[_Testimony_]
In [6] the city of Manila, on the twenty-fourth day of the month of
May, one thousand five hundred and ninety-three, the said governor
and captain-general, Gomez Perez Das Marinas, summoned Captain
Joan de Solis to his presence, in order to make the above-mentioned
investigation. He took the oath before God and on the sign of the
cross, in due form, and promised to answer truthfully the questions
asked him. The tenor of the questions having been read to him, he said
that, as one who had just come from the kingdoms of Xapon, and reached
this port and bay but yesterday, and who was in Xapon when father Fray
Joan Cobos arrived there--where this witness was building a ship (the
one in which he came hither), and work on which he left and abandoned,
in order to go to see, protect, and serve the said father Fray Joan
Cobo, and to instruct him in the customs and usages of the country,
as the father came in behalf of his Majesty--he will relate here what
he knows. While this witness was in the kingdoms of Xapon last year,
the emperor resolved to send an embassy here. This he entrusted
to Faranda Queymon, but as the latter fell sick at the time of his
intended departure from that country, he sent in his stead a Christian
Xaponese, named Gaspar, otherwise called Faranda. This witness says
that what he heard and was told regarding that matter--not only by
the emperor himself, with whom he conversed several times, but by
other personages and nobles of the emperor's court--was always that
the intention of the king of Xapon was only to ascertain, by means
of this embassy, whether these Philippines Islands were friendly or
hostile to him; for if they were friendly, then he wished friendship
and alliance with the governor and the Spaniards, and trade and
intercourse. If they were not friendly, then he would consider them
as enemies, and would attack them. This was the object of the embassy,
and the emperor's intention, as he himself declared three or four times
in the presence of this deponent, in the following formal language:
"It is true that I sent Quiemon on that embassy, for, as a man who
knows that land, he gave me an account of it. But what I wished was
friendship, and trade and intercourse with the Castilians, as I have
been informed of the good treatment given to my Xaponese there. I do
not want silver, gold, soldiers, or anything else, but only to keep
them as friends." This witness, as he knew the emperor's nature, and
his veracity, and the punctiliousness with which he keeps his word,
thinks that he does not claim vassalage, tribute, or any recognition
from this community and kingdom, nor does he intend to commit any wrong
toward this kingdom; but rather this witness believes and knows that
the emperor will aid this kingdom with soldiers, and whatever else
might be asked from him. Therefore he thinks that he who interpreted
the letter could not read or interpret it, if he asserted that the
emperor demanded vassalage; for the characters used in their writing
are difficult to understand. Likewise this witness declared, in regard
to the arrival of father Fray Joan Cobo in the kingdoms of Xapon, that
he saw that Father Cobo went from the port of Chandomar to Nangoya,
where the emperor was residing, and that this witness accompanied
and entertained him through the entire journey--about one hundred
leguas. This witness saw with his own eyes that the city of Nangoya
is a city of one hundred thousand or more inhabitants. This city was
built and settled in five months. It is three leguas long, and nine
leguas in circumference. It was built by order of Quambaco, by which
his power was manifest. As soon as Father Cobo had arrived and was
about to disembark in the port of the said city of Nangoya, a nobleman
of the court came to receive him, bearing three letters--one for the
said father, another for Captain Lope de Llano, and the third for the
present witness. They [the father and the two captains] were borne
on the shoulders of men to the house of the man who came to receive
them. There lodging had been prepared by order of Cuambac. Within
a week, Cuambac had the father summoned; as soon as the latter had
entered the palace, the emperor bade him be seated, and received the
messages that he bore. Then he made the above assertion to him with
indications of great pleasure. After that he ordered a collation spread
for the father, and asked him if he would like some tea to drink. The
father replied that he kissed his Highness's hands. As he rose to go,
the emperor ordered him to be taken to the Chanayu--a small house
where the most privileged go for recreation and to drink tea [7]
with the emperor. This house is well provided with gilded tables,
vessels, sideboards, and braziers; and the cups and basins, and the
rest of the service, are all of gold. There the emperor ordered a very
fine banquet to be spread for him, and had wine carried to him. He
again repeated the words above mentioned, two or three times, and
then sat down. After a moment's conversation, he took leave of the
father. Thirteen days after that, he sent the father a _catana_ or
sword, which is held in high estimation there in his kingdom, because
of its fineness and adornments; and a letter for the governor. This
letter was written on a large sheet of gilt paper resembling damask,
in letters of gold. This witness saw it, and took it in his hand,
and had it read many times. In brief, it contained these words:
"I sent Quiemon, as he is a man of intelligence, and as he had given
me a relation of that country, and the good treatment shown to my
vassals there; but I do not desire silver, gold, or soldiers, or
anything else, but only fast friendship with your nation, for I hold
everything under my sway. In Coray [Corea] my captains have already
taken the king prisoner, and are now near Lanquin, and about to seize
China. I am sending you a sword now, in order that you may have some
remembrance from me in that country. You shall have this written to
your king, and shall send me his reply. To the lioccata of Manila,
Huye Çama," (that is to say, "the great captain") The honor shown
to father Fray Joan Cobo was never shown to any foreigner or native,
according to the assertion of this witness, as one who has a thorough
understanding of the customs and laws of that country. From all of
the above it can be understood that the said father was received and
his business despatched with great honor. And, as to the father not
having come to this country, this witness declares that be knows that
the father embarked, after receiving many presents and supplies. The
vessel on which he embarked was in poor repair, and the season the
very depth of winter. The sea was in great turmoil, and the winds
contrary. On this account he thinks that the father perished at
sea. As to the person of the ambassador Faranda, he knows him to
be a man of influence in Xapon, who was recently created a lord by
the emperor of that country. The emperor ordered him to come here
in attendance on father Fray Joan Cobo, as one who was held in high
estimation. For this reason, this witness thinks that his coming is
without any duplicity, or cause for suspicion--beyond a little vanity,
to show that he is a lord, and one whom the emperor chooses for things
as important as this. Therefore this community has no grounds for fear
of any wrong being done by that country; but should, on the contrary,
esteem highly the friendship made with the said emperor; and as the
latter is a friend so powerful and important, his ambassador should
be served and entertained in the manner that seems most desirable to
the governor. This witness asserts the above, by the oath he took,
to be what he knows and what he has heard. He is thirty-eight years
old. He affixed his signature to the above.
_Joan de Solis_
Before me:
_Joan De Cuellar_
In the city of Manila, on the first of June, one thousand five hundred
and ninety-three, for the investigation of the aforesaid matter, an
oath was received in due form of law, before God and on the sign of the
cross, from Antonio Lopez, a Chinese Christian, an interpreter. He took
the oath, and promised, under charge thereof, to tell the truth. Being
questioned regarding the matter, this witness declared that he went
to the kingdoms of Xapon last year with Father Cobo. He saw that the
father was very courteously received by the emperor upon his arrival
there; for he saw Father Cobo enter [the palace] and go to meet the
emperor. He saw that Father Cobo appeared very happy and cheerful,
and heard him say that after a few days he was to go back with his
business well despatched. He saw the father embark well and happy,
with a present from the emperor of a very fine _catana_, or sword,
for the governor of the Philippinas. Father Cobo gave this witness
a letter, which he brought to the governor, for he sailed in the
ambassador's ship, by order of Father Cobo. This witness knows
that the emperor was very friendly to the Spaniards, and that the
ambassador Faranda Queimon came to make a treaty of peace. The latter
is the same man whom they saw enter and go with Father Cobo to meet
the emperor. Queimon is not hostile, but friendly. This is the truth
and nothing else, on his oath. He is about forty years old. He signed
the above, according to his custom.
Before me:
_Joan de Cuellar_
Collated with the original:
_Juan de Cuellar_
[_Endorsed_: "Matters discussed with the governor by Faranda,
ambassador from Japon."]
Antonio said that he heard that the emperor of Japon gave the conquest
of these islands to Kunquyn. He also heard the soldiers of the house
of Kunquyn say that they would like to come to these islands; and
they asked him if the people of Cagayan were subdued. Upon Antonio
replying "yes," they said "no," and that they knew it. He has heard
that the king of Japon gave the conquest of the island of Ermosa to
a Japanese; and that, when this man shall come to these islands, he
will come through them, island by island, and that they had already
set out. The greatest distance between any of these islands is about
two days' sail by sea, and one or two nights. The Xaponese laughed
when they heard Antonio say that these islands contained four or five
thousand Spaniards. They said that the defense of these islands was
merely a matter for jest, for one hundred of the Japanese were worth
two or three hundred of us; and that, therefore, the conquest of these
islands presented no difficulty. They declared that the natives of
Cagayan were ill-disposed toward us; and that the Japanese would no
sooner land in Cagayan, than the natives would deliver the Spaniards
to them. Antonio declared further that three large ships were being
built in Japon; and he could not understand why, unless for these
islands, as they had no need of them for other purposes.
Antonio Lopez declares further that he heard in Japon that the king
ordered this ambassador to return with the news, if the people of
Luçon should submit. But if they did not submit, then he should order
none of the Japanese here to return to Japon; as he would kill those
who did return, for he wished them to live here. Antonio thinks that
caution regarding the Japanese here should still be maintained--for,
as I understand, there are three hundred or more Japanese here,
and one hundred and fifty came in the ambassador's ship. According
to Antonio's opinion, no confidence should be placed in the infidel
Sangleys; for many of them have been in Japon, and those most evil and
most opposed to the Chinese are those very Chinese. He declares that
a Japanese, named Don Baltasar, conspired with Don Agustin at the time
of the revolt. This was told to Antonio Lopez by a Christian Sangley in
Firando. He declares that there are many of the Japanese here who came
to Cagayan seven years ago, and that the pilot who has just arrived in
this ship also went to Cagayan, to plunder. He has many times heard
the Japanese say that they would go to Ciuteui, thence to Cagayan;
and that the king of Japon ordered the inhabitants of Liutai not to
render homage any longer to China. They recognized that country to
the extent that, when the reigning king died, his successor had to be
approved by China. All the trees in Japon are assigned to the king;
and no one may cut them without his permission. Antonio declares
that little confidence can be placed in the Sangleys, in the Parian;
for many of them, having been promised some vassals by the Japanese,
are in rebellion. In Japon there is universal talk of the abundance
of gold in this land. On this account, the soldiers are anxious to
come here; and are coming, as they do not care to go to Core, which
is a poor country. Those who come from Core say: "Formerly when we
were going to plunder their country, the Chinese immediately united
with us; but now there is no one in Core who cares for our friendship,
but all love the Chinese even unto death."
Antonio thinks also that "the infidel Sangleys should not be allowed
to go to the Visayas, nor a Christian with many other infidels,
as is the custom, but that only Christians go, on account of the
acts of treachery and revolt that the Chinese, instigated by the
Japanese, may attempt." He declares further that three or four Japanese
asserted, in the king's court, that if they should go to Manila, the
natives themselves would deliver to them the Spaniards dead. As he
understands, because of this and of other things, Father Juan Cobo
said that when he returned here he would confer with the governor
as to the advisability of not permitting a single Japanese to remain
in the country. Antonio declares that Father Juan Cobo left Japon so
quickly, and at a so inopportune season, because of his fears of the
Japanese; and that he had previously agreed with this Antonio Lopez
to send him to Hroguyaca, on the pretext that he was going to China,
but with instructions to change his course at sea, and return here.
Antonio declares that Juan Sami, a master of Chinese letters, who
accompanied father Fray Juan Cobo, read the letter given to this
Faranda by the Japanese emperor. It contained injunctions to subdue
the inhabitants of these islands, and oblige them to recognize him as
lord. If the Spaniards should not do that promptly, he [the emperor]
would come soon; and had it not been for the dangerous sea for half
of the distance, he would have come already.
Juan Sami, master of Chinese letters, declared that he accompanied
father Fray Juan Cobo to Japon. There the father met Juan de Solis,
a Castilian, who was much persecuted by the Portuguese. This same
master presented a petition to the Japanese king, by order of father
Fray Juan Cobo. This petition complained of the injuries that Juan
de Solis had received from the Portuguese, who had stolen from him
a quantity of gold, silver, and other property. He presented this
petition to the king of Japon, on the day when he met him. The latter
accordingly ordered one of his captains to return all the stolen
articles; but as yet only five hundred pesos are paid.
Francisco de Loadi de Oñate declares that he knows Juan de Solis;
who is a captain of the king, our sovereign. This captain went, at
the order of the Audiencia of Panama, to Macan, in order to purchase
copper and other articles; but the Portuguese seized all his money
and his vessel. They sold the ship very cheaply, and sent the crew
as prisoners to Goa. From sheer pity, he entered his pulpit one day,
and there complained of the injuries done to the captain--among
others, maiming one of his arms. After this the aforesaid Solis,
in company with a father of the Society, [8] who was about to go to
Japon as visitador, went to the said kingdom. Without the knowledge
of the father visitador, Solis, as soon as he arrived at Japon,
presented [to the king] a rich gift, which according to various
estimates cost seven or ten thousand ducados. He also presented
certain letters in the name of the king our sovereign, whereupon
he was very kindly received by the Japanese king. The latter gave
Solis a letter ordering the refunding of all that had been taken from
him, with interest. After this Solis obtained permission to build a
vessel, which was already completed, all but stepping the masts. The
boatswain was found dead one morning, and the ship scuttled. Solis,
after the Portuguese and Theatins had denied that they had done this,
went to Meaco. When the king of Japon asked him why he did not go,
he told him what had happened; and recounted to him what the father
visitador had done. Thereupon, the king began to persecute the Theatin
fathers. The witness declares further that the said king gave the
said Captain Solis a letter ordering that no Portuguese or any other
person should dare or attempt to oppose him any further.
_Francisco de Lorduy_
Juan Sami declared that he saw and read a letter from the king of
Xapon to the governor of these islands. Its substance was as follows:
"Formerly I was a man of little renown. Now all who live beneath the
sky recognize me and are my vassals. I ordered the king of Core to
render me homage. At his refusal, I sent my captain to war upon him,
and seize his land even to the confines of Liauton. [9] This Liauton
is a land with many Chinese soldiers, near which resides the king of
China. I have seized the fortress of Partho, which I have subdued, and
it is very devoted to me, because I love the people of that fortress
as fathers and mothers love their children. Those who recognize my
authority I do not ill-treat, but I send my captains to war upon
whomsoever shall refuse to submit to me. I am writing this letter
to thee, so that it may prove a token, signal, and reminder. Thou
shalt write these things to the king of Castilla quickly, so that
he may be informed thereof. Do not delay, but write at once. I send
thee that sword, which is called _quihocan_." He declares that this
letter was given to the father while in the court; and that when
the father was about to leave, he received a second of like tenor,
written later than the above. In it the emperor stated that he was
sending this Faranda as ambassador.
In what pertains to Corean matters, he declares that the Japanese did
indeed conquer the kingdom at first, but that many soldiers came from
the country of Liacaton, who harassed the Japanese greatly. After many
of the Japanese had died by sword and disease, the Chinese recovered
this fortress of Partho and other districts.
He declares moreover, that father Fray Juan Cobo asked him: "Why dost
thou fear to have the Japanese go to China?" He answered him that the
Chinese did not fear them, as there were many soldiers; and even if
the Japanese should kill many of them at first, many others would come
afterwards. When he asked the father if he were afraid to have them
come here, to Luçon, he said that the father answered: "No, even if
many hundreds of Japanese should come." He declares that it was after
the father had talked with the king that the churches were destroyed.
Antonio Lopez declares that father Fray Juan Cobo showed the king of
Japon the kingdoms of our king on a globe. He gave this to the king,
with the names of the kingdoms written in Chinese characters, with
the distances between them. The occasion for this arose, because
when the king of Xapon read the letter written from this country,
he saw so many kingdoms, whereupon he asked to have them pointed
out to him in detail, with their size and the distances between
them. The father told him that the Portuguese were subjects of the
king of Castilla. The father wrote this to Hunquin, who requested
it from him in the name of the king. Antonio Lopez says that he
does not know whether it was on the occasion of Hunquin asking the
father why he did not acknowledge subjection to him, or on the other
occasion of the father coming to say that the present which he had
taken to the king of Japon was not sent in the name of our king (for
he did not acknowledge any superior), but that it would be from the
Theatin fathers; but after the father had conversed with the king,
on his return they found the churches destroyed.
Moreover, he says that at some time during this month Luis, a servant
of Joan de Solis, will come here. This man served as interpreter
between the father and the king of Japon, and also Hunquin.
Moreover, Antonio declares that when he was accompanying father Fray
Juan Cobo one day, as they journeyed together, he asked the father:
"Father, shall we have war in Luçon this year?" The father answered:
"No, we shall not." The father said that he was going to Castilla
this year to discuss some matters that only he could discuss there,
as he alone had seen them; and that it would be advisable to send
fathers of St. Francis to Japon this year, for the fathers do not
desire money. The Japanese are tractable in disposition, and they
greatly desired the fathers. The father said it would be advisable
for him to continue diverting them for four years, when the fortresses
in Manila would be completed; and then there would be war.
_Letter from the emperor of Japon to the governor of Luçon_
Formerly I was an insignificant man and held in but little esteem;
but I set out to conquer this round expanse under the sky, and those
who live beneath the sky upon the earth are all my vassals. Those who
do homage to me have peace and security, and live without fear. But I
immediately send my captains and soldiers to those who do not render
homage to me, to make war upon them, as has recently happened to
the king of Core. Because he refused homage to me, I have seized his
kingdom even to the confines of Liauton, located near the court of the
Chinese king. Already have I seized the fortress and district of Parto,
and have pacified it thoroughly. Although the kingdoms were in revolt
and about to make war, I gave them by means of my good plans, thought
out in one, two, or three days, one after another, laws and decrees,
whereby I pacified them; for I love my vassals as parents love their
children. The kings of other nations are not as I; for although they
give me but little, still I receive them. In that paper I am sending
thee those words, in order that they may serve as a reminder. Thou
shalt write the following at once to the king of Castilla: "Those who
insult me cannot escape, but those who hearken to me and obey me live
in peace and sleep with security." I send thee this sword, called
quihocan, as a present. Talk with Tuquy at once, and do not delay.
Antonio declares that Firanda's clerk said to him yesterday: "Antonio,
see that thou tellest the truth. It matters little that we Japanese
are about. Thou shalt tell the truth." Antonio answered him that he
would indeed tell the truth, and what was not true, he would not say.
Antonio declares that when he asked a Japanese friend of his, who
brings a few cotton articles, why he served Faranda, and if it were
better for his trading, this Japanese answered that Faranda was their
ruler, and without his leave not one of them could return to Japon. If
Faranda did not obtain a favorable message this year, then he would not
return to Japon; but if they treated him well he would return. Antonio
declares that this good treatment means obedience to the king of Japon.
Moreover he declared that Faranda's brother told him that four months
are needed to go from Mexico to Luçon, and from there at Luçon to
Mexico another four; and on this account but few soldiers could come
from Mexico. Japan is not more than twenty days' journey distant,
and therefore it would be well for us to appreciate this fact. Antonio
declares that he told this to Father Juan Cobo and to Captain Llanos.
Antonio says that one Usangro, a great friend of Faranda, took him,
while in Japon, to his house. This man is now sick in the ship. Antonio
says it will be advisable for him to take Usangro to his house, in
order to repay his hospitality. He says that he will try to find out
from this man how affairs stand.
He declares that those who accompanied Faranda assert that the latter
came to become governor of Manila. All those of the ship say this, and
he heard it said likewise in Japon. He did not know whether Faranda
were to govern only the Japanese, or the Tagals, or the Spaniards
as well.
He asserts also that Faranda's servants told the Sangleys to be careful
of their actions, for their master Faranda was to govern them also
here at Manila.
He says that what he understands of Faranda's purpose is, that the
latter promised the king of Japon that he would plan how these islands
should render the king homage. His intention is to take a certain rich
present with him, in order that he might say in Japon that he brings
recognition. But now, as the father has not come, and as he believes
that he will not obtain the present that he seeks, he is sad; and thus
he will be very low-spirited, compared to his previous state of mind.
He says also that when Don Agustin, a Tagal of Tondo, and Don Baltazar,
a Japanese, conspired together to seize Manila, Don Agustin gave the
latter a hat, and Don Baltasar gave the said Don Agustin a morion
and some cuirasses. This Antonio says also that father Fray Juan Cobo
conferred with him upon the advisability of our concerting with China
against Japon, in the following manner: If the Japanese should attack
China, we would aid the latter; and if they attacked these islands,
then the Chinese should aid us.
He asserts that the father once told him that Faranda, as he had
lost his property, was about to come to these islands to confer
with the governor, so that his two vessels might engage in trade
between these islands and Japon. When Antonio said to the father:
"Take care that thou dost not reveal the design of this man, namely,
to wrest Manila from you Spaniards," the father responded that Faranda
did not dare do it. Antonio says that he does not know whether the
father told this to Faranda to test him, for well he knows it, but
it is certain that the father knows that the Japanese are trying to
have the people of Manila render homage to them.
Miguel Onte says that he has heard it reported that, about forty years
ago, the Japanese were trading in China. Then they were very mild,
and feigned to be very humble. But after they had learned the passages,
rivers, and entrances, they came to China to plunder; and thirty-four
years ago they robbed him and many others who were with him.
He says that in the time of Santiago de Vera, the Chinese said to
the latter: "Take care, sir, do not allow the Japanese to come here;
for if a few come now, and receive hospitable treatment, more of them
will come tomorrow, and continually more, so that what happened to
us will happen to you Spaniards."
He says that he has heard it reported that the father of this Faranda
requested the conquest of these islands from the king of Japon a
number of years ago. To this end he requested five thousand soldiers;
and the king of Japon promised him ten thousand. He has felled trees
and prepared timber to build vessels.
Moreover, he declares that two other vessels are about to come here
now. Before the coming of the Japanese this year, there were four
hundred Japanese here. These two vessels have brought almost three
hundred, and another three hundred will come in the ships that are
coming. Therefore much caution must be employed.
He says also that many of the Sangleys who came with Faranda declare
that this Faranda wants a share in these islands, and that they do
homage to him. Miguel says that he cannot understand what Faranda
wants here, unless it is this thing. If something is not given him,
he will not return to Japon, but will send for troops.
He declares further that, when the Japanese made their first assault in
China, they were living there peacefully. One night they set fire to
the town that they inhabited, and captured and robbed all the people
whom they could find. Many of the Sangleys fear lest this be enacted
here. For why has Faranda come here to Manila, unless for this? It
is said that he is gloomy because of the non-arrival of the troops.
He declares further that what he understands of the Chinese is, that
if the Spaniards, when war should break out, would make arrangements
with the Chinese to give them money and the heads of all the Japanese
that they might kill--giving them a certain sum for each head, and
allowing them to take it to China afterwards--many of the Chinese
would fight with good courage. Two or three thousand soldiers could
be found, who would fight very bravely.
He says that it would be advisable to go to Patan and Sian for
saltpeter and lead. Sangley Christians could go for this in their
own vessels. He declares further that, in case of necessity, they
might bring from the Atarrayas, whose habitations extend from here
to Palañaque, more than thirty picos of lead.
I, Fray Juan de San Pedro Martir, declare that I have learned, through
a very certain and indubitable medium, that one of the Japanese who
accompanied Faranda, and who is in his immediate service, told a
certain individual that Faranda was coming to these islands in order
that they might render him homage. If they should refuse it, he would
not dare return to Japon; as the king of that country would hang him,
if he returned without taking Manila, or its fort. There were five
hundred Japanese here for the accomplishment of this. In testimony
of the truth of the above, I affix my signature. April twenty-four,
one thousand five hundred and ninety-three.
_Fray Juan de San Pedro Martir_
Antonio says that he heard it said in Hunquin's house in Japon that
ten _bañes_ of soldiers (one hundred thousand Japanese) would come
here. When this Antonio told them that these islands contained only
five or six thousand soldiers, and that here at Manila there were
no more than three or four thousand soldiers, the Japanese said that
so many troops would be unnecessary; and therefore that ten thousand
would be sufficient.
He asserts further that his guest said, about three days ago, that
three days would be sufficient for five or six thousand men to come
here to Manila.
He says also that the clerk of Faranda and of the ship (who was
arrested yesterday), while talking today with Pablo Rroman, told the
latter that twenty Japanese were equal to twenty of us.
Antonio Lopez says also that on the night when his Lordship
granted him leave to go to his house--the night of the feast of the
Resurrection--Pablo Rroman was in the ship. This was told Antonio by
the Sangleys, in particular by one of his cousins. Therefore they
could ascertain from the father the intentions of Faranda. He says
that he heard that he was going for copper.
This Antonio says also that, while he was in Faranda's house, Faranda
ordered Don Pedro Leon, a Japanese, to ask a Spaniard present to fence
with him. The Spaniard fenced, whereupon Faranda remarked that he
was skilful. This he said in sarcastic comment on us, as was gathered
from his manner of saying it.
He says also that the Sangleys who came in Faranda's ship complained
that Faranda does not allow them to remove their possessions from it,
and that none of them are willing to return with him.
He says also that the distance from Japon to Liutue is three hundred
Japanese leguas, which are equal to two hundred Castilian leguas. In
his opinion, and he says the father thought the same, ten Japanese
leguas are equivalent to eight of ours.
He says also that a Japanese threatened Antonio Melo, a Christian
Sangley, that, if he sold the vessel which he had brought from Japon,
he would speak to Cunbaço, who would crucify the Sangley.
He says also that one sails from Luiteui [Liukiu?] to the island of
Hermosa, whence he strikes Sioabuetabo, where the men go naked. If
the weather is favorable, this voyage takes two days and one night,
but if not, the only ports are in these islands of Liuitiui above
mentioned. This Liuitiui consists of seven islands. He asked this
in Japon.
He declares further that his guest told him that, if no fathers are
sent to Japon this year, there will be war next year. If the governor
sends a present to Cuanbaco, Faranda and Cuanbaco will be very glad;
but if not, then there will be war. Father Fray Juan Cobo had discussed
the same thing with this Antonio.
Antonio asserts, moreover, that he suspected in Japon that Hunquin
would not allow Juan de Solis's ship to sail. He remarked this to Juan
Sami, his comrade, a Christian Sangley, who had gone to Japon with
him and father Fray Juan Cobo. He based this assertion on the fact
that when this Antonio wished to bring the ship in which the father
had come, Hunquin must have prevented its sailing; for, until this
Faranda left, a servant of Hunquin remained at the port. Although
this man was poor, yet Faranda respected him, feasted him, and gave
him a garment when he left. His name was Hirobio.
Moreover, he says that his host told him that four or five thousand
men would come in large vessels to conquer these islands, and that
this number was sufficient. Only ten ships would be needed for this.
He declares that, in his opinion, it would be an advisable plan for
the governor to contrive to despatch a couple of Japanese vessels
without telling Faranda that he would give him any present, or any
fathers to accompany him. He should show signs that he wishes to
detain Faranda, in order to ascertain his intention in this way;
for the latter has said that his ship must leave these islands first.
He asserts also that the Japanese emperor admits in his letter that
the sword which he sent by means of the same Japanese, is called
_guihoccan_. This is a Chinese word, which, being translated
into our language, signifies: "I am sending thee that token of
brotherly love. Cross the sea, so that thou mayst render submission
to me." This letter _gi_, or word _gui_, signifies "love," and a
token of the love which exists between brothers. This word _hoc_
signifies subjection. Finally this word _can_ signifies sea. Thus
"the sword guihoccan" admits of the above explanation.
He declares also that his guest told him that the ships would not
come to this bay; but that the soldiers would march here by land.
Miguel Onte declares that many Sangleys would buy catanas, but they
did not dare, for fear lest the governor would take them away. He
says the Chinese would like to sail five days ahead of the Japanese.
Antonio Lopez says that the helmsmen of the ship have told him that
they and the pilot had consulted together as to the way of reaching
Manila in the quickest time, and says that they will come by way
of Liuteui. He declares also that he thinks that the Japanese have
detained Pedro Solis's vessel and another one, which were about
to sail; for surely, had they not been detained, they would have
arrived. He says also that the reason why the helmsmen do not wish
to return is because they know that the Japanese are coming next
year, and that the latter will force them to bring them here. On
this account, they wish to remain here and return to China. He
says, too, that great care should be taken; for, in his opinion,
it would be very advisable to detain the Japanese, and not allow
them to return. For it is certain that they will try to subdue us;
but if these do not return, the Japanese in Japon will be as though
blind. He says further that Faranda told him yesterday that affairs
were turning out well, and that they and we would be friends; and
that it was very well that the governor had invited them. He also
said that because the inhabitants of Core refused their friendship,
and endeavored to fortify themselves, the Japanese retreated, in
such manner as their knowledge of the country permitted--not being
acquainted with the routes in the fortified part of the country,
but only with those where it was not defended.
[_Endorsed_: "Ancient fears of Japon, 1593."]
_Copy of the letter written by Gomez Perez Dasmariñas to the emperor
of Xapon._
Last year I wrote to your Grandeur through father Fray Juan Cobo,
in reply to a letter given to me here in your royal name, although I
had good reason to doubt the authenticity of the embassy as well as
the meaning of the words, and I have waited almost a year to receive
your statement and reply; and have only received a very short and
general letter from Father Cobo, stating that he sailed away from
there six months ago, highly favored and with his mission expedited
by your royal hands, which I kiss therefor. Two Xaponese vessels,
which have been hospitably received by me, have arrived here--one
of them bringing Faranda, who claims to be your ambassador, but who
brings neither a chapa nor your letter, nor an answer to mine, nor
anything to clear up my doubt. And now, considering the uncertainty
of the sea-voyage, and the fact that Father Cobo has not come, I am
more in the dark than ever, and more desirous of learning your royal
intentions and wishes. For, although Faranda brings me no credentials,
yet I cannot believe that a vassal of your Grandeur, and one to all
appearance so honored, would dare to appropriate and use your royal
name without your order. Therefore, in such uncertainty, I cannot do
otherwise than hear him and speed him in his mission. I answered a
memorial which he gave me, as he will show you. At present, to clear
up the doubt and uncertainty, I am sending father Fray Pedro Baptista,
who is a most serious man, of much worth and character, with whom I
counsel and advise in the affairs most important to my king; in short,
he is my comfort and my consolation, as he is to all the people of this
state. He carries with him the letters which have passed between us,
and the copy of Faranda's memorial, and my answer thereto, so that he
may there consider the whole affair with your royal person and bring
back to me the explanation and certainty and decision which are to
be hoped from your royal heart. He has power from me to accept and
establish the peace and amity which are offered in your royal name and
requested from us by Faranda; and the treaty shall be held in force and
observed until such time as the king my lord, advised of the facts,
shall order me what to do. I trust that all will come out as you
desire. I, for my part, shall do all I can to further this. May God
keep your royal person and grant much prosperity to you. From Manila,
on the twentieth of May, in the year one thousand five hundred and
ninety-three since our Lord's birth.
I was particularly inclined to send this despatch by one who, besides
the high esteem in which he is held by me, is a member of the holy
order of St. Francis, as Faranda requested this in his memorial
addressed to me, wherein he said that it would greatly please you
to see there fathers of this blessed order. This man is one of most
strict and holy life, which alone would make him worthy of veneration.