
divided into four quarters, and the head and quarters set up in the
most public place in the country where such fact was committed_!!--p.
190.