CHAPTER VII

A MECCANIAN APOSTLE

It was a week or two after my visit to the Mechow Museum that I made

the acquaintance of one of the Foreign Observers who was staying at

the hotel. A day or two before, I had been sent for by the Hotel

Manager, and had been presented with a small certificate authorising

me to take my meals in the common dining-room, and to converse with

other foreigners whose names I was instructed to enter in my diary. I

had previously noticed a certain gentleman from Luniland whose face

seemed familiar to me. On this particular evening he came across to my

table and introduced himself as Mr. Johnson, a friend of Mr. Yorke, in

whose house I had stayed and where he had met me. We soon fell into

conversation, and when dinner was over we retired for a long chat to a

corner of the smoke-room. It appeared that he had been in Mecco over

a year, and had travelled also in various parts of the country. In

fact, this was his second visit, he said, his first having been made

a few years before. He was a man of about forty-five, tall and slim,

with a rather large bony nose and a grave but kindly expression. His

manner was quiet and dignified, and at first he spoke with a certain

obvious restraint; but afterwards he became more genial and was rather

humorous, after the manner of many of his countrymen.

"I should rather like to ask what you think of this country, but it

would hardly be fair, because the chances are that every word we say

here is overheard. I always suspect they have one of those beastly

contrivances fixed in the walls, to enable the manager or somebody

representing the Authorities to listen to everything that goes on. I

don't much mind if they turn me out of their precious country, but I

wouldn't like to get you into trouble. Anyhow, I believe if we were to

begin talking in my language, which I remember you speak very well, we

should presently have somebody round reminding us that it is against

the rules."

"Yet you have spent quite a long time in the country apparently," I

remarked. "I have really been wondering whether to stay here much

longer, and perhaps you could give me some tips if I decide to stay."

"Well," he replied, "it's just a matter of taste whether you like the

country. I shouldn't be able to stand it but for one thing."

"And what is that?" I asked.

"It enables me to thank God every hour that I am not a Meccanian."

"Yes," I said, "there's something in that. I myself object to some of

the inconveniences that these numerous regulations about everything

entail, but they are nothing, I suppose, compared with what it would

feel like if one expected to spend one's life here."

"It's just possible they really like it. But what sort of 'tips' were

you thinking of? Perhaps I know the ropes a little better than you, if

you have been here only a month or two."

"Well, there are two things I would like to know," I replied. "I am

rather tired of being 'conducted' about everywhere. That's the first.

And I want to get to know individual people as I did in Luniland. Here,

so far, I have met only officials, always on duty. It seems impossible

to get into contact with real live people. Until lately, as you know,

I was forbidden to talk to the people staying in the hotel; but now

that I have got over that difficulty, although, no doubt, I can pick up

a certain amount of information from my fellow Foreign Observers and

enjoy their conversation, I am no nearer getting to know the Meccanian

private citizens themselves."

"And do you particularly want to know them?" asked Mr. Johnson.

"One naturally wants to know what the people of any country are like,

and unless one has some fairly intimate intercourse of a social kind

with people of different ranks and types, one might almost as well

stay at home and read the matter up in books," I replied.

"I see. You are a genuine Foreign Observer. Well, to tell the truth,

so am I," he said more confidentially. "I am not here because I

like it. I detest the whole lot of them. I came here for the first

time five or six years ago. I had heard a lot about the country and

its wonderful organisation. Organisation! Blessed word! I had also

heard some rather tall stories, and thought the accounts had been

exaggerated. I came with an open mind. I rather prided myself on being

an impartial observer. I was prepared to allow a lot for the natural

differences of taste between one nation and another. At first I was

so keenly interested that I didn't mind the little restrictions, but

when the novelty had worn off, and I began to realise what it all

meant, I determined to make a more thorough study of the country than

I had at first thought would be worth while. So I am here now studying

Meccanian education. Now the only way, so far as I know, of getting rid

of your everlasting 'conductors' is to get permission to study some

special subject. I went through just the same experience. I was what

they call merely a 'general' observer. The Authorities don't exactly

like the 'general' observer. They can't find it in their hearts to

let him alone. As they regulate their own people they must keep as

close a watch on the foreigner. As he doesn't fit into their system,

they have to invent a system for him. It is troublesome to them, and

not very pleasant for the foreigner; but Meccanian principles make it

necessary. However, if you can satisfy them that you are a _bona fide_

student of some special subject--it doesn't matter what it is, you may

choose anything from the parasites in the intestines of a beetle to

the philosophy of the Absolute--they will treat you quite decently,

according to their lights."

"How do you account for this difference?" I asked.

"They are immensely flattered by the notion that if you come here to

study anything, it must be because their knowledge is so superior to

what can be found elsewhere. However, if you want to get rid of the

daily worry of a 'conductor,' that is what you must do. But you must be

a specialist of some sort, or they won't admit you to the privilege."

"But there is no special subject I want to study," I said. "I am just

a 'general' observer, and if I undertake to study a special subject I

shall miss seeing what I most want to see."

"That is a difficulty. Perhaps you had better go on as you have been

doing, and when you have had enough of that, go in for some political

institutions; they have got you registered as a National Councillor, so

you can pretend to study the working of the Constitution or some such

thing."

"That's rather a good idea," I said; "but, judging from what I have

seen, I should doubt whether they will let me see what I want to see."

"Why, what do you want to see?"

"Just what I cannot get from an inspection of the machinery of the

State--the effect of the laws and customs on the actual life of the

people."

"Ah, that you will have to get by the aid of your imagination."

"But," I suggested, "is it not possible to get permission to live in

some family, or with several different families in different classes in

succession?"

"Oh yes," replied Johnson, "quite possible, if you are prepared to go

through all the necessary formalities; but I doubt whether you will get

much by it. You see, each family is a sort of replica, in miniature,

of the State. They will have to report to the Police once a week upon

all your doings. Every word you say will be listened to. They will be

studying you, just as you will be studying them. I have tried it. There

_is_ no natural intercourse in this country. Try it if you like, but I

am sure you will come to my opinion in the end.

"Don't forget to enter the time of this conversation in your diary,"

Mr. Johnson said as we parted. "If you make a mistake, or if I make a

mistake, we shall have an interview with an inspector from the Time

Department, and the hotel manager will worry us to death about it."

The next day I resumed my tour of observation with a new 'conductor'

whose name was Lickrod. He was almost affectionate in his greeting when

we met at the Police Office, and we had not been long together before

I recognised that he was a different type from Prigge, or Sheep, or

any of the others I had met. He was to take me to see the Industrial

town, and he was full of enthusiasm for everything we were to see. As

we went along in the tram he explained rather effusively that it was

a great pleasure to him to meet foreigners. He had a mission in life,

just as Meccania had a mission among all the nations. He was a loyal

Meccanian--in fact, he yielded to no man in his loyalty to the State;

but for that very reason he ventured to criticise one defect in the

policy of the Government. I began to wonder what that could be.

"I have travelled abroad," he said, "and I have seen with my own eyes

the benighted condition of so many millions of my fellow-creatures. I

come home, and I see everywhere around me order, knowledge, prosperity,

cleanliness--no dirt, no poverty, no disorder, no strikes, no

disturbance, no ignorance, no disease that can be prevented--Culture

everywhere. It makes me almost weep to think of the state of the

world outside. We have not done all that we might have done to carry

our Culture abroad. We have kept it too much to ourselves. In my

humble way, as a Conductor of Foreigners, I take every opportunity I

can of spreading a knowledge of our Culture. But instead of a few

score, or at most a few hundred, foreigners every year, we ought to

have thousands here. Then they would become missionaries in their

own countries. I always impress upon them that they must begin with

the reform of education in their countries; and I would advise you,

before you return, to make a thorough study of our system of education.

Without that you cannot hope to succeed."

"But," I suggested, "if other countries followed your example would

they not become as strong as you? Perhaps your Government looks at it

from that point of view."

"There are, on this question," he observed sagely, "two opposite

opinions. One is that it is better to keep our Culture to ourselves;

the other is that we ought to teach other nations, so that ultimately

all the earth can become one great and glorious Meccania."

By this time we had arrived at the entrance to the Industrial town.

Conductor Lickrod broke off to note the time of our arrival, and to

lead me into the office of the Governor or Controller of what, for

convenience, I may call Worktown. Indeed the Industrial quarter is

known by a similar term in Mecco. This Controller is responsible

for the preservation of order; but as there is no difficulty about

discipline in the ordinary sense of the word, his functions are rather

to promote a high standard of Meccanian conduct among the workers

of all ages and grades. In this work he is assisted by scores of

Sub-Controllers of Industrial Training, as they are called.

The organisation of the Controller's Department was explained before

we proceeded to any of the works. There was a large room filled with

thousands of little dossiers in shelves, and card-index cases to

correspond. The particulars of the character and career of every worker

in the town could be ascertained at a moment's notice. All the workers

were either in the Fifth or Sixth Class, but they were divided into

more than a dozen subgrades, and the card-index showed by the colour

which of the many grades any particular person had attained.

I asked how the workmen were engaged.

"The industrial career of a workman," said Lickrod enthusiastically,

"begins, if I may so express myself, with the dawn of his industrial

intelligence. In our schools--and here you perceive one of the

perfections of our educational system--our teachers are trained to

detect the signs of the innate capacity of each child, and to classify

it appropriately. In 79½ per cent of cases, as you will see from the

last report of the Industrial Training Section of the Department of

Industry and Commerce, the careers of boys are determined before the

age of thirteen. The rest is merely a question of training. By a proper

classification we are able to adjust the supply of each different kind

of capacity to the requirements of our industry. We avoid all the

waste and uncertainty which one sees in countries where even the least

competent workmen are allowed to choose their employment. We guarantee

employment to everybody, and on the other hand we preserve the right to

say what the employment shall be."

"Does that mean," I asked, "that a workman can never change his

employment?"

"In some of the more backward parts of the country it is sometimes

necessary for workmen to change their employment; but here, in Mecco,

we should think we had managed our business very badly if that were

necessary."

"But without its being necessary, a man might wish to change. I have

heard of many cases, in Luniland and Transatlantica, of a clever and

enterprising man having risen to eminence, after an experience in half

a dozen different occupations. Here, I understand, that is impossible."

"Ah," replied Lickrod, "I see you have not grasped the scientific basis

of our system. You say such and such a person rose to eminence, shall

we say as a lawyer, after having been, let us say, a printer or even a

house-painter. If there had been a sufficient supply of good lawyers

it is probable that he would not have succeeded in becoming an eminent

lawyer. Now, _we_ know our requirements as regards lawyers, just as

we know our requirements as to engineers. We have also the means of

judging the capacity of our young people, and we place them in the

sphere in which they can be of most service."

I thought I could see holes in this theory, but all I said was, "So you

think of the problem from the point of view of the good of the State,

regardless of the wishes of the individual."

"Certainly of the good of the State; but you mistake the true meaning

of the wishes of the individual. The apparent wish of the individual

may be to follow some other course than that which the State, with its

fuller knowledge and deeper wisdom, directs; but the real inward wish

of all Meccanians is to serve the interests of Meccania. That is the

outcome of our system of education. We must talk about that some other

time, but just now I want you to see that our system produces such

wonderful fruits that it never enters the head of any Meccanian workman

to question its wisdom."

We entered a gigantic engineering works, full of thousands of machine

tools. Everything appeared as clean and orderly as in the experimental

room of an engineering college. Some of the workmen wore grey-coloured

overalls, showing that they belonged to the Sixth Class, but most of

them wore the chocolate uniform of the men of the Fifth Class. These

were evidently performing highly skilled work. Even the moulding shops

were clean and tidy, and the employment of machinery for doing work

that elsewhere I had been accustomed to see done by hand astonished

me. The workmen looked like soldiers and behaved like automatons.

Conversation went on, but I was informed by Lickrod, again in a tone

of pride, that only conversation relative to the work in hand was

permitted. Here and there I saw a man in a green uniform, applying some

mysterious instrument to one of the workmen. I asked Lickrod what this

meant.

"That is one of our industrial psychologists, testing the

psycho-physiological effects of certain operations. By this means we

can tell not only when a workman is over-fatigued, but also if he is

under-fatigued. It is all part of our science of production."

"What happens if a man is under-fatigued persistently?" I asked.

"He will have to perform fatigue duty after the usual hours, just as he

would in the army," he answered.

"And do they not object to this?"

"Who?"

"The workmen."

"Why should they? The man who is guilty of under-fatigue knows that

he is justly punished. The others regard the offence as one against

themselves. It is part of our industrial training. But we have indeed

very few cases of under-fatigue in Mecco. You know, perhaps, that all

our citizens are, so to speak, selected. Anyone who does not appreciate

his privileges can be removed to other cities or towns, and there are

thousands of loyal Meccanians only too eager to come to live in Mecco."

One of the most remarkable industries I saw carried on was the

House-building Industry. The plans for houses of every kind, except

those for the Third and higher classes, are stereotyped. That is to

say, there are some forty or fifty different plans, all worked out to

the minutest detail. Suppose ten houses are wanted in any particular

quarter, the Building Department decides the type of house, the order

is given for ten houses, Type No. 27 let us say. This goes to the firm

which specialises in Type No. 27. There are no architect's fees, and

the expenses of superintending the work are almost _nil_.

I asked Conductor Lickrod why it was that, when the whole industry of

house-building had been reduced to a matter of routine, the State did

not itself carry on the work, but employed private firms.

"That question," he said, "touches one of the fundamental principles of

our Meccanian policy. If you study our National Economy you will learn

all you require about it, but for the moment I may say that the control

of the State over Industry is complete, yet we have not extinguished

the capitalist. We do not desire to do so, for many reasons. The Third

Class, which includes all the large capitalists, and the Fourth Class,

which includes the smaller capitalists, furnish a most important

element in the National Economy. Their enterprise in business and

manufacture is truly astonishing."

"But what motive have they for displaying enterprise?" I asked.

"What motive? Why, every motive. Their livelihood depends upon the

profits made; their promotion to a higher grade in their own class,

and in the case of those in the Fourth Class their promotion to the

ranks of the Third Class, also depends upon their skill and enterprise.

But most of all, the Meccanian spirit, which has been inculcated by

our system of education, inspires them with the desire to excel the

business men of all other nations for the sake of Meccanian Culture."

Certainly the organisation of industry was marvellous, and the

production of everything must be enormous. We spent three days going

through factory after factory. There was the same marvellous order and

cleanliness and perfect discipline, wherever one turned. On leaving

the works the men all marched in step, as if on parade. Inside, they

saluted their 'officers,' but the salute was of a special kind--the

hand was raised to the shoulder only, so as to avoid a sweeping motion

which might have brought it in contact with some object. One of the

triumphs of organisation, to which Lickrod called my attention, was the

arrangement whereby the workmen reached their work at the proper time,

got their midday meal, and reached home in the evening without any

congestion. Each separate workshop had its appointed time for beginning

work; some began as early as 6, others at 6.15, the last to begin were

a few that had a comparatively short day, starting at 7.30. The midday

meal began at 11.30, and was taken by relays until about 1.30. All the

women employed in the canteens were the wives and daughters of workmen,

who spent the rest of their time in household work at home.

At the end of the third day, as I was taking coffee with Conductor

Lickrod, I took advantage of his communicativeness, which was rather

a contrast to the brusqueness of Prigge, to get some light on several

matters that had so far puzzled me.

"Your industrial system," I remarked, "as a productive machine, appears

to me to be quite marvellous."

Lickrod beamed. "I knew you would think so," he said. "We have a word

in our language which, so far as I am aware, has no exact equivalent

in other languages, because their culture does not include the thing.

It means 'the adaptation of the means to the end.' Our industrial

system exemplifies the virtue connoted by that expression; but our

whole industrial system itself is only a means perfectly adapted to its

end. We have no 'Industrial Problem' in the old sense of that word. Of

course we are always effecting improvements in detail."

"But I have been wondering how it is," I said, "that with all this

marvellous efficiency in production, your workmen in the Fifth and

Sixth, and I suppose in the Seventh Class also, appear to work as long

as those in other countries; they do not appear to be richer and they

seem to have fewer opportunities of rising in the social scale."

"I have heard the same question put by other Foreign Observers,"

replied Lickrod, "and I am glad you have come to me for information

on the subject. A complete answer involves a correct understanding

of our whole Culture. To begin with, the supreme good of the State

can only be determined by the State itself. The wishes or opinions of

the private individual are of no account. Now, the State knows what

its requirements are, and determines the amounts and kinds of work

necessary to meet these requirements. By means of our Sociological

Department, our Industrial Department, our Time Department, and the

various sections of our Department of Culture, we know perfectly how to

adjust our industries to the end determined by the State. Every class

and grade therefore is required to contribute towards the supreme good

of the State according to its ability."

"I quite understand," I interrupted, "the point of view you are

expounding; but what I am wondering is why, with all this efficient

machinery of production, everybody in the country is not in the

enjoyment either of wealth or of leisure."

"I am afraid it is not easy for a foreigner, without longer experience,

to appreciate the different value we attach to things such as wealth

and leisure, and other things too. Suppose, purely for the sake of

argument, that our working class worked only five hours a day instead

of nine or ten: what would they do with their leisure?"

"I suppose they would enjoy themselves," I replied; "and seeing that

they have had the benefit of a good education, I take it that they

would know how to enjoy themselves in a decent manner. Besides, your

regulations would be able to prevent any excesses or disorders."

"And you think they would be better employed in enjoying themselves

than in serving the State as they do now?" asked Lickrod.

"Who is to judge whether they would be better employed?" I answered.

"That is just the question," said Lickrod, "and it is there that our

Culture is so much in advance of other nations. Private enjoyment is

not the supreme end of the State."

"But surely," I said, "you do not go on producing wealth simply for

the sake of keeping your working classes employed ten hours instead of

five? What becomes of the wealth?"

"As I said before, we produce just the wealth we require."

"Then I confess I am baffled," I said. "Possibly a great deal is

required for your army and navy and other public services. You have,

you must acknowledge, a very large number of people employed as

officials of all kinds. As these are not producing material goods,

perhaps the surplus wealth is drained away into these channels?"

"All that is included in my statement, that we produce what we

require," answered Lickrod.

"Can you give me any idea," I asked, with some hesitation, fearing I

was getting on delicate ground, "how much of the industrial product

is required for military and naval purposes? I don't suppose you can,

because I am aware that your Government does not publish its military

estimates; and even if it did, it would not be possible to tell how

much of the labour of the working classes is absorbed in that way. But

whilst I do not ask for any information that it is not usual to give, I

suggest to you that when I see the extraordinary productivity of your

economic machine, coupled with the comparative simplicity of the mode

of life pursued by the bulk of your population, I am bound to infer

one of two things: either a vast amount must be absorbed by some rich

class, or it must be in some way absorbed by the State itself."

"I think your reasoning is perfectly sound," replied Lickrod. "I could

not tell you what proportion of the wealth product is absorbed by the

army if I wished; for I do not know, and nobody in Meccania knows,

except the Supreme Authority. The Finance Department knows only in

terms of money what is spent upon the various services. But without

knowing either exact amounts or proportions, I have no hesitation in

saying that a very great deal of the wealth product does go in these

directions. But that is part of our Meccanian ideal. The army is the

nation, is it not? Every workman you have seen is a soldier; and he is

a soldier just as much when he is in the factory as when he is in the

camp or the barracks. He spends five years of his life between twenty

and thirty in the camp, and he spends from one to two months of every

year afterwards in keeping up his training. Then of course there is the

equipment of both army and navy, which of course is always developing.

Your idea is, I suppose, that if we devoted less to such objects as

these, the people of the working classes, or even the whole body of

people, would have more to spend upon pleasure, or could enjoy more

leisure."

"Yes," I said, "in most other countries every penny spent upon either

military purposes or upon State officials, beyond what is strictly

necessary, is grudged. The people scrutinise very keenly all public

expenditure. They prefer to spend what they regard as their own money

in their own way. It seems to me therefore, that either your people do

not look at the matter in the same way, or if they do, that the State

has discovered a very effective way of overcoming their objections."

"What you say," replied Lickrod, "only brings out more and more

the difference between our Culture and that of other nations. This

sense of antagonism between the interests of the individual and the

interests of the State, which has hindered and apparently still hinders

the development of other countries, has been almost entirely eradicated

among the Meccanians."

"What!" I said, "do you mean that a Meccanian pays his taxes

cheerfully?"

"What taxes?" asked Lickrod blandly.

"I do not know in what form your taxes are paid," I said, "but they

must be paid in some way, and I suspect that even in Meccania, if they

were left to voluntary subscription, the Exchequer would not be quite

so full."

"Now that is a very curious instance of what I am tempted to call

the political stupidity of other nations. Instead of removing all

circumstances that provoke a consciousness of difference between the

individual and the State, they seem to call the attention of the

private citizen, as they call him, to these differences. They first

allow a man to regard property as entirely his own, and then discuss

with him how much he shall contribute, and finally make him pay in hard

cash."

"And how do you manage to get over the difficulty?" I said.

"All Meccanians are taught from their youth--even from early

childhood--that all they have they owe to the beneficent protection

of the State. The State is their Father and their Mother. No one

questions its benevolence or its wisdom or its power. Consequently all

this haggling about how much shall be paid this year or that year is

avoided. The State is the direct paymaster of nearly half the nation.

Hence it can deduct what is due without any sense of loss. Through our

Banking system the collection of the rest is quite easy. The private

employers deduct from the wages of their employees, and are charged the

exact amount through the Banks. No one feels it."

"But does your Parliament exercise no control over taxation?" I asked

in some surprise.

"Our Parliament is in such complete accord with the Government that it

would not dream of disturbing the system of taxation, which has worked

so well for over thirty years," replied Lickrod.

"Have they the power to do so?" I asked.

"They have the power to ask questions, certainly," he replied; "but the

taxes are fixed for periods of seven years. That is to say, the direct

taxes falling upon each separate class are fixed every seven years in

each case; so that the taxes for the First Class come up for revision

one year, those for the Second Class the next year, and so on. The

Constitution does not allow Parliament to increase the amount asked for

by the Government, and as the vote is taken not individually but by

classes, it is hardly to the interest of any of the classes to try to

reduce the amount assessed upon any one class. Besides, the Government

derives a considerable proportion of its income from its own property

in the shape of mines, railways, forests, farms, and so forth. When we

hear foreigners speak of Parliamentary Opposition we hardly know what

the term means. It is entirely foreign to the Meccanian spirit."

"You speak of the Government," I remarked, "but I have not yet

discovered what the Government is."

"I am afraid I must refer you to our manuals of Constitutional Law,"

replied Lickrod.

"Oh, I know in a general way the outline of your Constitution," I said,

"but in every country there is a real working Constitution, which

differs from the formal Constitution. For instance, Constitutions

usually contain nothing about political parties, yet the policy and

traditions of these parties are the most important factors. The merely

legal powers of a monarch, for instance, may in practice lapse, or may

be so rarely exercised as not to matter. Now in Meccania one sees a

powerful Government at work everywhere--that is, one sees the machinery

of Government, but the driving force and the controlling force seem

hidden."

"You may find the answer to your question if you make a study of our

political institutions. At present I am afraid your curiosity seems

directed towards matters that to us have only a sort of historical

interest. It would never occur to any Meccanian to ask who controls the

Government. His conception of the State is so entirely different that

the question seems almost unmeaning."

"I have recently spent a long time in Luniland," I remarked at this

point, "and I am afraid a Lunilander would say that if such a question

has become unmeaning to a Meccanian, the Meccanians must have lost the

political sense."

"And we should say that we have solved the problem of politics. We

should say," he went on, "that the Lunilanders have no Government. A

Government that can be changed every few years, a Government that has

to ask the consent of what they call the taxpayers for every penny

it is to spend, a Government that must expose all its business to

an ignorant mob, a Government that must pass and carry out any law

demanded by a mere majority--we do not call that a Government."

"They regard liberty as more important than Government," I replied,

with a smile.

"They are still enslaved by the superstitions of the eighteenth and

nineteenth centuries," he replied solemnly. "No nation will make real

progress until it learns how to embody its physical, intellectual

and spiritual forces in an all-embracing State. Our State may be

imperfect--I know it is--but we are in the right way; and developed

as it may be in another century it will completely answer all human

requirements."

"Developed?" I said, almost betraying my amusement, for I wondered

what further developments the Super-State was capable of. "In what

directions do you anticipate development?"

"There is still an immense fund of religious sentiment that is

squandered upon unworthy objects: this may be--I feel sure it will

be--directed into a nobler channel. Our ritual, too, in no way

corresponds to the sublimity of the Idea of the Super-State. The ritual

of the Catholic Church--which is after all but a section of the whole

State--is still superior, from the sensuous and the artistic point of

view, to our State ritual. Our reverence for the State is too cold, too

inarticulate. I have sometimes thought that the Emperor might found an

order of priests or monks who would cultivate an inward devotion that

would inevitably give birth to a real religion of the State."

"You are a true missionary," I said; "in fact, I think you are entitled

to be considered a Meccanian Apostle. I have learnt a great deal from

our intercourse, and just as you have suggested that the Government

might bring more foreigners to see the wonders of your Meccanian

Culture, I would suggest that they should send you and others like

yourself into other countries to enlighten them as to the real mission

of Meccania."

He was pleased to accept this testimony from an innocent and

well-disposed Foreign Observer, and said that I could best show my

appreciation by inducing more of my fellow-countrymen to come and study

the wonders of Meccanian Culture.

Meccania, the Super-State · 第 7 / 13 章