necessary to have a bill brought in for repealing Christianity, I would
humbly offer an amendment; that instead of the word, Christianity, may
be put religion in general; which I conceive will much better answer all
the good ends proposed by the projectors of it. For, as long as we leave
in being a God and his providence, with all the necessary consequences
which curious and inquisitive men will be apt to draw from such
premises, we do not strike at the root of the evil, though we should
ever so effectually annihilate the present scheme of the Gospel: For, of
what use is freedom of thought, if it will not produce freedom of
action, which is the sole end, how remote soever in appearance, of all
objections against Christianity? And therefore, the freethinkers
consider it as a sort of edifice, wherein all the parts have such a
mutual dependence on each other, that if you happen to pull out one
single nail, the whole fabric must fall to the ground. This was happily
expressed by him who had heard of a text brought for proof of the
Trinity, which in an ancient manuscript was differently read; he
thereupon immediately took the hint, and by a sudden deduction of a long
_sorites_, most logically concluded; "Why, if it be as you say, I may
safely whore and drink on, and defy the parson." From which, and many
the like instances easy to be produced, I think nothing can be more
manifest, than that the quarrel is not against any particular points of
hard digestion in the Christian system, but against religion in general;
which, by laying restraints on human nature, is supposed the great enemy
to the freedom of thought and action.
Upon the whole, if it shall still be thought for the benefit of Church
and State, that Christianity be abolished; I conceive however, it may be
more convenient to defer the execution to a time of peace, and not
venture in this conjuncture to disoblige our allies, who, as it falls
out, are all Christians, and many of them, by the prejudices of their
education, so bigoted, as to place a sort of pride in the appellation.
If upon being rejected by them, we are to trust an alliance with the
Turk, we shall find ourselves much deceived: For, as he is too remote,
and generally engaged in war with the Persian emperor, so his people
would be more scandalized at our infidelity, than our Christian
neighbours. For they [the Turks] are not only strict observers of
religious worship, but what is worse, believe a God; which is more than
required of us even while we preserve the name of Christians.
To conclude: Whatever some may think of the great advantages to trade by
this favourite scheme, I do very much apprehend, that in six months time
after the act is passed for the extirpation of the Gospel, the Bank, and
East-India Stock, may fall at least one _per cent._ And since that is
fifty times more than ever the wisdom of our age thought fit to venture
for the preservation of Christianity, there is no reason we should be at
so great a loss, merely for the sake of destroying it.
***** ***** ***** *****
FOR THE
ADVANCEMENT OF RELIGION,
AND THE
REFORMATION OF MANNERS.
BY A PERSON OF QUALITY.
NOTE.
In placing this tract second in chronological order I am following
Forster and Craik. All the collected editions of Swift's works,
including the "Miscellanies" of 1711, begin with "The Sentiments of a
Church of England Man," continue with the "Argument," and then the
"Project." But the short intervals which separated the publication of
all three tracts and the "Letter on the Sacramental Test," make a strict
chronological order of less value than the order of development of the
subject-matter with which they deal, granting even that the "Project"
appeared after "The Sentiments." There seems, however, nothing
improbable in the suggestion made by Forster, that Swift planned the
writing of both the "Argument" and the "Project" while on a visit to the
Earl of Berkeley, at Cranford, in 1708; and his dedication of the latter
to Lady Berkeley lends this suggestion added weight. That the original
edition of the "Project" is dated 1709 is nothing to the point, since it
is well-known that the booksellers often antedated their publications,
as publishers do now, when the issue occurred towards the end of a year.
Moreover, the letter of the Earl of Berkeley to Swift, which Scott
misdates 1706-1707, but which should be 1708, makes special reference to
this very tract, showing that it was certainly published in 1708. "I
earnestly entreat you," writes the earl, "if you have not done it
already, that you would not fail of having your bookseller enable the
Archbishop of York [Dr. Sterne] to give a book to the queen; for, with
Mr. Nelson, I am entirely of opinion, that Her Majesty's reading of that
book on the Progress for the Increase of Morality and Piety, may be of
very great use to that end." I have never seen a copy of the first
edition of "The Sentiments," and I cannot fix the exact date of its
publication; but it was certainly not written before the "Project." The
"Project," therefore, must be considered in the light of a preliminary
essay to the fuller and more digested statement of "The Sentiments of a
Church of England man"; and I have, on this account, placed it as the
second tract written by Swift in the year 1708.
Whatever may be thought of the particular methods which Swift suggested
for realizing his reformatory scheme, and they were, no doubt,
artificial and wooden enough; the tract itself remains an excellent
survey of the evils and gross habits of the time. The methods may be
Utopian (Swift himself thought they were open to discussion), but the
spirit of sincerity and piety is unmistakable. It is worth remembering,
however, that several of the proposals, such as those for closing the
public-houses at twelve o'clock at night; the penalizing of publicans
who supplied drink to drunken customers; the building of churches, have
since been adopted.
I cannot agree with Mr. Churton Collins ("Jonathan Swift," pp. 59-61) in
suspecting Swift of a special policy of self-interest in writing the
"Project." Swift was too honest a man to use the religious sentiment for
the purpose of counteracting any bad impression his previous writings
had made on those who had the power to advance him. However much he
might delight in the possession of high worldly station, he would never
so prostitute himself to obtain it. Nor did he care to let the world
into the secret of his heart. Indeed, all his life Swift seemed to hide,
almost jealously, the genuine piety of his nature. Whatever suspicion of
policy has surrounded the tract must be ascribed to the well-intentioned
letter of the Earl of Berkeley above quoted; and the Earl would not have
written thus had he felt Swift's motive to be any other than a purely
impersonal one.
Steele, in his review of the "Project" in the fifth "Tatler" (April
20th, 1709), makes some interesting observations, and seems to take
special note of the "Person of Honour," in the character of which Swift
wrote it. Writing from Will's Coffee-House, Steele says: "This week
being sacred to holy things, and no public diversions allowed, there has
been taken notice of even here, a little Treatise, called 'A Project for
the Advancement of Religion: dedicated to the Countess of Berkeley.' The
title was so uncommon, and promised so peculiar a way of thinking, that
every man here has read it, and as many as have done so have approved
it. It is written with the spirit of one who has seen the world enough
to undervalue it with good breeding. The author must certainly be a man
of wisdom, as well as piety, and have spent as much time in the exercise
of both. The real causes of the decay of the interests of religion are
set forth in a clear and lively manner, without unseasonable passions;
and the whole air of the book, as to the language, the sentiments, and
the reasonableness, show it was written by one whose virtue sits easy
about him, and to whom vice is thoroughly contemptible. It was said by
one of this company, alluding to that knowledge of the world the author
seems to have, the man writes much like a gentleman, and goes to Heaven
with a very good mien."
In his "Apology" Steele refers to this "Tatler" note, and remarks: "The
gentleman I here intended was Dr. Swift, this kind of man I thought him
at that time. We have not met of late, but I hope he deserves this
character still."
The present text is based upon the first edition; but this edition was
so wretchedly printed that I have carefully collated it with those given
in the "Miscellanies" (1711), Faulkner (1735), and Hawkesworth (1762).
[T. S.]
A
PROJECT
FOR THE
ADVANCEMENT OF RELIGION,
AND THE
REFORMATION OF MANNERS.
BY A PERSON OF QUALITY.
_O quisquis volet impias
Caedes, & rabiem tollere civicam:
Si quaeret pater urbium
Subscribi statuis, indomitam audeat
Refraenare licentiam._
Hor.
_LONDON:_
Printed and Sold by _H. Hills_, in _Black-fryars_, near the Water-side.
For the Benefit of the Poor. 1709.
TO THE COUNTESS OF BERKELEY.[1]
MADAM,
My intention in prefixing your Ladyship's name, is not after the common
form, to desire your protection of the following papers; which I take to
be a very unreasonable request; since, by being inscribed to your
Ladyship, though without your knowledge, and from a concealed hand, you
cannot recommend them without some suspicion of partiality. My real
design is, I confess, the very same I have often detested in most
dedications; that of publishing your praises to the world. Not upon the
subject of your noble birth, for I know others as noble; or of the
greatness of your fortune, for I know others far greater; or of that
beautiful race (the images of their parents) which call you mother: for
even this may perhaps have been equalled in some other age or country.
Besides, none of these advantages do derive any accomplishments to the
owners, but serve at best only to adorn what they really possess. What I
intend, is your piety, truth, good sense, and good nature, affability,
and charity; wherein I wish your Ladyship had many equals, or any
superiors; and I wish I could say I knew them too, for then your
Ladyship might have had a chance to escape this address. In the
meantime, I think it highly necessary, for the interest of virtue and
religion, that the whole kingdom should be informed in some parts of
your character: For instance, that the easiest and politest
conversation, joined with the truest piety, may be observed in your
Ladyship, in as great perfection, as they were ever seen apart in any
other persons. That by your prudence and management under several
disadvantages, you have preserved the lustre of that most noble family
into which you are grafted, and which the immeasurable profusion of
ancestors for many generations had too much eclipsed. Then, how happily
you perform every office of life to which Providence has called you: In
the education of those two incomparable daughters, whose conduct is so
universally admired; in every duty of a prudent, complying, affectionate
wife; in that care which descends to the meanest of your domestics; and,
lastly, in that endless bounty to the poor, and discretion where to
distribute it. I insist on my opinion, that it is of importance for the
public to know this and a great deal more of your Ladyship; yet whoever
goes about to inform them, shall instead of finding credit, perhaps be
censured for a flatterer. To avoid so usual a reproach, I declare this
to be no dedication, but properly an introduction to a proposal for the
advancement of religion and morals, by tracing, however imperfectly,
some few lineaments in the character of a Lady, who hath spent all her
life in the practice and promotion of both.
[Footnote 1: This is the same Countess of Berkeley whom Swift hoaxed
with his "Meditation on a Broomstick." She was the daughter of Viscount
Campden and sister to the Earl of Gainsborough. [T.S.]]
Among all the schemes offered to the public in this projecting age, I
have observed with some displeasure, that there have never been any for
the improvement of religion and morals; which beside the piety of the
design from the consequence of such a reformation in a future life,
would be the best natural means for advancing the public felicity of the
state, as well as the present happiness of every individual. For, as
much as faith and morality are declined among us, I am altogether
confident, they might in a short time, and with no very great trouble,
be raised to as high a perfection as numbers are capable of receiving.
Indeed, the method is so easy and obvious, and some present
opportunities so good, that, in order to have this project reduced to
practice, there seems to want nothing more than to put those in mind,
who by their honour, duty, and interest, are chiefly concerned.
But because it is idle to propose remedies before we are assured of the
disease, or to be in pain,[2] till we are convinced of the danger; I
shall first shew in general, that the nation is extremely corrupted in
religion and morals; and then I will offer a short scheme for the
reformation of both.
[Footnote 2: Scott follows Faulkner in using the word "fear." The
reading in the text is that of the first edition, the "Miscellanies"
(1711), and of Hawkesworth. [T.S.]]
As to the first; I know it is reckoned but a form of speech, when
divines complain of the wickedness of the age: However, I believe, upon
a fair comparison with other times and countries, it would be found an
undoubted truth.
For, first; to deliver nothing but plain matter of fact without
exaggeration or satire; I suppose it will be granted, that hardly one in
a hundred among our people of quality or gentry, appears to act by any
principle of religion; that great numbers of them do entirely discard
it, and are ready to own their disbelief of all revelation in ordinary
discourse. Nor is the case much better among the vulgar, especially in
great towns where the profaneness and ignorance of handicraftsmen, small
traders, servants, and the like, are to a degree very hard to be
imagined greater. Then, it is observed abroad, that no race of mortals
hath so little sense of religion, as the English soldiers; to confirm
which, I have been often told by great officers in the army, that in the
whole compass of their acquaintance, they could not recollect three of
their profession, who seemed to regard or believe one syllable of the
Gospel: And the same, at least, may be affirmed of the fleet. The
consequences of all which upon the actions of men are equally manifest.
They never go about, as in former time, to hide or palliate their vices,
but expose them freely to view, like any other common occurrences of
life, without the least reproach from the world, or themselves. For
instance; any man will tell you he intends to be drunk this evening, or
was so last night, with as little ceremony or scruple, as he would tell
you the time of the day. He will let you know he is going to a whore, or
that he has got a clap, with as much indifferency, as he would a piece
of public news. He will swear, curse, or blaspheme, without the least
passion or provocation. And, though all regard for reputation is not
quite laid aside in the other sex, 'tis, however, at so low an ebb, that
very few among them seem to think virtue and conduct of absolute
necessity for preserving it. If this be not so, how comes it to pass,
that women of tainted reputations find the same countenance and
reception in all public places, with those of the nicest virtue, who
pay, and receive visits from them without any manner of scruple? which
proceeding, as it is not very old among us, so I take it to be of most
pernicious consequence: It looks like a sort of compounding between
virtue and vice, as if a woman were allowed to be vicious, provided she
be not a profligate; as if there were a certain point, where gallantry
ends, and infamy begins, or that a hundred criminal amours were not as
pardonable as half a score.
Besides those corruptions already mentioned, it would be endless to
enumerate such as arise from the excess of play or gaming: The cheats,
the quarrels, the oaths and blasphemies among the men; among the women,
the neglect of household affairs, the unlimited freedoms, the indecent
passion; and lastly, the known inlet to all lewdness, when after an ill
run, the person must answer the defects of the purse; the rule on such
occasions holding true in play as it does in law; _quod non habet in
crumena, luat in corpore._
But all these are trifles in comparison, if we step into other scenes,
and consider the fraud and cozenage of trading men and shopkeepers; that
insatiable gulf of injustice and oppression, the law. The open traffic
for all civil and military employments, (I wish it rested there) without
the least regard to merit or qualifications; the corrupt management of
men in office; the many detestable abuses in choosing those who
represent the people, with the management of interest and factions among
the representatives. To which I must be bold to add, the ignorance of
some of the lower clergy; the mean servile temper of others; the pert
pragmatical demeanour of several young stagers in divinity, upon their
first producing themselves into the world; with many other
circumstances, needless, or rather invidious, to mention; which falling
in with the corruptions already related, have, however unjustly, almost
rendered the whole order contemptible.
This is a short view of the general depravities among us, without
entering into particulars, which would be an endless labour. Now, as
universal and deep-rooted as these appear to be, I am utterly deceived,
if an effectual remedy might not be applied to most of them; neither am
I at present upon a wild speculative project, but such a one as may be
easily put in execution.
For, while the prerogative of giving all employments continues in the
Crown, either immediately, or by subordination; it is in the power of
the Prince to make piety and virtue become the fashion of the age, if,
at the same time, he would make them necessary qualifications for favour
and preferment.
It is clear, from present experience, that the bare example of the best
prince will not have any mighty influence, where the age is very
corrupt. For, when was there ever a better prince on the throne than the
present Queen? I do not talk of her talent for government, her love of
the people, or any other qualities that are purely regal; but her piety,
charity, temperance, conjugal love, and whatever other virtues do best
adorn a private life; wherein, without question or flattery, she hath no
superior: yet, neither will it be satire or peevish invective to affirm,
that infidelity and vice are not much diminished since her coming to the
crown, nor will, in all probability, till some more effectual remedies
be provided.
Thus human nature seems to lie under this disadvantage, that the example
alone of a vicious prince, will, in time, corrupt an age; but that of a
good one, will not be sufficient to reform it, without further
endeavours. Princes must therefore supply this defect by a vigorous
exercise of that authority, which the law has left them, by making it
every man's interest and honour, to cultivate religion and virtue; by
rendering vice a disgrace, and the certain ruin to preferment or
pretensions: All which they should first attempt in their own courts and
families. For instance; might not the Queen's domestics of the middle
and lower sort, be obliged, upon penalty of suspension, or loss of their
employments, to a constant weekly attendance, at least, on the service
of the church; to a decent behaviour in it; to receive the Sacrament
four times in the year; to avoid swearing and irreligious profane
discourses; and, to the appearance, at least, of temperance and
chastity? Might not the care of all this be committed to the strict
inspection of proper persons? Might not those of higher rank, and nearer
access to her Majesty's person, receive her own commands to the same
purpose, and be countenanced, or disfavoured, according as they obey?
Might not the Queen lay her injunctions on the Bishops, and other great
men of undoubted piety, to make diligent enquiry, to give her notice, if
any person about her should happen to be of libertine principles or
morals? Might not all those who enter upon any office in her Majesty's
family, be obliged to take an oath parallel with that against simony,
which is administered to the clergy? 'Tis not to be doubted, but that if
these, or the like proceedings, were duly observed, morality and
religion would soon become fashionable court virtues; and be taken up as
the only methods to get or keep employments there, which alone would
have mighty influence upon many of the nobility and principal gentry.
But, if the like methods were pursued as far as possible, with regard to
those who are in the great employments of state, it is hard to conceive
how general a reformation they might in time produce among us. For, if
piety and virtue were once reckoned qualifications necessary to
preferment; every man thus endowed, when put into great stations, would
readily imitate the Queen's example, in the distribution of all offices
in his disposal; especially if any apparent transgression, through
favour or partiality, would be imputed to him for a misdemeanour, by
which he must certainly forfeit his favour and station: And there being
such great numbers in employment, scattered through every town and
county in this kingdom; if all these were exemplary in the conduct of
their lives, things would soon take a new face, and religion receive a
mighty encouragement: Nor would the public weal be less advanced; since,
of nine offices in ten that are ill executed, the defect is not in
capacity or understanding, but in common honesty. I know no employment,
for which piety disqualifies any man; and if it did, I doubt the
objection would not be very seasonably offered at present; because, it
is perhaps too just a reflection, that in the disposal of places, the
question whether a person be _fit_ for what he is recommended to, is
generally the last that is thought on, or regarded.
I have often imagined, that something parallel to the office of censors
anciently in Rome, would be of mighty use among us, and could be easily
limited from running into any exorbitances. The Romans understood
liberty at least as well as we, were as jealous of it, and upon every
occasion as bold assertors. Yet I do not remember to have read any great
complaint of the abuses in that office among them; but many admirable
effects of it are left upon record. There are several pernicious vices
frequent and notorious among us, that escape or elude the punishment of
any law we have yet invented, or have had no law at all against them;
such as atheism, drunkenness, fraud, avarice, and several others; which,
by this institution, wisely regulated, might be much reformed. Suppose,
for instance, that itinerary commissioners were appointed to inspect
everywhere throughout the kingdom, into the conduct (at least) of men in
office, with respect to their morals and religion, as well as their
abilities; to receive the complaints and informations that should be
offered against them, and make their report here upon oath, to the
court, or the ministry, who should reward or punish accordingly. I avoid
entering into the particulars of this, or any other scheme, which,
coming from a private hand, might be liable to many defects, but would
soon be digested by the wisdom of the nation; and surely, six thousand
pounds a year would not be ill laid out among as many commissioners duly
qualified, who, in three divisions, should be personally obliged to take
their yearly circuits for that purpose.
But this is beside my present design, which was only to show what degree
of reformation is in the power of the Queen, without the interposition
of the legislature, and which her Majesty is, without question, obliged
in conscience to endeavour by her authority, as much as she does by her
practice.
It will be easily granted, that the example of this great town hath a
mighty influence over the whole kingdom; and it is as manifest, that the
town is equally influenced by the court, and the ministry, and those
who, by their employments, or their hopes, depend upon them. Now, if
under so excellent a princess as the present Queen, we would suppose a
family strictly regulated, as I have above proposed; a ministry, where
every single person was of distinguished piety; if we should suppose all
great offices of state and law filled after the same manner, and with
such as were equally diligent in choosing persons, who, in their several
subordinations, would be obliged to follow the examples of their
superiors, under the penalty of loss of favour and place; will not
everybody grant, that the empire of vice and irreligion would be soon
destroyed in this great metropolis, and receive a terrible blow through
the whole island, which hath so great an intercourse with it, and so
much affects to follow its fashions?