In this brief outline of the Socialist s_Socialism: A Summary and Interpretation of Socialist Principles

with many of his associates, conceives it, there are many gaps. The

temptation to fill in the outline somewhat more in detail is strong, but

that is beyond the borderland which divides scientific and Utopian

methods. The purpose of the outline is mainly to show that the ideal of

the Socialism of to-day is something far removed from the network of

laws and the oppressive bureaucracy commonly imagined; something wholly

different in spirit and substance from the mechanical arrangement of

human relations imagined by Utopian romancers. If the Socialist

propaganda of to-day largely consists of the advocacy of laws for the

protection of labor and dealing with all kinds of evils, it must be

remembered that these are to _ameliorate conditions in the existing

social order_. Many of the laws for which Socialists have most

strenuously fought have their _raison d'etre_ in the conditions of

capitalist society, and would be quite unnecessary under Socialism. If a

reference to one's personal work may be pardoned, I will cite the matter

of the feeding of school children, in the public schools, at the public

expense. I have, for many years, advocated this measure, which is to be

found in most Socialist programmes, and which the Socialists of other

countries have to a considerable extent carried into practical effect.

Yet, I am free to say that the plan is not my ideal of the manner in

which children should be fed. It is, at best, a palliative, a necessary

evil, rendered necessary by the conditions of capitalist society. One

hopes that in the Socialist regime, home life would be so far developed

as to make possible the proper feeding and care of all children in their

homes. This is but an illustration. The Socialist ideal of the state of

the future, when private property is no longer an instrument of

oppression used by the few against the many, is not a life completely

enmeshed in a network of government, but a life controlled by government

as little as possible; not a life ruled and driven by a powerful engine

of laws, but a life as spontaneous and free as possible--a maximum of

personal freedom with a minimum of restraint.

"These things shall be! A loftier race

Than e'er the world hath known shall rise

With flower of freedom in their souls

And light of science in their eyes."[196]

FOOTNOTES:

[180] Cf. _Das Erfurter Program_, by Karl Kautsky.

[181] Cf. Ensor's _Modern Socialism_, page 351.

[182] _Labour and Capital: a Letter to a Labour Friend_, by Goldwin

Smith, D.C.L. (Macmillan, 1907).

The reader of Professor Smith's little book is referred, for the

Socialist answer to his criticisms, to a small volume by the author of

this book: _Capitalist and Laborer: an Open Letter to Professor Goldwin

Smith_, D.C.L. (Kerr, _Standard Socialist Series_), 1907.

[183] _La Conquete du pain_, Pierre Kropotkin, 5th edition, Paris, 1895,

page 202.

[184] _The Principles of Sociology_, by Herbert Spencer, Vol. III, page

534.

[185] Cf. _The Spirit of American Government_, by J. Allen Smith, LL.B.

Ph.D., for a discussion of this subject.

[186] This statement must not be interpreted too narrowly, of course.

While the nature of these things makes possible an infinitely wider

range of personal liberty than is possible in some other things,

individual liberty must _ultimately_ be governed by the liberty of

others. A fanatical religious sect practicing human sacrifice, for

instance, could not be tolerated by any civilized society. Obscenity in

art is another example.

[187] I use the word "state" throughout this discussion in its largest,

most comprehensive sense, as meaning the whole political organization of

society.

[188] This view is fully shared by Kautsky, _Agrarfrage_, pages 443-444,

and by Paul Lafargue, _Revue Politique et Parliamentaire_, October,

1898, page 70.

[189] Of course, this does not mean that there must not be private _use_

of land.

[190] The student who cares to pursue the subject will find that this

analysis is, in the main, agreed to by the most eminent exponents of

Marxian Socialism to-day. Cf., for instance, Kautsky's _Das Erfurter

Program_; the same writer's _The Social Revolution_, especially pages

117, 159; Vandervelde, quoted by Ensor, _Modern Socialism_, page 205;

also, Vandervelde's _Collectivism_, page 46. Jaures, the brilliant

French Socialist, may not perhaps be strictly included in the category

of "eminent Marxists," but he accepts the position of Kautsky, see

_Studies in Socialism_, by Jean Jaures, pages 36-40. See, also, Engels,

_Die Bauernfrage in Frankreich und Deutschland_, published in _Die Neue

Zeit_, 1894-1895, No. 10; Kautsky, _Die Agrarfrage_; and Simons, _The

American Farmer_. That most of these deal with petty agriculture rather

than petty industry is true, but the principle holds in regard to both.

[191] "Ethics of Social Progress," by Professor Franklin H. Giddings in

_Philanthropy and Social Progress_ (1893), page 226.

[192] "The Economics of Factory Legislation," in _The Case For the

Factory Acts_, by Mrs. Sidney Webb, page 50.

[193] See, for instance, Mr. Roosevelt's speech at Matinecock, L.I.,

near Oyster Bay, July 11, 1908, as reported in the daily papers by the

Associated Press. Also, the Republican National Platform, 1908, which

states that Socialism stands for "equality of possession," while the

Republican Party stands for "equality of opportunity"--a complete

misrepresentation, both of Socialism and the Republican Party!

[194] For condemning the wages system as a form of slavery, Socialists

are often vigorously condemned, but there are few sociologists of repute

who question the truth of the Socialist claim. Herbert Spencer, for

example, is as vigorous in asserting that wage-labor is a form of

slavery as any Socialist. See _The Principles of Sociology_, Vol. III,

Chapter 18.

[195] See Kautsky's _Das Erfurter Program_, and also _The Social

Revolution_, especially pages 128-135; Anton Menger, _L'Etat

Socialiste_, page 35; and Vandervelde's _Collectivism_, pages 149-150.

[196] J. Addington Symonds.

CHAPTER X

THE MEANS OF REALIZATION[197]

You ask me how the goal I have described is to be attained: "The

picture," you say, "is attractive, but we would like to know how we are

to reach the Promised Land which it pictures. Show us the way!" The

question is a fair one, and I shall try to answer it with candor, as it

deserves. But I cannot promise to tell how the change will be brought

about, to describe the exact process by which social property will

supplant capitalist private property. The only conditions under which

any honest thinker could give such an answer would necessitate a

combination of circumstances which has never existed, and which no one

seriously expects to develop. To answer in definite terms, saying, "This

is the manner in which the change will be made," one would have to know

the exact time of the change; precisely what things would be socialized;

the thought of the people, their temper, their courage. In a word,

omniscience would be necessary to enable one to make such a reply.

All that is possible in this connection for the candid Socialist is to

point out those tendencies which he believes to be making for the

Socialist ideal, those tendencies in society, whether political or

economic, which are making for industrial democracy; to consider frankly

the difficulties which must be overcome before the transition from

capitalism can be effected, and to suggest such means of overcoming

these as present themselves to the mind, always remembering that other

means may be developed which we cannot now see, and that great storms of

elemental human passion may sweep the current into channels unsuspected.

Those who are familiar with the writings of Marx know that, in strange

contrast with the fundamental principles of that theory of social

evolution which he so well developed, he lapsed at times into the

Utopian habit of predicting the sudden transformation of society.

Capitalism was to end in a great final "catastrophe" and the new order

be born in the travail of a "social revolution." I remember that when I

joined the Socialist movement, many years ago, the Social Revolution was

a very real event, inevitable and nigh at hand, to most of us. The more

enthusiastic of us dreamed of it; we sang songs in the spirit of the

_Chansons Revolutionaires_, one of which, as I recall, told plainly

enough what we would do--

"When the Revolution comes."

Some comrades actually wanted to have military drill at our business

meetings, merely that we might be ready for the Revolution, which might

occur any Monday morning or Friday afternoon. If this seems strange and

comic as I relate it to-day, please remember that we were very few and

very young, and, therefore, very sure that we were to redeem the world.

We lived in a state of revolutionary ecstasy. Some of us, I think, must

have gone regularly to sleep in the mental state of Tennyson's May

Queen, with words equivalent to her childish admonition--

"If you're waking call me early,"

so fearful were we that the Revolution might start without us!

There can be no harm in these confessions to-day, for we have grown far

enough beyond that period to laugh at it in retrospect. True, there is

still a good deal of talk about the Social Revolution, and there may be

a few Socialists here and there who use the term in the sense I have

described; who believe that capitalism will come to a great crisis, that

there will be a rising of millions in wrath, a night of fury and agony,

and then the sunrise of Brotherhood above the blood-stained valley and

the corpse-strewn plain. But most of us, when we use the old term, by

sheer force of habit, or as an inherited tradition, think of the Social

Revolution in no such spirit. We think only of the change that must

come over society, transferring the control of its life from the few to

the many, the change that is now going on all around us. When the time

comes that men and women speak of the state in which they live as

Socialism, and look back upon the life we live to-day with wonder and

pity, they will speak of the period of revolution as including this very

year, and, possibly, all the years included in the lives of the youngest

persons present. At all events, no considerable body of Socialists

anywhere in the world to-day, and no Socialist whose words have any

influence in the movement, believe that there will be a sudden, violent

change from capitalism to Socialism.

If it seemed necessary, abundant testimony to the truthfulness of this

claim could be produced. But I shall content myself with two

witnesses--chosen from the multitude of available witnesses for reasons

which will unfold themselves. The first witness is Marx himself. I

choose his testimony, mainly, because there is no other name so great as

his, and, secondly, to show that his profoundest thought rejected the

idea of sudden social transformations which at times he seemed to favor.

It is 1850. Marx is in London, actively engaged in a German Communist

movement with its Central Committee in that great metropolis. The

majority are impatient, feverishly urging revolt; they are under the

illusion that they can make the Social Revolution at once. Marx tells

them, on the contrary, that it will take fifty years "not only to change

existing conditions but to change yourselves and make yourselves worthy

of political power." They, the majority, say on the other hand, "We

ought to get power at once, or else give up the fight." Marx tries

vainly to make them see this, and resigns when he fails, scornfully

telling them that they "substitute revolutionary phrases for

_revolutionary evolution_."[198] Mark well that term, "revolutionary

evolution," for it bears out the description I have attempted of the

sense in which we speak of revolution in the Socialist propaganda of

to-day. And mark well, also, that Marx gave them fifty years simply to

make themselves worthy of political power.

As the second witness, I choose Liebknecht, whose name must always be

associated with those of Marx, Engels, and Lassalle, in Socialist

history. Not alone because of the fact that Liebknecht, more than almost

any other man, has influenced the tactics of the international Socialist

movement, but for the additional reason that detached phrases of his are

sometimes quoted in support of the opposite view. Words spoken in

oratorical and forensic passion, or in the bravado of irresponsible

youthfulness, and texts torn from their contexts, are used to show that

Liebknecht anticipated the violent transformation of society. But heed

this, one of many similar statements of his maturest and profoundest

thought: "_But we are not going to attain Socialism at one bound. The

transition is going on all the time_, and the important thing for us ...

is not to paint a picture of the future--which in any case would be

useless labor--_but to forecast a practical programme for the

intermediate period, to formulate and justify measures that shall be

applicable at once, and that will serve as aids to the new Socialist

birth_."[199]

So much, then, for quotations from the mightiest of all our hosts. What

I would make clear is not merely that the greatest of Socialist

theorists and tacticians agree that the change will be brought about

gradually, and not by one stroke of revolutionary action, but that, more

important still, the Socialist Party of this country, and all the

Socialist parties of the world, are based upon that idea. That is why

they have their political programmes, aiming to make the conditions of

life better now, in the transition period, and also to aid in the happy,

peaceful birth of the new order.

Having disposed of the notion that Socialists expect to realize their

ideals by a single stroke, and thus swept away some of the greatest

obstacles which rise before the imagination of the student of

Socialism, we obtain a clearer vision of the problem. And that is no

small advance toward its solution.

Concerning the political organization of the Socialist state, so far as

the extension of political democracy is concerned, not much need be

said. You can very readily comprehend that this may be done by legal,

constitutional means. Step by step, just as we attain power enough to do

so, we shall extend the power of the people until we have a complete

political democracy. Where, as in some of the Southern States, there is

virtually a property qualification for the franchise, where that remnant

of feudalism, the poll tax, remains, Socialists, whenever they come into

power in those states, or whenever they are strong enough to force the

issue, will insist upon making the franchise free. And where, as in this

state, there is a sex qualification for the franchise, women being

denied the suffrage, they will work unceasingly to do away with that

relic of barbarism. By means of such measures as the Initiative and

Referendum, and election of judges by the people, the sovereignty of the

people will be established. It may be that without some constitutional

amendments it will be found impossible to make political democracy

complete. In that case, moving along the line of least resistance, they

will do all that they can within the limits of the Constitution as it

is, changing it whenever by reason of their power they deem that

practicable.

As to the organization of the industrial life of the Socialist state,

bringing industry from private to public control, here, too, Socialists

will work along the line of least resistance. First of all, it must be

remembered that there are tendencies to that end within society at

present. Every development of industry and commerce, from competition to

monopoly, so far as it centers the control in few hands and organizes

the industry or business, makes it possible to take it over without

dislocation, and, at the same time, makes it the interest of a larger

number to help in bringing about that transfer. In like manner every

voluntary cooeperative organization of producers makes for the Socialist

ideal. This is a far less important matter in the United States than in

England and other European countries. Finally, we have the enormous

extension of public functions developed already in capitalist society,

and being constantly extended. Our postal system, public schools, state

universities, libraries, museums, art galleries, parks, bureaus of

research and information, hospitals, sanatoria, municipal ferries, water

supply, fire departments, health boards, lighting systems, these, and a

thousand other activities of our municipalities and states, and the

nation, are so many forms created by capitalism to meet its own needs

which belong, however, to Socialism and require only to be infused with

the Socialist spirit. This will be done as they come under the

influence of Socialists elected to various legislative and

administrative bodies in ever increasing number as the movement grows.

All this is not difficult to comprehend. What is more likely to perplex

the average man is the method by which Socialists propose to effect the

transfer of individual or corporate property to the collectivity. Will

it be confiscated, taken without recompense; and if so, will it not be

necessary to take the bank savings of the poor widow as well as the

millions of the millionaire? On the other hand, if compensation is

given, will there not be still a privileged class, a wealthy class, that

is, and a poorer class? These are the questions I see written upon your

faces as I look down upon them and read the language of their strained

interest. Every face seems a challenge to answer these questions. I

shall try to answer them with perfect candor, as far as that is possible

within the limits of our time. May I not ask you, then, to follow

carefully a brief series of propositions, or postulates, which I shall,

with your permission, lay before you?

_First:_ The act of transfer, whether it take the form of confiscation

or otherwise, must be the will of a legal majority of the people. If the

unit is the city, a legal majority of the citizens there; if the unit is

the state, then a legal majority of the citizens of the state; if the

unit is the nation, then a legal majority in the nation. I use the term

"legal majority" to indicate my profound conviction that the process

itself must be a legal, constitutional process. Of course, in the event

of some great upheaval occurring, such as, for example, the rising of a

suffering and desperate people in consequence of some terrific panic or

period of depression, brought on by capitalist misrule, or by war, this

might be swept away. Throughout the world's history such upheavals have

occurred, when the people's wrath, or their desperation, has assumed the

form of a cyclone, and in such times laws have been of no more

resistance than straws in the pathway of the cyclone sweeping across the

plain. Omitting such dire happenings from our calculations--for so we

must wish to do--we may lay down this principle of the imperative

necessity for a legal majority, acting in legal manner.

_Second:_ The process must be gradual. There will be no _coup de force_.

No effort will be made to socialize those industries which have not been

made ready by a degree of monopolization. This we can say with

confidence, if for no other reason than that we cannot conceive a legal

majority being stirred sufficiently to take action in the absence of

some degree of oppression or danger, such as monopoly alone contains.

Further, as a matter of hard, practical sense, it is not conceivable

that any government will ever be able to deal with all the industries

at one time. The railroads may be first to be taken, or it may be the

mines in one state and the oil wells in another. The important point is

to see that the process of socialization _must_ be piecemeal and

gradual. This does not mean that it must be a _slow_ process, suggesting

the slowness of geologic formations, but that it must be gradual,

progressive, advancing from step to step, and giving opportunities for

adjusting things. Otherwise there would be chaos and anarchy.

_Third:_ The manner of the acquisition must be determined by the people

at the time, and not fixed by us in advance, according to some abstract

principle. If the people decide to take any particular individual or

corporate property without compensation, that will be done. And they

will have great historic precedents for their action. The Socialists of

Europe could point to the manner in which many of the feudal estates and

rights were confiscated, while American Socialists could point to the

manner in which, without indemnity or compensation, chattel slavery was

abolished.

So much is said merely by way of explanation, first, that the manner of

acquiring private and corporate property and making it social property

is not to be decided in advance, and secondly, that there are historic

precedents for confiscation. On the other hand, there is no good reason

why compensation should not be paid for such properties. You start! You

have been more shocked than if I had said we should seize the properties

and cut the throats of the proprietors! Be assured: I am not forgetting

my promise to be frank with you, nor am I expressing my personal opinion

merely when I say that there is nothing in the theory of modern

Socialism which precludes the possibility of compensation. There is no

Socialist of repute and authority in the world, so far as my knowledge

goes, who makes a contrary claim. I should regard it as unworthy to lay

down as the Socialist position views which were my own, and which were

not shared by the great body of Socialist thinkers throughout the world.

It is not less nor more than the truth that all the leading Socialists

of the world agree that compensation could be paid without doing

violence to a single Socialist principle, and most of them favor

it.[200]

Once more I shall appeal to the authority of Marx. Engels wrote in 1894:

"We do not at all consider the indemnification of the proprietors as an

impossibility, whatever may be the circumstances. How many times has not

Karl Marx expressed to me the opinion that if we could buy up the whole

crowd it would really be the cheapest way of relieving ourselves of

them."[201] Not only Marx, then, in the most intimate of his discussions

with Engels, his bosom friend, but Engels himself, in almost his last

days, refused to admit the impossibility of paying indemnity for

properties socialized, "_whatever may be the circumstances_."

Now, as to the difficulties--especially as to the widow's savings. The

socialization of non-productive wealth is not contemplated by any

Socialist, no matter whether it consist of the widow's savings in a

stocking or the treasures in the safe deposit vaults of the rich. Mere

wealth, whether in money or precious gems and jewels, need not trouble

us. Non-productive wealth is outside of our calculation. In the next

place, as I have attempted to make clear, the petty business, the

individual store, the small workshop, and the farm operated by its

owner, would not, necessarily, nor probably, be disturbed. We have to

consider only the great agencies of exploitation, industries operated by

many producers of surplus-value for the benefit of the few. Let us, for

example, take a conspicuous industrial organization, the so-called Steel

Trust. Suppose the Socialists to be in power: there is a popular demand

for the socialization of the steel industry. The government decides to

take over the plant of the Steel Trust and all its affairs, and the

support of the vast majority of the people is assured. First a

valuation takes place, and then bonds, government bonds, are issued.

Unlike what happens too often at the present time, the price fixed is

not greatly in excess of the value the people acquire--one of the means

by which the capitalists fasten their clutches on the popular throat.

The Socialist _spirit_ enters into the business. Bonds are issued to all

the shareholders in strict proportion to their holdings, and so the poor

widow, concerning whose interests critics of Socialism are so

solicitous, gets bonds for her share. She is therefore even more secure

than before, since it is no longer possible for unscrupulous individuals

to plunder her by nefarious stock transactions.

So far, good and well. But, you may rightly say, this will not eliminate

the unearned incomes. The heavy stockholders will simply become rich

bondholders. Temporarily, that is true. But when that has been

accomplished in a few of the more important industries, they will find

it difficult to invest their surplus incomes profitably. There will also

be a surplus to the state over and above the amounts annually paid in

redemption of the bonds. Finally, it will be possible to adopt measures

for eliminating the unearned incomes entirely by means of taxation, such

as the progressive income tax, property and inheritance taxes. Taxation

is, of course, a form of confiscation, but it is a form which has

become familiar, which is perfectly legal, and which enables the

confiscatory process to be stretched out over a long enough period to

make it comparatively easy, to reduce the hardship to a minimum. By

means of a progressive income tax, a bond tax, and an inheritance tax,

it would be possible to eliminate the unearned incomes of a class of

bondholders from society within a reasonable period, without inflicting

injury or hardship upon any human being.

I do not, let me again warn you, set this plan before you as one which

Socialism depends upon, which must be adopted. I do not say that the

Socialist parties of the world are pledged to this method, for they are

not. The subject is not mentioned in any of our programmes, so far as I

recall them at this moment. We are silent upon the subject, not because

we fear to discuss it, but because we realize that the matter will be

decided when the question is reached, and that each case will be decided

upon its merits. Still, it is but fair to express my belief that it is

to the interest of the workers, no less than of the rest of society,

that the change to a Socialist state be made as easy and peaceable as

possible. Socialists, being human beings and not monsters, naturally

desire that the transition to Socialism shall be made with as little

friction and pain as possible. Left to their own choice, I am confident

that those upon whom the task of effecting the change falls will not

choose the way of violence, if the way of peace is left open to them.

Within the limits of this opportunity, I have tried to be as frank as I

am to myself in those constant self-questionings which are inseparable

from the work of the serious propagandist and honest teacher. Further I

cannot go. If I have not been able to tell definitely how the change

_will_ be wrought, I have at least been able, I hope, to show that it

_may_ be brought about peaceably and without bloodshed. If this has

given any one a new view of Socialism--opened, as it were, a doorway

through which you can get a glimpse of the City Beautiful, and the way

leading to its gates--then my reward is infinitely precious.

FOOTNOTES:

[197] From the stenographic report of an address given to some students

of Socialism in New York, October, 1907.

[198] Cf. Jaures, _Studies in Socialism_, page 44.

[199] Quoted by Jaures, _Studies in Socialism_, page 93.

[200] The reader is referred to Kautsky's books, _Das Erfurter Program_

and _The Social Revolution_, and to Vandervelde's admirable work,

_Collectivism_, for confirmation of this statement.

[201] Quoted by Vandervelde, _Collectivism_, page 155.

INDEX

(Titles in Italics)

Abbe Lancellotti, quoted, 27-28.

_Abuses of Injunctions, The_, 196 n.

_A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy_, 93, 202, 206,

212, 245 n.

Adams, Mr. Brooks, 156.

Adler, G., 64 n.

AFRICA:

American investments in, 118;

cannibalism in, 78;

Moors in, 95;

slavery in, 26.

Agriculture, concentration in, 121, 131-137.

Aix-la-Chapelle, conference of sovereigns at, 49.

_A Lecture on Human Happiness_, 206.

_A Letter to Lord John Russell_, 206.

"Alfred" (Samuel Kydd), quoted, 23.

Alliance de la Democratie Socialiste, the, 69 n.

Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers, the, 195.

Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants, the, 197.

AMERICA:

class divisions and struggles in, 163-169, 176-178, 182-184, 192-197;

concentration of wealth in, 124-150;

discovery of, 94-97;

first cotton from, used in England, 30-31;

foreign capital invested in, 118;

Socialism in, 4, 167.

_See also_ UNITED STATES.

American Association for the Advancement of Science, 146.

_American Farmer, The_, 136 n., 168 n., 306 n.

_American Federationist, The_, 13 n.

American Federation of Labor, 183.

American Railway Union, the, 194.

American Revolution, the, 79.

_A Modest Inquiry into the Nature and Necessity of a Paper Currency_,

245.

ANARCHISM:

Socialism and, 2;

weak where Socialism is strong, 181.

Anaximander, 232.

_Ancient Society, or Researches in the Lines of Human Progress_, 97 n.,

102 n.

_An Inquiry concerning Political Justice_, 204.

_An Inquiry into the Principles of the Distribution of Wealth_, 204.

Anstey, Mr., satire on Socialist regime, 281.

Anthracite coal strike, 1903, 174.

_Arena, The_, 196 n.

_A Report on Labor Disturbances in the State of Colorado_, etc., 174 n.

Argyles, relation of Mrs. Marx to the, 66.

Aristotle, 81.

Arkwright, English inventor, 19.

ASIA:

American capital invested in, 118;

savages in Central, 95;

supposed origin of feudalism in, 106.

Atheism, Marx and, 69, 70 n.

Athens, 104.

_A Treatise on Taxes and Constitutions_, 244 n.

_Aus dem literarischen Nachlass von Karl Marx, Friederich Engels,

und Ferdinand Lassalle_, 64 n.

Australia, American capital invested in, 118.

_Austrian Labor Almanac, The_, 66 n.

"Austrian" school of economists, the, 257.

Aveling, Edward, 93 n., 210 n.;

Eleanor Marx, 210 n., 212.

Bachofen, 101.

Baden, concentration of wealth in, 140-142.

Bakeshops, concentration of ownership of, 124.

Bakunin, Michael, 66, 69 n., 88.

Bantu tribes of Africa, 102.

Bax, E. Belfort, 61 n., 67 n., 93 n.

Beaulieu, Leroy, 141.

Beer, M., 87 n.

Bellamy, Edward, 9.

Bernstein, Edward, 139, 203, 204 n.

Bigelow, Melville, 156 n.

Bismarck, Marx and, 92.

"Blacklisting," 173.

Blanc, Louis, 12.

Bolte, letter from Marx to, 88 n.

Bookstaver, Justice, 196.

Bootblacks, 127.

Bray, John Francis, 203, 207.

_Briefe und Auszuege aus Briefen von Joh. Phil. Becker_, etc., 120.

Brisbane, Albert, 55.

British Museum, Marx and the, 209, 210, 213.

Brook Farm, 53.

Brooks, George, 69 n.

Buffalo _Express_ strike, 196.

Cabet, Etienne, 54, 57-60, 231.

California, cost of growing wheat in, 131.

Call, Henry Laurens, 146.

Campanella, 9.

Cannibalism, 78, 102, 103.

_Capital_:

dedication of, 208;

English character of, 213-214;

Liebknecht on, 209;

quoted, 28, 29, 87, 93 n., 115, 206, 228 n., 239, 274, 275;

relation of to Socialism, 119.

CAPITAL:

nature of, 236;

Socialists advocate abolition of, 237.

_Capitalist and Laborer_ (Spargo), 259 n., 284 n.

Capitalist income, the source of, 266 _et seq._

Carlyle, Thomas, quoted, 217, 302.

Cartwright, English inventor, 20.

Casalis, African missionary, quoted, 77.

_Case for the Factory Acts, The_, 310.

_Centralization and the Law: Scientific Legal Education_, 156 n.

_Chansons Revolutionaire_, 325.

_Charles Darwin and Karl Marx, A Comparison_, 93 n.

Chartism and Chartists, 53, 67, 203.

Chase, Salmon P., 45.

Chicago, trial of E. V. Debs at, 194.

Child Labor, 21-26, 31, 39.

Children, feeding of school, 321.

China, Socialism in, 71.

CHRISTIANITY:

embraced by Heinrich Marx, 63-65;

Marx and, 68-70;

Roman Empire and, 89;

Robert Owen and, 51.

_Christianity and the Social Crisis_, 86 n.

Cigar stores, concentration of ownership of, 124.

Civil War, the, 85.

_Claims of Labour and Capital Conciliated, The_, 204.

_Clansmen, The_, 158.

_Clarion, The_, 7 n.

Class consciousness, 151, 165;

President Roosevelt on, 151, 180;

Robert Owen and, 48-49;

Weitling and, 56.

CLASS DIVISIONS:

of capitalism, 157 _et seq._;

of feudalism, 156;

of slavery, 155;

of the United States, 163 _et seq._;

ultimate end of, by Socialism, 200.

Class environment, influence of, on beliefs, etc., 171-175.

Class struggle theory, the, 155 _et seq._

Cleveland, President, 194.

Clodd, Edward, quoted, 76, 82 n.

_Coal Mine Workers, The_, 160 n.

Coeur d'Alene, 183, 192.

Coleridge, Robert Owen and, 31.

_Collectivism_, 306 n.

Cologne assizes, Marx tried at, 208.

Colorado, labor troubles in, 174, 192.

Columbus and the discovery of America, 94-97.

_Coming Slavery, The_, 6, 282.

Commercial crisis in England, 1815, 39-41.

COMMODITY:

definition of a, 236, 239-241;

labor power as a, 263 _et seq._;

money as a, 255-256;

sunshine called a, 241 n.;

value of a, determined by labor, 243-254.

_Common Sense of Socialism, The_, (Spargo), 168.

Communism, political, 13, 14, 15, 54, 55;

primitive, 97, 101-102.

Communist League, the, 60, 61.

_Communist Manifesto, The_:

birth-cry of modern Socialism, 53;

joint authorship of, 62, 73-74;

publication of, 62;

quoted, 71, 72, 73, 153-154;

summary of, by Engels, 72;

taxation of land values advocated in, 268 n.

Compensation, Socialism and, _see_ CONFISCATION.

Competition, 98-101, 114, 115, 148, 149.

_Comrade, The_, 10 n., 68 n.

Concentration of capital and wealth, the, 115 _et seq._

_Condition of the Working Class in England in 1844, The_, 67, 74.

Confiscation of property, Socialism and, 331, 333-337.

Constitution, the, and Socialism, 329-330.

Consumer, exploitation of the, 189.

Cooke-Taylor, R. W., 23 n., 24.

Cooeperation, among animals, 98, 99;

Owen and, 45;

under Socialism, 299, 300, 305.

_Corn-Law Rhymes, The_, 1.

Cossa, Luigi, quoted, 215.

Cotton manufacture in England, 29 _et seq._;

Engels and, 67.

Credit functions in Socialist regime, 300-302.

Crimean War, the, 36-38, 232.

Cripple Creek, 174 n., 183.

_Criticism of the Gotha Programme_, 205, 224.

Crompton, English inventor, 19.

Cromwellian Commonwealth, the, 114.

Dale, David, 24.

Dante, Marx and, 68.

DARWIN, CHARLES:

appreciation of his work by Marx, 93;

compared to Marx, 73, 93;

letter from, to Marx, 93;

on the struggle for existence, 98;

quoted, 98.

_Das Erfurter Program_, 279 n., 305 n., 315 n.

_Das junge Deutschland in der Schweiz_, 70 n.

Davenay, M., letter from Herbert Spencer to, 6.

Debs, E. V., 193, 194.

DEMOCRACY:

application of principles of, to industry in Socialist regime, 287,

302-305;

only approximately attainable, 288-289;

Socialism and, 287-290, 302-305, 329-330.

_Descent of Man, The_, 98.

Deville, Gabriel, quoted, 237.

Diary of Mrs. Marx quoted, 211-212.

_Die Agrarfrage_, 168 n., 297 n., 306 n.

_Die Bauernfrage in Frankreich und Deutschland_, 306.

_Die Grundlagen der Karl Marx'schen Kritik der bestehenden

Volkswirthschaft_, 64.

_Die Neue Zeit_, 64 n.

_Die Voraussetzungen des Socializmus_, 139.

Directive ability, 228 n., 273-275.

Direct legislation, 289, 329-330.

_Directory of Directors, The_, 117.

_Disclosures about the Communists' Process_, 61.

Drinkwater, partner of Robert Owen, 29-31.

_Eastern Question, The_, 210 n., 212 n.

_Economic Foundations of Society, The_, 87 n.

_Economic Interpretation of History, The_ (Rogers), 94 n., 95 n.

_Economic Interpretation of History, The_ (Seligman), 81 n., 82 n.,

83 n., 85 n., 91 n.

_Economic Journal, The_, 198 n.

_Economics of Socialism, The_, 38 n., 257 n.

_Economic Writings of Sir William Petty, The_, 215 n.

Edison, 227.

_Effects of Civilization on the People of the European States, The_,

203.

_Eighteenth Brumaire, The_, 90.

_Elements of Political Economy_ (Nicholson), 241 n.

Elliott, Ebenezer, quoted, 1.

Ely, Professor R. T., 46, 115, 132, 140;

quoted, 79, 138, 148.

Emerson, R. W., on Robert Owen, 50-52.

ENGELS, FRIEDERICH:

birth and early training, 66-67;

collaboration with Marx in authorship of _Manifesto_, 62;

first meeting with Marx, 67;

friendship with O'Connor and Owen, 67;

his _Condition of the Working Class in England in 1844_, 67;

joins International Alliance with Marx, 61;

life in England, 67;

linguistic abilities, 67;

journalistic work, 67;

poem on, 74;

quoted, 17, 54, 73-74, 91, 105, 120, 153-154, 186, 306 n., 334-335;

share in authorship of _Manifesto_, 73;

views upon confiscation of capitalist property, 335.

England, industrial revolution in, 19 _et seq._;

Social Democratic Federation of, 283-284;

trade unions in, 45, 197-199.

Ensor, R. C. K., 283, 306 n.

Equality, Socialists and, 2, 312, 316.

Eskimos, the, 102.

_Essai sur la repartition des richesses et sur la tendance a une moindre

inegalite des conditions_, 141 n.

_Essay on Robert Owen_, 50 n.

_Essays on the Formation of Human Character_, 34.

_Ethics and the Materialistic Conception of History_, 171 n.

Europe, growth of Socialism in, 4.

Everet's wool-dressing machine, 27.

_Fabian Tracts, The_, 124 n., 144 n.

_Factory System and the Factory Acts, The_, 24.

Family, _see_ Marriage.

Farmers, class interests of, 164, 166-169.

Farms, mortgages and ownership of, 133-134;

number of, in United States, 133;

permanence of small, 134;

under Socialism, 128 n.

Ferdinand and Isabella, 95.

_Ferdinand Lassalle as a Social Reformer_, 204 n.

Ferri, Enrico, 78, 93 n.

Feudalism, duration of, 107;

nature of, 108-110;

origin of, 106-107;

theory of, 108.

Feuerbach, Ludwig, 89.

_Feuerbach, the Roots of the Socialist Philosophy_, 86 n., 89 n.

_Figaro, The_, 6.

"Final Utility" theory of value, the, 257.

Fourier, Charles, 32, 46, 48, 50, 54, 231.

Foxwell, Professor, 206, 207 n.;

quoted, 206.

France, concentration of wealth in, 141.

Franklin, Benjamin, 244, 245, 307;

estimate of, by Marx, 245 n.;

his views upon value, 245;

quoted, 245.

Freeman, Justice, 195.

"Free Soil" movement, the, 57.

Freiligrath, F., 208.

_French and German Socialism_, 46 n.

Garrison, W. Lloyd, 85.

Garwood, John, poem by, quoted, 35.

Gentz, M., 49.

George, Henry, 268 n.

German Socialists in America, F. Engels on, 120.

GERMANY:

Anarchism weak in, 181;

ribbon loom invented in, 27;

Socialism in, 167;

use of loom in, forbidden, 28.

_Geschichte der deutschen Sozialdemokratie_, 64 n.

Ghent, W. J., 32, 83, 124, 171 n., 178;

quoted, 175.

Gibbins, H. de B., quoted, 21, 22, 26.

Giddings, Professor F. H., quoted, 310.

Giffen, Sir Robert, 143.

Gildersleeve, Justice, 196.

Glasgow, conference of manufacturers in, 39.

_God's England or the Devil's?_ 69 n.

Godwin, William, 203, 204.

Gompers, Samuel, quoted, 13 n.

Gossen, 257 n.

Gotha Programme of German Socialist Party, 205, 224, 229.

Gray, John, 203, 206.

Green, J. Richard, 79.

_Growth of Monopoly in English Industry, The_, 124 n.

_Guaranties of Harmony and Freedom, The_, 55.

_Guide to the Study of Political Economy_, 215.

Hall, Charles, 203.

Hall, Professor Thomas C., 89 n.

Hamburg, loom publicly burned in, 28.

Hanna, Marcus A., 183.

Hargreaves, English inventor, 19.

Harrington, 82.

Hazelton and Homestead, 183.

Heath, Frederic, 55 n.

Hebrews, religious conceptions of the, 86.

Heine, Heinrich, 66.

_Herr Vogt_, 61.

Hillquit, Morris, 46 n., 228 n.;

quoted, 55-57.

_History and Criticism of the Labor Theory of Value_, 205 n.

_History of Socialism_, 46 n.

_History of Socialism in the United States_, 46 n., 55 n.

_History of the Factory System_, 23.

Hobbes, 261.

Hodgskin, Thomas, 203, 207.

Hull, Henry, 215 n.

Huxley, Professor, 77, 98.

Hyndman, H. M., 38 n., 257 n.

Ibsen, 15.

Icaria, 59.

Idaho, class struggle in, 183, 192.

Immigration, 127 n.

Individualism, Socialism and, 280.

_Industrial History of England, The_, 21 n., 22 n., 26 n.

Industrial revolution in England, the, 19 _et seq._

Ingalls, Senator John J., 148.

Initiative and Referendum, the, 289, 329-330.

Injunctions in labor disputes, 193 _et seq._

International Alliance, the, 61.

International Cigarmakers' Union, 195.

_International Socialist Review, The_, 11, 88 n., 224 n.

International Typographical Union, 196.

Iron Law of Wages, the, 262-265.

Isaiah, quoted, 9.

Jaures, Jean, 306 n., 327 n., 328 n.

_Jesus Christ and the Social Question_, 69 n.

Jevons, Professor W. S., 257 n.

Jones, Lloyd, biographer of Owen, 19.

Jones, Owen's first partner, 29.

_Justice_ (London), 61 n., 67 n.

_Karl Marx: Biographical Memoirs_, 17 n., 64 n., 66 n., 93 n., 209 n.,

212 n.

_Karl Marx's Nationaloekonomische Irrlehren_, 92 n.

Karl Marx on Sectarianism and Dogmatism, 88 n.

Kautsky, Karl, 66 n., 171 n., 297 n., 305 n., 306 n., 324 n.;

quoted, 128, 168.

Kipling, Rudyard, quoted, 96.

Kirkup, Thomas, 46 n.

Kropotkin, Peter, 99, 100, 285, 286 n.

Kydd, Samuel ("Alfred"), 23 n.

Labor, defined by Mallock, 228-229;

by Marx, 228.

_Labor Defended against the Claims of Capital_, 206.

_Labor History of the Cripple Creek District_, 174 n.

Labor Notes, 314.

Labor-power, a commodity, 263 _et seq._;

determines value, 243-254.

_Labour and Capital; a Letter to a Labour Friend_, 284 n.

_Labour's Wrongs and Labour's Remedy_, 207.

_La Conquete du pain_, 286 n.

Lafargue, Paul, 128 n., 297 n.

Lamarck, 72.

_La Misere de la Philosophie_, 201, 203 n.

Land, ownership of, under Socialism, 297;

under tribal communism, 72, 97.

_La Philosophie de la Misere_, 201.

Lassalle, Ferdinand, 64 n., 204 n., 225, 262-263, 264, 265.

Lauderdale, Lord, 49, 257.

_Lectures on the Nature and Use of Money_, 206.

Lee, Algernon, quoted, 172, 275.

Leibnitz, 64, 77;

quoted, 76.

Leslie, John ("J. L."), quoted, 74 n.

_L'Etat Socialiste_, 315.

Liebknecht, W., 64 n., 66 n., 212 n.;

quoted, 17, 93, 209, 327-328.

_Life of Francis Place_, 207 n.

_Life of Robert Owen_ (anonymous), 30 n.

Lincoln, Abraham, 43-44.

Lloyd, W. F., 257 n.

Locke, 64.

Lockwood, George Browning, 39 n., 41 n.

London, Jack, 182 n.

Lothrop, Harriet E., 224 n.

Lovejoy, 85.

Lubbock, Sir John, 101.

Luddites, the, 26, 36.

Luther, Martin, 80, 88.

Lyell, 77.

Macdonald, J. R., 225.

Machinery, introduction of, 19, 20, 26-29.

Machinists' Union sued, 198.

McMaster, 79.

Macrosty, H. W., 124.

Maine, Sir Henry, 101.

Mallock, W. H., 119, 221, 222, 223, 224, 226, 227, 228, 230, 274, 275.

Malthus, 98.

Marr, Wilhelm, 70 n.

Marriage, Socialism and, 292-293.

MARX, KARL:

birth and early life, 63-65;

_Capital_ written in London, 209;

collaborates with Engels, 62, 73;

conversion to Socialism, 68-70;

correspondent for New York _Tribune_, 210;

death, 213;

domestic felicity, 212-213;

edits _Rhenish Gazette_, 65, 67;

expelled from different countries, 209;

finds refuge in England, 209;

first meeting with F. Engels, 67;

his attacks upon Proudhon, 201-202;

his obligations to the Ricardians, 203;

his surplus value theory, 203, 205, 206, 266-270;

in German revolution of 1848, 208;

Jewish ancestry, 63-64;

marriage, 65-66;

mastery of art of definition, 217;

misrepresentation by Mallock of his views, 221-230;

opposes Bakunin, 69-70;

parents' religious beliefs, 64-65;

poverty, 210-212;

quoted, 27, 28, 29, 61, 86, 87, 89, 90, 93, 115, 191, 202, 217, 236,

239, 245 n., 263, 274, 275, 327, 334-335;

related to Argyles through marriage, 66;

scientific methods of, 231-234;

spiritual nature of, 68-70;

starts _New Rhenish Gazette_, 208;

views on confiscation of capitalist property, 334-335;

views on Social Revolution, 326-327.

_Mass and Class_, 83 n., 171 n., 175 n., 178 n.

Massey, Gerald, quoted, 52 n.

Mayo-Smith, Richmond, 142, 143.

Mazzini, G., 60.

Mehring, Franz, 64 n., 224 n.

Menger, Dr. Anton, 203, 205, 206 n., 207 n.

_Message to Congress_, 177.

Methodism, 89.

Middle Ages, the, 107.

Mill, John Stuart, 216, 217, 227, 242.

Mitchell, John, 183;

quoted, 193.

_Modern Socialism_ (Ensor), 306 n.

_Modern Socialism_ (Spargo), 259 n.

Money, as a commodity, 255-256;

various articles used as, 255.

Money, Chiozza, M.P., 144.

Monopoly, 115, 116, 149, 258, 259.

More, Sir Thomas, 9, 58, 59.

Morgan, J. P., 179.

Morgan, Lewis H., 97, 101, 102 n.

Morris, William, quoted, 2, 20.

_Mutual Aid a Factor of Evolution_, 99 n., 100 n.

Napoleon, 114, 250.

National Association of Manufacturers, the, 183.

National Civic Federation, the, 183, 222 n.

_Natural and Artificial Right of Property Contrasted, The_, 206-207.

"New Christianity" of Saint-Simon, the, 68.

New Harmony, 43, 44, 45, 51.

_New Harmony Communities, The_, 39 n., 41 n.

New Lanark, 31-34, 41, 50.

_New Moral World, The_, 11.

Newton, Sir Isaac, 152.

Newton, Wales, 45.

New York _Sun_, the, 196.

Nicholson, Professor J. S., 241 n.

_Northern Star, The_, 67.

Norway, 2.

_Notes on Feuerbach_, 86 n.

_Oceana_, 82.

_Organized Labor_, 183 n.

_Origin of Species, The_, 72.

_Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State, The_, 105.

_Our Benevolent Feudalism_, 124.

OWEN, ROBERT:

advises Cabet, 60;

as cotton manufacturer, 29-34;

at Aix-la-Chapelle, 49;

Autobiography of, 24 n.;

becomes Socialist, 41;

begins agitation for factory legislation, 31;

biography of, 19;

dying words of, 50;

Emerson's view of, 50-52;

Engels' estimate of, 17;

establishes infant schools, 32;

first to use word "Socialism," 11;

founder of cooeperative movement, 45;

his failure, 45;

improves spinning machinery, 30;

Liebknecht on, 17;

Lincoln and, 43-44;

New Harmony, 43-45;

New Lanark, 31-34;

presides over first Trade Union Congress, 45;

proposes establishment of communistic villages, 41;

quoted, 24, 25, 34, 35, 37-38, 39-41;

scepticism of, 18;

speech to manufacturers, 39-41;

views on crisis of 1815, 37;

views of Fourier's ideas, 50.

Owen, Robert Dale, letter of, to Lincoln, 44.

Owenism, synonymous with Socialism, 11.

Peabody, Professor, 69 n.

Peel, Sir Robert, 31.

Petty, Sir William, 214, 215, 242, 244;

quoted, 215, 216, 243-244.

_Pioneers of Evolution from Thales to Huxley_, 76 n., 82 n.

Place, Francis, 207.

Plato, 9.

Podmore, Frank, 19 n.

_Political Economy_ (Senior), 214 n.

_Poverty of Philosophy, The_, 201 n.

_Present Distribution of Wealth in the United States, The_, 144 n.

Price, an approximation of value, 254 _et seq._

Prices and Wages, 189.

_Principles of Economics_ (Seligman), 259 n.

_Principles of Political Economy and Taxation_, 246 n., 249 n., 262 n.

_Principles of Sociology, The_, 286 n., 313-314 n.

Private property, origin of, 97, 102-103;

transformation to social, 331-337;

under the Socialist regime, 128, 296-300, 316-317.

Protestant Reformation, the, 80, 114.

Proudhon, P. J., 66, 201, 202.

Pullman Strike, the, 193-194.

_Quarterly Journal of Economics, The_, 15.

Quelch, II., 201 n.

Rappites, the, 45.

Rastall, Benjamin McKie, 174 n.

Rauschenbusch, Professor, 86.

Referendum, the, 289, 329-330.

_Reformateurs Modernes_, 11.

_Remarks and Facts relative to the American Paper Currency_, 245 n.

_Reminiscences of Karl Marx_, 68 n.

Rent of Ability, the, 273-275.

_Report of the Royal Commission on Labour_, 70 n.

_Republic, The_, 12.

Republican Party, the, 2, 312 n.

Revisionism, 132.

_Revolution and Counter-Revolution_, 210, 212 n.

_Revolution in Mind and Practice, The_, 49 n.

Revolution of 1848, 208.

_Revue Politique et Parliamentaire_, 128, 297 n.

Reybaud, L., 11.

Ricardians, the, 202-208, 229, 242.

Ricardo, David, 205, 214, 215, 216, 217, 227, 242, 245, 246, 247, 248,

250;

quoted, 245-246, 262.

_Riches and Poverty_, 144.

_Right to the Whole Produce of Labour, The_, 205 n., 206 n., 207 n.

Riley, W. Harrison, 68 n.

Rockefeller, John D., 179.

Rogers, Thorold, 83, 84, 94 n., 95 n.

Roosevelt, President, 151, 180, 312 n.;

quoted, 177.

Ruge, Arnold, 66.

Russell, Lord John, 206.

Sadler, Michael, 26 n.

Saint-Simon, 7, 9, 12, 46, 48, 231, 232.

Salt, H. S., 26 n.

San Francisco, disaster in, 158-159.

Sanial, Lucien, 129, 145.

Saxony, concentration of wealth in, 143.

Scarcity values, 249-250.

Schiller, quoted, 85.

Seabury, Judge, 196 n.

Seligman, Professor E. R. A., 81 n., 82, 83, 84, 85 n., 91, 259.

Senior, Nassau, 214.

_Shall the Unions go into Politics?_ 184 n.

Simons, A. M., 136, 168 n., 306 n.

Slonimski, Ludwig, 92 n.

Smith, Adam, 160, 206, 214, 215, 227, 242, 247;

quoted, 161-162, 244.

Smith, Professor J. Allen, 289 n.

Smith, Professor Goldwin, 284.

_Social Democracy Red Book_, 55 n.

_Social Meaning of Modern Religious Movements in England, The_, 89 n.

SOCIALISM:

and assassination, 1, 3;

cooeperation under, 299, 300, 305;

credit functions under, 300-302;

definition of the word, 9;

democracy essential to, 287-289;

education under, 318-320;

first use of the word, 10-11;

freedom in religious, scientific, and philosophical matters under,

291-292;

freedom of the individual under, 284-287;

in Europe, 4;

in Germany, 4, 167, 181;

in United States, 4, 167;

inheritance of wealth under, 316-317;

justice under, 318;

labor and its reward under, 311-316;

monopolies and, 115, 128, 148-150, 332-333;

not opposed to individualism, 280 _et seq._;

private property and industry under, 295-300, 335;

realization of, 323 _et seq._;

relation of the sexes under, 293;

religion and, 291-292, 319;

religious training of children and, 319-320;

scientific character of, 231-234;

Utopian and scientific compared, 42;

wages under, 313-315;

wealth under, 316-317, 335;

women's suffrage and, 288, 329.

_Socialism_ (Macdonald), 225 n.

_Socialism_ (Mallock), 221 n.

_Socialism and Social Democracy_, 10 n.

_Socialism Inevitable_, 130, 131.

_Socialism Utopian and Scientific_, 35 n., 47 n., 48.

Socialist Party organizations among farmers, 167.

Social Revolution, the, 324-328.

_Social Revolution, The_, 128 n., 306 n., 315 n., 334 n.

Sombart, Professor Werner, 132.

_Some Neglected British Economists_, 257 n.

_Songs of Freedom_, 26 n.

Sorge, F. A., 120.

Spahr, Charles B., 144.

Spargo, John, 10, 168.

Spencer, Herbert, 6, 8, 282, 313-314 n.;

quoted, 7, 286.

_Spirit of American Government, The_, 289 n.

Standard Oil group, the, 117.

_Statistics and Economics_, 142-143.

Stone, N. I., 245 n.

_Studies in Socialism_, 306 n., 327 n., 328 n.

_Studies in the Evolution of Industrial Society_, 79 n., 115 n., 138 n.,

140 n., 148.

_Sun_, New York, the, 196.

SURPLUS VALUE:

early uses of the term, 205, 206;

the theory developed by Marx, 206, 266;

the theory explained, 266-270;

various theories of, 271-275.

Symonds, J. Addington, 322 n.

"Taff Vale law," 197-199.

Taxation as a means of achieving Socialism, 336-337.

Taxation of land values, 268 n.

Tendencies to socialization within existing state, 279, 330-331.

Texas, Cabet advised to experiment in, 60.

_The People's Marx_, 237 n.

_The Social System, a Treatise on the Principles of Exchange_, 206.

Thompson, William, 203, 204, 205.

Tolstoy, 15, 222.

TRUSTS, _see_ CONCENTRATION OF CAPITAL _and_ MONOPOLY.

Unionism, principles of labor, 184 _et seq._

United Mine Workers' Union, the, 159-160.

UNITED STATES:

classes in, 164-169, 176-179;

concentration of wealth and capital in, 124-150;

farms and farm mortgages in, 133-134;

millionaires in, 146-148;

Socialism in, 4, 167;

strikes in, 182.

United States Steel Corporation, 138.

VALUE:

and price, 254-259;

early labor theory of, 242-252;

Marxian theory of, 250-254;

other theories of, 259.

_Value, Price, and Profit_, 263 n.

Vandervelde, Emile, 306 n., 315 n., 334 n., 335 n.

Vasco de Gama, 96.

Veblen, Professor Thorstein, quoted, 15.

_Volkstribun_, the, 57.

Wallace, Alfred Russell, 77, 81.

Wallas, G., 207.

_War of the Classes, The_, 182 n.

Warne, Frank Julian, 160 n.

Watt, James, 20, 227.

Wealth, defined, 217-221;

inheritance of, under Socialism, 316-317, 335.

_Wealth of Nations, The_, 160, 162 n., 206 n., 213, 244 n., 249 n.

Webb, Mrs. Sidney, 310.

Weitling, Wilhelm, 14, 54, 55, 56, 57.

Whitaker, Dr. A. C., 205 n.

Wilshire, Gaylord, 130 n., 131 n.

Wolf, Wilhelm, 208.

_Worker, The_, 172, 275.

_World as it is, and as it might be, The_, 55.

Wright, Carroll D., 174 n.

_Writings and Speeches of John J. Ingalls_, 148 n.

Youmans, Professor, 77.

Zola, Emile, 15.

In this brief outline of the Socialist state as the writer, in common