THE SUMMONS
The news of the capitulation of Fort Sumter reached Washington on
Sunday morning, April 14th. At a momentous cabinet meeting, President
Lincoln read the draft of a proclamation calling into service
seventy-five thousand men, to suppress combinations obstructing the
execution of the laws in the Southern States. The cabinet was now a
unit. Now that the crisis had come, the administration had a policy.
Would it approve itself to the anxious people of the North? Could it
count upon the support of those who had counselled peace, peace at any
cost?
Those who knew Senator Douglas well could not doubt his loyalty to the
Union in this crisis; yet his friends knew that Union-loving men in
the Democratic ranks would respond to the President's proclamation
with a thousandfold greater enthusiasm, could they know that their
leader stood by the administration. Moved by these considerations,
Hon. George Ashmun of Massachusetts ventured to call upon Douglas on
this Sunday evening, and to suggest the propriety of some public
statement to strengthen the President's hands. Would he not call upon
the President at once and give him the assurance of his support?
Douglas demurred: he was not sure that Mr. Lincoln wanted his advice
and aid. Mr. Ashmun assured him that the President would welcome any
advances, and he spoke advisedly as a friend to both men. The peril of
the country was grave; surely this was not a time when men should let
personal and partisan considerations stand between them and service to
their country. Mrs. Douglas added her entreaties, and Douglas finally
yielded. Though the hour was late, the two men set off for the White
House, and found there the hearty welcome which Ashmun had
promised.[979]
Of all the occurrences of this memorable day, this interview between
Lincoln and Douglas strikes the imagination with most poignant
suggestiveness. Had Douglas been a less generous opponent, he might
have reminded the President that matters had come to just that pass
which he had foreseen in 1858. Nothing of the sort passed Douglas's
lips. The meeting of the rivals was most cordial and hearty. They held
converse as men must when hearts are oppressed with a common burden.
The President took up and read aloud the proclamation summoning the
nation to arms. When he had done, Douglas said with deep earnestness,
"Mr. President, I cordially concur in every word of that document,
except that instead of the call for seventy-five thousand men, I would
make it two hundred thousand. You do not know the dishonest purposes
of those men as well as I do."[980] Why has not some artist seized
upon the dramatic moment when they rose and passed to the end of the
room to examine a map which hung there? Douglas, with animated face
and impetuous gesture, pointing out the strategic places in the coming
contest; Lincoln, with the suggestion of brooding melancholy upon his
careworn face, listening in rapt attention to the quick, penetrating
observations of his life-long rival. But what no artist could put upon
canvas was the dramatic absence of resentment and defeated ambition in
the one, and the patient teachableness and self-mastery of the other.
As they parted, a quick hearty grasp of hands symbolized this
remarkable consecration to a common task.
As they left the executive mansion, Ashmun urged his companion to send
an account of this interview to the press, that it might accompany the
President's message on the morrow. Douglas then penned the following
dispatch: "Senator Douglas called upon the President, and had an
interesting conversation on the present condition of the country. The
substance of it was, on the part of Mr. Douglas, that while he was
unalterably opposed to the administration in all its political issues,
he was prepared to fully sustain the President in the exercise of all
his constitutional functions, to preserve the Union, maintain the
government, and defend the Federal capital. A firm policy and prompt
action was necessary. The capital was in danger, and must be defended
at all hazards, and at any expense of men and money. He spoke of the
present and future without any reference to the past."[981] When the
people of the North read the proclamation in the newspapers, on the
following morning, a million men were cheered and sustained in their
loyalty to the Union by the intelligence that their great leader had
subordinated all lesser ends of party to the paramount duty of
maintaining the Constitution of the fathers. To his friends in
Washington, Douglas said unhesitatingly, "We must fight for our
country and forget all differences. There can be but two parties--the
party of patriots and the party of traitors. We belong to the
first."[982] And to friends in Missouri where disunion sentiment was
rife, he telegraphed, "I deprecate war, but if it must come I am with
my country, and for my country, under all circumstances and in every
contingency. Individual policy must be subordinated to the public
safety."[983]
From this day on, Douglas was in frequent consultation with the
President. The sorely tried and distressed Lincoln was unutterably
grateful for the firm grip which this first of "War Democrats" kept
upon the progress of public opinion in the irresolute border States.
It was during one of these interviews, after the attack upon the Sixth
Massachusetts Regiment in the streets of Baltimore, that Douglas urged
upon the President the possibility of bringing troops by water to
Annapolis, thence to Washington, thus avoiding further conflict in the
disaffected districts of Maryland.[984] Eventually the Eighth
Massachusetts and the Seventh New York reached Washington by this
route, to the immense relief of the President and his cabinet.
Before this succor came to the alarmed capital, Douglas had left the
city for the West. He had received intimations that Egypt in his own
State showed marked symptoms of disaffection. The old ties of blood
and kinship of the people of southern Illinois with their neighbors in
the border States were proving stronger than Northern affiliations.
Douglas wielded an influence in these southern, Democratic counties,
such as no other man possessed. Could he not best serve the
administration by bearding disunionism in its den? Believing that
Cairo, at the confluence of the Mississippi and the Ohio, was destined
to be a strategic point of immense importance in the coming struggle,
and that the fate of the whole valley depended upon the unwavering
loyalty of Illinois, Douglas laid the matter before Lincoln. He would
go or stay in Washington, wherever Lincoln thought he could do the
most good. Probably neither then realized the tremendous nature of the
struggle upon which the country had entered; yet both knew that the
Northwest would be the makeweight in the balance for the Union; and
that every nerve must be strained to hold the border States of
Kentucky and Missouri. Who could rouse the latent Unionism of the
Northwest and of the border States like Douglas? Lincoln advised him
to go. There was a quick hand-grasp, a hurried farewell, and they
parted never to meet again.[985]
Rumor gave strange shapes to this "mission" which carried Douglas in
such haste to the Northwest. Most persistent of all is the tradition
that he was authorized to raise a huge army in the States of the upper
Mississippi Valley, and to undertake that vast flanking movement which
subsequently fell to Grant and Sherman to execute. Such a project
would have been thoroughly consonant with Douglas's conviction of the
inevitable unity and importance of the great valley; but evidence is
wanting to corroborate this legend.[986] Its frequent repetition,
then and now, must rather be taken as a popular recognition of the
complete accord between the President and the greatest of War
Democrats. Colonel Forney, who stood very near to Douglas, afterward
stated "by authority," that President Lincoln would eventually have
called Douglas into the administration or have placed him in one of
the highest military commands.[987] Such importance may be given to
this testimony as belongs to statements which have passed unconfirmed
and unchallenged for half a century.
On his way to Illinois, Douglas missed a train and was detained half a
day in the little town of Bellaire, Ohio, a few miles below Wheeling
in Virginia.[988] It was a happy accident, for just across the river
the people of northwestern Virginia were meditating resistance to the
secession movement, which under the guidance of Governor Letcher
threatened to sever them from the Union-loving population of Ohio and
Pennsylvania. It was precisely in this region, nearly a hundred years
before, that popular sovereignty had almost succeeded in forming a
fourteenth State of the Confederacy. There had always been a disparity
between the people of these transmontane counties and the tide-water
region. The intelligence that Douglas was in Bellaire speedily brought
a throng about the hotel in which he was resting. There were clamors
for a speech. In the afternoon he yielded to their importunities. By
this time the countryside was aroused. People came across the river
from Virginia and many came down by train from Wheeling,[989] Men who
were torn by a conflict of sentiments, not knowing where their
paramount allegiance lay, hung upon his words.
Douglas spoke soberly and thoughtfully, not as a Democrat, not as a
Northern man, but simply and directly as a lover of the Union. "If we
recognize the right of secession in one case, we give our assent to it
in all cases; and if the few States upon the Gulf are now to separate
themselves from us, and erect a barrier across the mouth of that great
river of which the Ohio is a tributary, how long will it be before New
York may come to the conclusion that she may set up for herself, and
levy taxes upon every dollar's worth of goods imported and consumed in
the Northwest, and taxes upon every bushel of wheat, and every pound
of pork, or beef, or other productions that may be sent from the
Northwest to the Atlantic in search of a market?" Secession meant
endless division and sub-division, the formation of petty
confederacies, appeals to the sword and the bayonet instead of to the
ballot.
"Unite as a band of brothers," he pleaded, "and rescue your government
and its capital and your country from the enemy who have been the
authors of your calamity." His eye rested upon the great river. "Ah!"
he exclaimed, a great wave of emotion checking his utterance, "This
great valley must never be divided. The Almighty has so arranged the
mountain and the plain, and the water-courses as to show that this
valley in all time shall remain one and indissoluble. Let no man
attempt to sunder what Divine Providence has rendered indivisible."[990]
As he concluded, anxious questions were put to him, regarding the
rumored retirement of General Scott from the army. "I saw him only
Saturday," replied Douglas. "He was at his desk, pen in hand, writing
his orders for the defense and safety of the American Capital." And as
he repeated the words of General Scott declining the command of the
forces of Virginia--"'I have served my country under the flag of the
Union for more than fifty years, and as long as God permits me to
live, I will defend that flag with my sword; even if my own State
assails it,'"--the crowds around him broke into tumultuous cheers.
Within thirty days the Unionists of western Virginia had rallied,
organized, and begun that hardy campaign which brought West Virginia
into the Union. On the very day that Douglas was making his fervent
plea for the Union, Robert E. Lee cast in his lot with the South.
At Columbus, Douglas was again forced to break his journey; and again
he was summoned to address the crowd that gathered below his window.
It was already dark; the people had collected without concert; there
were no such trappings, as had characterized public demonstrations in
the late campaign. Douglas appeared half-dressed at his bedroom
window, a dim object to all save to those who stood directly below
him. Out of the darkness came his solemn, sonorous tones, bringing
relief and assurance to all who listened, for in the throng were men
of all parties, men who had followed him through all changes of
political weather, and men who had been his persistent foes. There was
little cheering. As Douglas pledged anew his hearty support to
President Lincoln, "it was rather a deep 'Amen' that went up from the
crowd," wrote one who had distrusted hitherto the mighty power of
this great popular leader.[991]
On the 25th of April, Douglas reached Springfield, where he purposed
to make his great plea for the Union. He spoke at the Capitol to
members of the legislature and to packed galleries. Friend and foe
alike bear witness to the extraordinary effect wrought by his words.
"I do not think that it is possible for a human being to produce a
more prodigious effect with spoken words," wrote one who had formerly
detested him.[992] "Never in all my experience in public life, before
or since," testified the then Speaker of the House, now high in the
councils of the nation, "have I been so impressed by a speaker."[993]
Douglas himself was thrilled with his message. As he approached the
climax, the veins of his neck and forehead were swollen with passion,
and the perspiration ran down his face in streams. At times his clear
and resonant voice reverberated through the chamber, until it seemed
to shake the building.[994] While he was in the midst of a passionate
invective, a man rushed into the hall bearing an American flag. The
trumpet tones of the speaker and the sight of the Stars and Stripes
roused the audience to the wildest pitch of excitement.[995] Men and
women became hysterical with the divine madness of patriotism. "When
hostile armies," he exclaimed with amazing force, "When hostile armies
are marching under new and odious banners against the government of
our country, the shortest way to peace is the most stupendous and
unanimous preparation for war. We in the great valley of the
Mississippi have peculiar interests and inducements in the struggle
... I ask every citizen in the great basin between the Rocky Mountains
and the Alleghanies ... to tell me whether he is ever willing to
sanction a line of policy that may isolate us from the markets of the
world, and make us dependent provinces upon the powers that thus
choose to isolate us?... Hence, if a war does come, it is a war of
self-defense on our part. It is a war in defense of the Government
which we have inherited as a priceless legacy from our patriotic
fathers, in defense of those great rights of freedom of trade,
commerce, transit and intercourse from the center to the circumference
of our great continent."[996]
The voice of the strong man, so little given to weak sentiment, broke,
as he said, "I have struggled almost against hope to avert the
calamities of war and to effect a reunion and reconciliation with our
brethren in the South. I yet hope it may be done, but I am not able to
point out how it may be. Nothing short of Providence can reveal to us
the issues of this great struggle. Bloody--calamitous--I fear it will
be. May we so conduct it, if a collision must come, that we will stand
justified in the eyes of Him who knows our hearts, and who will
justify our every act. We must not yield to resentments, nor to the
spirit of vengeance, much less to the desire for conquest or ambition.
I see no path of ambition open in a bloody struggle for triumphs over
my countrymen. There is no path of ambition open for me in a divided
country.... My friends, I can say no more. To discuss these topics is
the most painful duty of my life. It is with a sad heart--with a grief
I have never before experienced--that I have to contemplate this
fearful struggle; but I believe in my conscience that it is a duty we
owe to ourselves and to our children, and to our God, to protect this
Government and that flag from every assailant, be he who he may."
Thereafter treason had no abiding place within the limits of the State
of Illinois. And no one, it may be safely affirmed, could have so
steeled the hearts of men in Southern Illinois for the death grapple.
In a manly passage in his speech, Douglas said, "I believe I may with
confidence appeal to the people of every section of the country to
bear witness that I have been as thoroughly national as any man that
has lived in my day. And I believe if I should make an appeal to the
people of Illinois, or of the Northern States, to their impartial
verdict; they would say that whatever errors I have committed have
been in leaning too far to the Southern section of the Union against
my own.... I have never pandered to the prejudice and passion of my
section against the minority section of the Union." It was precisely
this truth which gave him a hearing through the length and breadth of
Illinois and the Northwest during this crisis.
The return of Douglas to Chicago was the signal for a remarkable
demonstration of regard. He had experienced many strange home-comings.
His Democratic following, not always discriminating, had ever accorded
him noisy homage. His political opponents had alternately execrated
him and given him grudging praise. But never before had men of all
parties, burying their differences, united to do him honor. On the
evening of his arrival, he was escorted to the Wigwam, where hardly a
year ago Lincoln had been nominated for the presidency. Before him
were men who had participated jubilantly in the Republican campaign,
with many a bitter gibe at the champion of "squatter sovereignty."
Douglas could not conceal his gratification at this proof that,
however men had differed from him on political questions, they had
believed in his loyalty. And it was of loyalty, not of himself, that
he spoke. He did not spare Southern feelings before this Chicago
audience. He told his hearers unequivocally that the slavery question,
the election of Lincoln, and the territorial question, were so many
pretexts for dissolving the Union. "The present secession movement is
the result of an enormous conspiracy formed more than a year since,
formed by leaders in the Southern Confederacy more than twelve months
ago." But this was no time to discuss pretexts and causes. "The
conspiracy is now known. Armies have been raised, war is levied to
accomplish it. There are only two sides to the question. Every man
must be for the United States or against it. There can be no neutrals
in this war; _only patriots_--_or traitors_."[997] It was the first
time he had used the ugly epithet.
Hardly had he summoned the people of Illinois to do battle, when again
he touched that pathetic note that recurred again and again in his
appeal at Springfield. Was it the memory of the mother of his boys
that moved him to say, "But we must remember certain restraints on
our action even in time of war. We are a Christian people, and the war
must be prosecuted in a manner recognized by Christian nations. We
must not invade Constitutional rights. The innocent must not suffer,
nor women and children be the victims." Before him were some who felt
toward the people of the South as Greek toward barbarian. But Douglas
foresaw that the horrors of war must invade and desolate the homes of
those whom he still held dear. There is no more lovable and admirable
side of his personality than this tenderness for the helpless and
innocent. Had he but lived to temper justice with mercy, what a power
for good might he not have been in the days of reconstruction!
The summons had gone forth. Already doubts and misgivings had given
way, and the North was now practically unanimous in its determination
to stifle rebellion. There was a common belief that secession was the
work of a minority, skillfully led by designing politicians, and that
the loyal majority would rally with the North to defend the flag.
Young men who responded jubilantly to the call to arms did not doubt,
that the struggle would be brief. Douglas shared the common belief in
the conspiracy theory of secession, but he indulged no illusion as to
the nature of the war, if war should come. Months before the firing
upon Fort Sumter, in a moment of depression, he had prophesied that if
the cotton States should succeed in drawing the border States into
their schemes of secession, the most fearful civil war the world had
ever seen would follow, lasting for years. "Virginia," said he,
pointing toward Arlington, "over yonder across the Potomac, will
become a charnel-house.... Washington will become a city of
hospitals, the churches will be used for the sick and wounded. This
house 'Minnesota Block,' will be devoted to that purpose before the
end of the war."[998] He, at least, did not mistake the chivalry of
the South. Not for an instant did he doubt the capacity of the
Southern people to suffer and endure, as well as to do battle. And he
knew--Ah! how well--the self-sacrifice and devotion of Southern women.
The days following the return of Douglas to Chicago were filled also
with worries and anxieties of a private nature. The financial panic of
1857 had been accompanied by a depression of land values, which caused
Douglas grave concern for his holdings in Chicago, and no little
immediate distress. Unable and unwilling to sacrifice his investments,
he had mortgaged nearly all of his property in Cook County, including
the valuable "Grove Property" in South Chicago. Though he was always
lax in pecuniary matters, and, with his buoyant generous nature,
little disposed to take anxious thought for the morrow, these heavy
financial obligations began now to press upon him with grievous
weight. The prolonged strain of the previous twelve months had racked
even his constitution. He had made heavy drafts on his bodily health,
with all too little regard for the inevitable compensation which
Nature demands. As in all other things, he had been prodigal with
Nature's choicest gift.
Not long after his public address Douglas fell ill and developed
symptoms that gave his physicians the gravest concern. Weeks of
illness followed. The disease, baffling medical skill, ran its
course. Yet never in his lucid moments did Douglas forget the ills of
his country; and even when delirium clouded his mind, he was still
battling for the Union. "Telegraph to the President and let the column
move on," he cried, wrestling with his wasting fever. In his last
hours his mind cleared. Early on the morning of June 3d, he seemed to
rally, but only momentarily. It was evident to those about him that
the great summons had come. Tenderly his devoted wife leaned over him
to ask if he had any message for his boys, "Robbie" and "Stevie." With
great effort, but clearly and emphatically, he replied, "Tell them to
obey the laws and support the Constitution of the United States." Not
long after, he grappled with the great Foe, and the soul of a great
patriot passed on.
"I was ever a fighter, so--one fight more,
The best and the last!
I would hate that death bandaged my eyes, and forbore,
And bade me creep past.
No! let me taste the whole of it, fare like my peers
The heroes of old,
Bear the brunt, in a minute pay glad life's arrears
Of pain, darkness and cold."
With almost royal pomp, the earthly remains of Stephen Arnold Douglas
were buried beside the inland sea that washes the shores of the home
of his adoption. It is a fitting resting place. The tempestuous waters
of the great lake reflect his own stormy career. Yet they have their
milder moods. There are hours when sunlight falls aslant the subdued
surface and irradiates the depths.
* * * * *
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 979: Holland, Life of Lincoln, p. 301.]
[Footnote 980: _Ibid._, p. 302.]
[Footnote 981: Arnold, Lincoln, pp. 200-201. The date of this dispatch
should be April 14, and not April 18.]
[Footnote 982: Forney, Anecdotes, I, p. 224.]
[Footnote 983: New York _Tribune_, April 18.]
[Footnote 984: Forney, Anecdotes, I, p. 225.]
[Footnote 985: Herndon-Weik, Lincoln, II, p. 249 note; Forney,
Anecdotes, I, p. 225.]
[Footnote 986: Many friends of Douglas have assured me of their
unshaken belief in this story.]
[Footnote 987: Forney, Anecdotes, I, pp. 121, 226.]
[Footnote 988: Philadelphia _Press_, April 26, 1861.]
[Footnote 989: Philadelphia _Press_, April 26, 1861.]
[Footnote 990: The Philadelphia _Press_, April 26, 1861, reprinted the
speech from the Wheeling _Intelligencer_ of April 21, 1861.]
[Footnote 991: J.D. Cox, Military Reminiscences of the Civil War, I,
pp. 5-6.]
[Footnote 992: Mr. Horace White in Herndon-Weik, Lincoln, II, pp.
126-127.]
[Footnote 993: Senator Cullom of Illinois, quoted in Arnold, Lincoln,
p. 201, note.]
[Footnote 994: Mr. Horace White in Herndon-Weik, Lincoln, II, pp.
126-127.]
[Footnote 995: Arnold, Lincoln, p. 201, note.]
[Footnote 996: The speech was printed in full in the New York
_Tribune_, May 1, 1861.]
[Footnote 997: The New York _Tribune_, June 13th, and the Philadelphia
_Press_, June 14th, published this speech in full.]
[Footnote 998: Arnold, Lincoln, p. 193. See also his remarks in the
Senate, January 3, 1861.]
INDEX
Abolitionism, debate in the Senate on, 124-126.
Abolitionists, in Illinois, 156, 158-160;
agitation of, 194-195.
Adams, John Quincy, on Douglas, 72, 76, 89, 98;
catechises Douglas, 111, 113.
Albany Regency, 10.
Anderson, Robert, dispatch to War Department, 442;
moves garrison to Port Sumter, 451.
Andrews, Sherlock J., 11.
Anti-Masonry, in New York, 10.
Anti-Nebraska party. _See_ Republican party.
"Appeal of the Independent Democrats," origin, 240;
assails motives of Douglas, 241.
Arnold, Martha, grandmother of Stephen A. Douglas, 4.
Arnold, William, ancestor of Stephen A. Douglas, 4.
Ashmun, George, 475, 476, 477.
Atchison, David R., pro-slavery leader in Missouri, 223;
favors Nebraska bill (1853), 225;
and repeal of Missouri Compromise, 225, 235;
and Kansas-Nebraska bill, 256.
Badger, George E., 215.
"Barnburners," 132.
Bay Islands, Colony of, 209, 213.
Bell, John, presidential candidate, 425, 429, 440.
Benjamin, Judah P., quoted, 402, 453.
Benton, Thomas H., 44, 117, 223.
Berrien, John M., 185.
Bigler, William, 333, 335, 417, 446.
Bissell, William H., 305.
Black, Jeremiah S., controversy with Douglas, 409-410.
"Black Republicans," origin of epithet, 275;
arraigned by Douglas, 296, 297, 304, 374-375.
"Blue Lodges" of Missouri, 283, 286.
Boyd, Linn, 182.
Brandon, birthplace of Douglas, 5, 9, 69.
Brandon Academy, 7, 9.
Breckinridge, John C., 382;
presidential candidate (1860), 427, 428, 435, 440-441.
Breese, Sidney, judge of Circuit Court, 52;
elected Senator, 62;
and Federal patronage, 118-119;
director of Great Western Railroad Company, 168-170;
retirement, 158, 171.
Bright, Jesse D., 119, 417.
Broderick, David C., and Lecompton constitution, 335;
and English bill, 347;
killed, 411.
Brooks, S.S., editor of Jacksonville _News_, 19, 20, 25, 40.
Brooks, Preston, assaults Sumner, 298.
Brown, Albert G., 247, 340, 341, 397-398, 402.
Brown, John, Pottawatomie massacre, 299;
Harper's Ferry raid, 411, 412.
Brown, Milton, of Tennessee, 89.
Browning, O.H., 66, 67, 115.
Buchanan, James, candidacy (1852), 206;
nominated for presidency (1856), 276-278;
indorses Kansas-Nebraska bill, 279 _n._;
elected, 306;
appoints Walker governor of Kansas, 324-325;
interview with Douglas, 328;
message, 328-329;
advises admission of Kansas, 338;
orders reinforcement of Sumter, 452.
Bulwer, Sir Henry, Clayton-Bulwer treaty, 209.
Butler, Andrew P., 119, 137, 216.
Calhoun, John, president of Lecompton Convention, 327.
Calhoun, John C., 120;
on Abolitionism, 124;
and Douglas, 125;
radical Southern leader, 127, 138;
on the Constitution, 140.
California, coveted by Polk, 109;
Clayton Compromise, 130;
Polk's programme, 133;
statehood bill, 134;
controversy in Senate, 135-142;
Clay's resolutions, 176;
new statehood bill, 181-184;
the Omnibus, 184-186;
admitted, 187.
Canandaigua Academy, 9, 10.
Carlin, Thomas, 42, 45, 51.
Cass, Lewis, defends Oregon policy, 99;
introduces Ten Regiments bill, 120;
Nicholson letter, 128;
presidential candidate, 132;
candidacy (1852), 206;
and Clayton-Bulwer treaty, 209;
and Monroe Doctrine, 211;
on Kansas-Nebraska bill, 245-246;
candidacy (1856), 277;
on Sumner, 296.
Charleston Convention, delegates to, 413, 416;
organization of, 417;
Committee on Resolutions, 418;
speech of Payne, 418-419;
speech of Yancey, 419;
speech of Pugh, 419-420;
minority report adopted, 420;
secession, 420;
balloting, 420-421;
adjournment, 421.
Chase, Salmon P., joint author of the "Appeal," 240-241;
and Kansas-Nebraska bill, 247; 249;
assailed by Douglas, 251-252.
Chicago, residence of Douglas, 309;
investments of Douglas in, 310.
Chicago Convention, 425.
Chicago _Press and Tribune_, on Douglas, 349;
declares Springfield resolutions a forgery, 370.
Chicago _Times_, Douglas organ in Northwest, 305, 328.
Chicago University, gift of Douglas to, 310.
Clark Resolution (1861), 452.
Clay, Henry, compromise programme, 176;
and Douglas, 183-184;
and Utah bill, 186-187;
on passage of compromise measures, 189.
Clayton-Bulwer treaty, 209-214.
Clayton, John M., 119;
on Oregon, 130;
_entente_ with Bulwer, 209-210;
assailed by Cass and Douglas, 211-212;
replies to critics, 213-214;
on Kansas-Nebraska bill, 247-248.
Clingman, Thomas L., 425, 444, 466.
Colfax, Schuyler, 348.
Collamer, Jacob, 289, 338, 446-447.
Colorado bill, 456;
substitute of Douglas for, 457, 459-460;
slavery in, 456, 458-459.
Committee on Territories, Douglas as chairman, in House, 99-100;
in Senate, 119-120;
Douglas deposed, 395.
Compromise of 1850, Clay's resolutions, 176-177;
speech of Douglas, 177-181;
compromise bills, 181-182;
committee of thirteen, 183-184;
debate in Senate, 184-187;
passage, 187;
finality resolution, 194-195; 197;
principle involved, 189-190.
Constitutional Union party, possibility of, 349;
nominates Bell, 425;
prospects, 428.
Cook, Isaac, 418.
Crittenden Compromise, 446-447;
indorsed by Douglas, 447-448;
proposed referendum on, 449;
opposed by Republicans, 452;
defeated, 463.
Crittenden, John J., favors Douglas's re-election, 382;
compromise resolutions, 446-447;
efforts for peace, 448, 452, 463.
Cuba, acquisition of, favored by Douglas, 199, 208, 396-397.
Cutts, J. Madison, father of Adèle Cutts Douglas, 255, 316.
Danites, Mormon order, 90;
Buchanan Democrats, 382.
Davis, Jefferson, and Douglas, 189;
and Kansas-Nebraska bill, 237-238;
and Freeport doctrine, 399 ff., 413;
resolutions of, 415-416;
assails Douglas, 423;
on candidates and platforms, 424;
on Southern grievances, 444;
on committee of thirteen, 446;
permits attack on Sumter, 474.
Davis, John, 119.
Democratic party, Baltimore convention (1844), 79;
campaign, 80-81;
platform, 84, 98-99, 104-105;
convention of 1848, 131-132;
Cass and Barnburners, 132-133;
convention of 1852, 204-206;
campaign, 207;
Cincinnati convention, 276-278;
platform and candidate, 278-279;
"Bleeding Kansas," 299 ff.;
election of 1856, 305-306;
Charleston convention, 413 ff.;
Davis resolutions, 415-416;
minority report, 418-420;
secession, 420;
adjournment, 421;
Baltimore convention, 426-428;
Bolters' convention, 428;
campaign of 1860, 429-441.
_Democratic Review_, and candidacy of Douglas (1852), 200-202.
Dickinson, Daniel S., 128, 382.
Divorce, Douglas on, 33-34.
Dixon, Archibald, and repeal of Missouri Compromise, 235-236;
and Nebraska bill, 239.
Dodge, Augustus C., Nebraska bill of, 228;
favors two Territories, 239.
Doolittle, James R., 446.
Douglas, Adèle Cutts, wife of Stephen A., 316-317;
leader in Washington society, 336-337;
in campaign of 1858, 383;
in campaign of 1860, 438;
calls upon Mrs. Lincoln, 462; 476, 489.
Douglas, Martha (_née_ Martha Denny Martin), daughter of
Robert Martin, 145;
marries Stephen A. Douglas, 147;
inherits father's estate, 148;
death, 208.
Douglas, Stephen Arnold.
_Early years_:
ancestry and birth, 4-5;
boyhood, 5-7;
apprentice, 8-9;
in Brandon Academy, 9;
removal to New York, 9;
in Canandaigua Academy, 9-10;
studies law, 11;
goes west, 11-13;
reaches Jacksonville, Illinois, 14;
teaches school, 16-17;
admitted to bar, 17.
_Beginnings in Politics_:
first public speech, 20-21;
elected State's attorney, 22;
first indictments, 23-24;
defends Caucus system, 26-27;
candidate for Legislature, 27-29;
in Legislature, 29-34;
Register of Land Office, 35-36;
nominated for Congress (1837), 40-41;
campaign against Stuart, 42-44;
resumes law practice, 45;
chairman of State committee, 47-50;
Secretary of State, 53;
appointed judge, 56-57;
visits Mormons, 58;
on the Bench, 63-64;
candidate for Senate, 62;
nominated for Congress, 65;
elected, 67.
_Congressman_:
defends Jackson, 69-72;
reports on Election Law, 73-76;
plea for Internal Improvements, 77-78;
on Polk, 80;
meets Jackson, 81-82;
re-elected (1844), 83;
advocates annexation of Texas, 85-90;
and the Mormons, 91-92;
proposes Oregon bills, 95;
urges "re-occupation of Oregon," 96-98;
supports Polk's policy, 99;
appointed chairman of Committee on Territories, 99;
offers bill on Oregon, 101;
opposes compromise and arbitration, 101-103;
renominated for Congress, 103;
and the President, 104-106;
proposes organization of Oregon, 106;
advocates admission of Florida, 107;
defends Mexican War, 109-110;
claims Rio Grande as boundary, 111-114;
seeks military appointment, 114-115;
re-elected (1846), 115;
defends Polk's war policy, 116-117;
elected Senator (1847), 117-118.
_United States Senator_:
appointed chairman of Committee on Territories, 119;
on Ten Regiments bill, 120-122;
on Abolitionism, 124-126;
second attempt to organize Oregon, 129;
favors Clayton Compromise, 130;
proposes extension of Missouri Compromise line, 131;
offers California statehood bills, 134-137;
advocates "squatter sovereignty," 138-139;
presents resolutions of Illinois Legislature, 140;
marriage, 147;
denies ownership of slaves, 149-150;
removes to Chicago, 169;
advocates central railroad, 169-172;
speech on California (1850), 177 ff.;
concerts territorial bills with Toombs and Stephens, 181-182;
vote on compromise measures, 187-188;
defends Fugitive Slave Law, 191-194;
presidential aspirations, 195-196;
on intervention in Hungary, 199-200;
candidacy (1852), 200-206;
in campaign of 1852, 207;
re-elected Senator, 208 _n._;
death of his wife, 208;
on Clayton-Bulwer treaty, 211-214;
hostility to Great Britain, 215-216;
travels abroad, 217-219;
proposes military colonization of Nebraska, 221;
urges organization of Nebraska, 224-225;
report of January 4, 1854, 229 ff.;
offers substitute for Dodge bill, 231-232;
interprets new bill, 233-234;
and Dixon, 235-236;
drafts Kansas-Nebraska bill, 237;
secures support of administration, 237-238;
reports bill, 239;
arraigned by Independent Democrats, 241;
replies to "Appeal," 241-243;
proposes amendments to Kansas-Nebraska bill, 246, 249;
closes debate, 251-254;
answers protests, 256-257;
faces mob in Chicago, 258-259;
denounces Know-Nothings, 263;
in campaign of 1854, 264 ff.;
debate with Lincoln, 265-266;
and Shields, 267, 268;
on the elections, 269-272;
and Wade, 272-273;
on "Black Republicanism," 275-276;
candidacy at Cincinnati, 276-278;
supports Buchanan, 278;
reports on Kansas, 289-293;
proposes admission of Kansas, 293;
replies to Trumbull, 294;
and Sumner, 296-298;
reports Toombs bill, 300-301;
omits referendum provision, 302;
subsequent defense, 303-304;
in campaign of 1856, 304-306;
second marriage, 316;
on Dred Scott decision, 321-323;
interview with Walker, 325;
and Buchanan, 327-328;
denounces Lecompton constitution, 329-332;
report on Kansas, 338-340;
speech on Lecomptonism, 341-343;
rejects English bill, 345-347;
Republican ally, 348;
re-election opposed, 349-350;
in Chicago, 352-354;
opening speech of campaign, 354-357;
speech at Bloomington, 358-360;
speech at Springfield, 360-361;
agrees to joint debate, 362;
first debate at Ottawa, 363-370;
Springfield resolutions, 370;
Freeport debate, 370-375;
debate at Jonesboro, 375-378;
debate at Charleston, 378-381;
friends and foes, 381-382;
resources, 382-383;
debate at Galesburg, 383-386;
debate at Quincy, 386-388;
debate at Alton, 388-390;
the election, 391-392;
journey to South and Cuba, 393-395;
deposed from chairmanship of Committee on Territories, 395;
supports Slidell project, 396;
debate of February 23, 1859, 397 ff.;
opposes slave-trade, 403-404;
_Harper's Magazine_ article, 405-409;
controversy with Black, 409-410;
in Ohio, 410-411;
presidential candidate of Northwest, 413, 416;
and the South, 414;
and Republicans, 414-415;
candidate at Charleston, 416 ff.;
defends his orthodoxy, 422-424;
nominated at Baltimore, 427;
letter of acceptance, 428;
personal canvass, 429-439;
on election of Lincoln, 439 ff.;
and Crittenden compromise, 446-448;
speech of January 3, 1861, 449 ff.;
efforts for peace, 448, 452, 453;
offers fugitive slave bill, 454;
and Mason, 454-455;
and Wigfall, 455-456;
fears the Blairs, 461;
opinion of President-elect, 461;
and Lincoln, 462-463;
at inauguration, 464;
and the inaugural, 466-468;
on reinforcement of Sumter, 468-469;
in the confidence of Lincoln, 469-470;
on policy of administration, 471-473;
faces war, 474;
closeted with Lincoln, April 14, 475-477;
press dispatch, 477;
first War Democrat, 478;
mission in Northwest, 478-480;
speech at Bellaire, 480-482;
speech at Columbus, 482-483;
speech at Springfield, 483-485;
speech at Chicago, 485-487;
premonitions of war, 487-488;
last illness and death, 488-489.
_Personal traits_:
Physical appearance, 22-23, 69, 294-295, 364-365;
limitations upon his culture, 36-37, 119-120, 215-217, 270-272;
his indebtedness to Southern associations, 147-148, 317-318;
advocate rather than judge, 70-71, 121-122, 177-181, 270-272, 321;
liberal in religion, 263, 317;
retentive memory, 319-320;
his impulsiveness, 320;
his generosity of temper, 320;
his loyalty to friends, 267-268, 318-319;
his prodigality in pecuniary matters, 309-310;
his domestic relations, 317;
the man and the politician, 270-272.
_As a party leader_:
early interest in politics, 8, 10;
schooling in politics, 18-19;
his talent as organizer, 25 ff.; 39 ff., 47-50;
secret of his popularity, 318-319;
his partisanship, 324.
_As a statesman_:
readiness in debate, 320;
early manner of speaking, 70 ff.;
later manner, 251-252, 294-297;
insight into value of the public domain, 36, 311-312;
belief in territorial expansion, 100, 107-108;
his Chauvinism, 87-88, 97-98, 101-103, 199, 211-214;
his statecraft, 100, 107-108, 174-181, 270-272, 314-315;
abhorrence of civil war, 449-451, 484-487;
love of the Union, 324, 436-437, 481, 484, 489.
Douglass, Benajah, grandfather of Stephen A. Douglas, 4-5.
Douglass, Sally Fisk, mother of Stephen A. Douglas, 5.
Douglass, Stephen A., father of Stephen A. Douglas, 5.
Douglass, William, ancestor of Stephen A. Douglas, 4.
Dred Scott decision, Douglas on, 321-323, 356, 359-360, 372-373, 377;
Lincoln on, 353, 357, 361, 376-377.
Duncan, Joseph, 50, 60.
Election Law of 1842, 73;
Douglas on, 74-75.
Elections, State and local, 22, 29, 50, 61, 158-159, 267;
congressional, 44, 67, 73-76, 83, 115-116, 207, 267;
senatorial, 62, 117, 207, 208 _n._, 268-269, 391-392;
presidential, 50, 306, 440-441.
English bill, reported, 343;
opposed by Douglas, 345-346;
passed, 347.
Everett, Edward, 256, 429.
Fessenden, William P., 473-474.
Field, Alexander P., 52.
Fillmore, Millard, 280.
Fitch, Graham N., 335, 336.
Fitzpatrick, Benjamin, 428.
Foote, Henry S., on Abolitionism, 124-125;
and Douglas, 126;
offers finality resolution, 197.
Ford, Thomas, 61, 90, 154.
Forney, John W., 305, 437;
on Douglas and Lincoln, 480.
Fort Pickens, question of evacuating, 468 ff.
Fort Sumter, occupation advised, 442;
occupied, 451;
abortive attempt to reinforce, 452;
question of evacuating, 468 ff.;
attack upon, 474;
capitulation of, 475.
Francis, Simeon, 46.
Frémont, John C., 280.
Freeport doctrine, foreshadowed, 322, 359-360;
stated, 372-373;
analyzed by Lincoln, 376-377;
effect upon South, 381-382;
denounced in Senate, 397 ff.;
defended in _Harper's Magazine_, 405-409.
Free-Soil party, convention of, 132;
holds balance of power in House, 133;
in Illinois, 158-160.
Fugitive Slave Law, passed, 187;
not voted upon by Douglas, 188;
defended by Douglas, 191-194;
violations of, 194-195;
repeal proposed, 195;
attitude of South, 195;
Lincoln on, 371;
evasions of, 445-446;
supplementary law proposed by Douglas, 454.
Fusion party, in Illinois, 264 ff.
_See_ Republican party.
Galena alien case, 47, 48, 54.
Granger, Gehazi, 9.
Great Britain, animus of Douglas toward, concerning Oregon, 88,
93-94, 97, 101, 102;
concerning Central America, 211-213, 215-216; 217.
Great Western Railroad Company, 168.
Greeley, Horace, and Douglas, 320, 348;
favors re-election of Douglas, 349.
Green, James S., 333, 335, 338, 401, 457.
Greenhow's _History of the Northwest Coast of North America_, 94, 95.
Grimes, James W., 446.
Guthrie, James, 420, 427.
Hale, John P., 124, 138, 186.
Hall, Willard P., 223-224.
Hannegan, Edward A., 103-104.
Hardin, John J., 21-22, 27, 91, 92.
_Harper's Magazine_, essay by Douglas in, 405 ff.
Harris, Thomas L., 265.
Helper's _Impending Crisis_, 412-413.
Herndon, William H., Lincoln's law partner, 351.
Hise, Elijah, drafts treaty, 210.
Hoge, Joseph B., 118.
Homestead bill of Douglas, 311.
Honduras and its dependencies, claimed by Great Britain, 209-211.
Howe, Henry, 9.
Hunter, R.M.T., 420, 446.
Illinois and Michigan Canal, lands granted to, 31;
Douglas and construction of, 32-33;
probable influence upon settlement, 154.
Illinois Central Railroad, inception of, 168;
project taken up by Douglas, 169-170;
bill for land grant to, 170;
legislative history of, 171-173;
larger aspects of, 174 ff.;
in the campaign of 1858, 382.
Illinois _Republican_, attack upon office of, 37-38.
Illinois _State Register_, on Douglas, 46, 81-82;
and Springfield clique, 61-62;
editorial by Douglas in, 149-150;
forecast of Nebraska legislation, 228.
Indian claims, in Nebraska, 220, 222-225, 238-239.
Internal Improvements, agitation in Illinois, 29-30;
Douglas on, 30-31.
Iverson, Alfred, 443, 444.
Jackson, Andrew, 16, 20;
defended by Douglas, 69-72, 78;
and Douglas, 81-82.
Jacksonville, Illinois, early home of Douglas, 14 ff.
Johnson, Hadley D., 226, 238-239.
Johnson, Herschel V., 428.
Johnson, Thomas, 225, 226.
Judiciary bill, in Illinois legislature, 54-56, 59.
Kansas, first settlers in, 283;
colonists of Emigrant Aid Company in, 283;
defect in organic act of, 284;
first elections in, 284 ff.;
invasion by Missourians, 286;
first territorial legislature, 286-287;
Topeka convention and free State legislature, 288;
sack of Lawrence, 299;
raid of John Brown, 299;
convention elected, 325;
free State party in control of legislature, 326;
Lecompton convention, 326-327;
vote on constitution, 337-338;
land ordinance rejected, 347.
Kansas-Nebraska bill, origin of, 236-239;
in Democratic caucus, 243-245;
wording criticised, 245;
amended, 246, 248, 249, 250;
passes to third reading in Senate, 250;
course in House, 254-255;
defeat of Clayton amendment, 255-256;
passes Senate, 256;
becomes law, 256;
arouses North, 256 ff.;
popular sovereignty in, 281-282.
King, William F., 172.
Knowlton, Caleb, 9.
Know-Nothing party, origin, 262;
denounced by Douglas, 263;
in Northwest, 263-264;
nominates Fillmore, 280.
Kossuth, Louis, reception of, 199 ff.
Lamborn, Josiah, 16.
Lane, James H., in Kansas, 287-288.
Lane, Joseph, 205, 428.
Lecompton constitution, origin, 326-327;
denounced by Douglas, 329 ff.;
vote upon, 337;
submitted to Congress, 338;
bill to admit Kansas with, 343.
Lee, Robert E., 482.
Letcher, John, 480.
Liberty party, 116, 158.
Lincoln, Abraham, in Illinois legislature, 32 _n._;
leader of "the Long Nine," 34;
debate with Douglas (1839), 46;
on Douglas, 46;
elected to Congress, 116;
debate with Douglas (1854), 265-266;
"the Peoria Truce," 266 _n._;
candidate for Senate, 268-269;
Republican nominee for Senate (1858), 350;
early career, 351;
personal traits, 351-352;
addresses Republican convention, 352-353;
hears Douglas in Chicago, 354;
replies to Douglas, 357-358;
speech at Springfield, 361;
proposes joint debates, 362;
personal appearance, 364-365;
debate at Ottawa, 365-370;
Freeport debate, 370-375;
debate at Jonesboro, 375-378;
debate at Charleston, 378-381;
resources, 382;
debate at Galesburg, 383-386;
debate at Quincy, 386-388;
debate at Alton, 388-390;
defeated, 392;
in Ohio, 410-411;
presidential candidate, 425;
elected, 440-441;
enters Washington, 461;
and advisers, 461, 462;
confers with Douglas, 463-464;
inauguration, 464;
address, 464-466;
defended by Douglas, 466 ff.;
consults Douglas, 469-470;
not generally known, 471;
decides to provision Sumter, 474;
calls for troops, 475;
confers with Douglas, 476-477, 478;
last interview with Douglas, 479.
Logan, Stephen T., 23.
"Lord Coke's Assembly," 53, 55.
McClernand, John A., 51, 55, 119, 182.
McConnell, Murray, 14, 48.
McRoberts, Samuel, 42.
Marble, Mary Ann, wife of William Douglass, 4.
Marble, Thomas, ancestor of Stephen A. Douglas, 4.
Marshall, Edward C., 203.
Martin, Colonel Robert, 145;
plantations of, 146;
will of, 148-149.
Mason, James M., 454, 455, 469.
Matteson, Joel A., 268-269;
letter of Douglas to, 313-314.
May, William L., 40.
Mexico, Slidell's mission to, 109;
dictatorship in, 111;
treaty with Texas, 111-112;
territory lost by, 116, 117;
treaty of 1848, 123.
Mexican War, announced by Polk, 105, 109;
defended by Douglas, 109-112, 116-117;
appointments in, 114, 117;
terminated, 123.
Minnesota bill, to organize territorial government, 142;
to admit State, 340.
Minnesota Block, Douglas residence in Washington, 337, 488.
Missouri Compromise, and annexation of Texas, 89-90;
and organization of Oregon, 130;
and organization of Mexican cession, 131, 133;
and organization of Nebraska, 221, 230-231, 232-233, 235;
repeal agitated by Atchison, 235-236;
repealed, 237 ff.;
declared unconstitutional, 321-322.
Monroe doctrine, debated in Senate, 211-214.
Moore, John, 60.
Mormons, settle in Illinois, 57-58;
politics of, 58-61;
disorders in Hancock County, 90-91;
advised to emigrate, 91;
removal, 92;
in Utah, 220.
Morris, Edward J., 96.
Mosquito protectorate, 209, 210-211.
Nashville convention (1844), 81.
_National Era_, occasions controversy in Senate, 124.
Native American party, 262.
_See_ Know-Nothing party.
Nauvoo, settled by Mormons, 57;
charter repealed, 90;
evacuated, 92.
Nauvoo Legion, 58.
Nebraska, first bill to organize, 95;
second bill, 142;
bill for military colonization of, 221;
third bill, 223-224;
Dodge bill, 228;
report of Douglas on, 239 ff.;
new bill reported, 231;
bill printed, 232;
manuscript of, 233.
_See_ Kansas-Nebraska bill.
Negro equality, Douglas on, 275-276, 356-357, 384;
Lincoln on, 358, 361, 368, 379, 385.
New England Emigrant Aid Company, 283.
New Mexico, slavery in, 127 ff.;
Clayton compromise, 130;
controversy in Congress, 130-131;
Polk's policy, 133;
Douglas's statehood bills, 134-137;
Taylor's policy, 166;
Clay's resolutions, 176;
territorial bill for, 181-183;
in the Omnibus, 184-186;
organized, 187.
New York _Times_, supports Lincoln (1858), 382;
on Douglas, 411, 429, 436, 470.
New York _Tribune_, on Douglas, 332, 348, 403.
_Niles' Register_, cited as a source, 112.
Non-intervention, principle of, Cass on, 128;
in Clayton compromise, 130;
Douglas on, 138-139;
in compromise of 1850, 181-187, 189-190;
in Kansas-Nebraska legislation, 230-231, 236, 243-249, 289-292, 397-402.
"Old Fogyism," 200.
Oregon, emigration from Illinois to, 93;
"re-occupation" of, 94;
international status of, 94-95;
Douglas on, 96-98;
Polk's policy toward, 98-99;
bill to protect settlers in, 101;
and treaty with Great Britain, 103, 106;
bills to organize, 106, 108, 129;
Clayton compromise, 130;
organized, 131.
Pacific Railroad, and organization of Nebraska, 222-224, 238-239.
Parker, Nahum, 8.
Parker, Theodore, on Douglas, 393.
Party organizations, beginnings of, in Illinois, 25-27, 38-42, 49-50;
efficiency of, 65-66, 79, 103;
sectional influence upon, 158-160;
institutional character of, 157-158, 260-262.
Payne, Henry B., 418-419.
Peace Convention, 453;
resolution of, 463.
Peck, Ebenezer, 26, 56.
Personal Liberty Acts, 445, 454.
Pierce, Franklin, presidential candidacy, 204-205;
approves Kansas-Nebraska bill, 237-238;
signs Kansas-Nebraska bill, 256;
opinion on slavery extension, 256 _n._;
candidacy at Cincinnati, 276-277.
Political parties, and annexation of Texas, 84;
and Mexican War, 109;
and slavery in Territories, 127-129;
and election of 1848, 132-133;
in Illinois, 157-158;
and Free-Soilers, 158 ff.;
and compromise of 1850, 195;
nationalizing influence of, 260-262;
decline of Whigs, 262;
rise of Know-Nothings, 262;
and Nebraska Act, 264 ff.;
rise of Republican party, 273-274;
and "Bleeding Kansas," 294, 299-302, 304-306;
and Lecomptonism, 332 ff.;
possible re-alignment of, 348-349;
and Lincoln-Douglas contest, 349-350, 381-382, 393;
and Freeport doctrine, 397-402, 413-414;
and issues of 1860, 415 ff.;
and election of 1860, 440-441.
Polk, James K., presidential candidacy, 70;
indorsed by Douglas, 80;
inaugural of, 98;
on Oregon, 99;
negotiates with Great Britain, 103-104;
war message of, 105;
and Douglas, 105-106;
announces Oregon treaty, 106;
covets California, 109;
and appointments, 114, 118-119;
urges indemnity, 127;
and slavery in Territories, 131;
proposes territorial governments, 133;
proposes statehood bills, 135.
Popular sovereignty, doctrine anticipated, 89;
phrase coined, 253;
in Kansas-Nebraska Act, 281-282;
tested in Kansas, 283 ff.;
and Dred Scott decision, 322;
and Lecompton constitution, 326-327;
defended by Douglas, 329-332, 338-340, 342-343;
indorsed by Seward, 348;
debated by Lincoln and Douglas, 355, 357, 359-360, 372-373, 376-377;
denounced by South, 397 ff.;
defended in _Harper's Magazine_ 405-409;
ridiculed by Black, 409-410;
operates against slavery, 410-411, 429;
Douglas urges further concessions to, 457, 459-460.
Powell, Lazarus W., 446.
Public lands, granted to Illinois for canal, 31;
Douglas and administration of, 35-36;
squatters and land leagues, 163-164;
granted to Illinois Central, 170 ff.;
granted to Indians, 220;
and proposed military colonies, 221;
and proposed Pacific railroad, 222-224;
in Kansas, 283-285;
Douglas and proper distribution of, 311-313.
Pugh, George E., and Lecompton constitution, 335;
and English bill, 347; 413;
speech in Charleston convention, 419-420;
and Douglas, 422, 424.
Ralston, J.H., 58.
Raymond, Henry J., editor of New York _Times_, 436.
Reapportionment Act of 1843, 64, 65.
Reeder, A.H., governor of Kansas, 284;
and elections, 285, 286;
joins free State party, 287;
chosen senator at Topeka, 288.
Reid, David S., 145, 146.
Republican party, rise of, in Illinois, 264 ff.;
elections of 1854, 269;
origin of name, 273;
composition of, 273-274;
Philadelphia convention, 279-280;
and "Bleeding Kansas," 304-305;
opposes Lecomptonism, 334;
Chicago convention, 421;
nominates Lincoln, 425;
elections of 1860, 437, 440-441.
Resolution of Illinois Legislature, presented in Senate, 139-140;
origin, 159-160;
controls Douglas (1850), 184.
Rice, Henry M., 446.
Richardson, William A., on House Committee on Territories, 182;
steers Kansas-Nebraska bill through House, 254-255;
in Cincinnati convention, 277;
candidate for governor, 305;
in Charleston convention, 416 ff.;
in Baltimore convention, 427;
forecasts election, 429.
Richmond, Dean, 426.
River and harbor improvements, Douglas on, 77-78, 313-314.
_See also_ Internal Improvements.
Robinson, Charles, leader of free State party in Kansas, 287, 288.
Roman Church, Adèle Cutts an adherent of, 317;
attitude of Douglas toward, 317.
Sangamo _Journal_, on Caucus system, 28;
on Douglas, 41.
Santa Anna, treaty with Texas, 111, 112.
Scott, Winfield, 482.
Secession, apprehended, 442;
of South Carolina, 447;
of Cotton States, 452;
and border States, 474.
Seward, William H., and Douglas, 251;
loses Republican nomination, 425;
on committee of thirteen, 453;
and the Blairs, 461, 462.
Shadrach rescue, 194.
Shannon, Wilson, governor of Kansas, 288.
Sheahan, James W., biographer of Douglas, 218, 416;
editor of Chicago _Times_, 305.
Sheridan, James B., 438.
Shields, James, senator from Illinois, 171;
and Illinois Central Railroad, 175;
fails of re-election, 267 ff.
Slavery, in North Carolina, 147-148;
in Illinois, 155-156, 178, 242-243;
in Kansas, 287, 298;
Nebraska bill not designed to extend, 234;
Douglas on extension of, 179-180, 243;
peonage, 186;
Douglas on, 126, 311, 388, 390, 415;
Lincoln on, 351, 352, 358, 361, 368-369, 379, 381, 385, 386, 390.
Slave-trade, revival proposed, 403, 421;
condemned by Douglas, 403-404.
Slidell, John, mission to Mexico, 109;
seeks Douglas's defeat (1858), 381-382, 391;
project to purchase Cuba, 396;
at Charleston, 417.
Smith, Joseph, on Douglas, 58-59;
to Mormon voters, 59-60;
on polygamy, 90;
murdered, 90.
Smith, Theophilus W., 48, 54, 55.
Smithsonian Institution, foundation of, 310;
Douglas on board of Regents, 310.
Snyder, Adam W., 59, 60.
Southern Rights advocates, 194.
Spoils system, countenanced by Douglas, 198, 207.
Springfield Resolutions, in Lincoln-Douglas debates, 366-367, 368,
369, 370, 374.
"Squatter sovereignty," Cass and Dickinson on, 128;
favored by Douglas, 138-139;
genesis of, 161 ff.;
explained by Douglas, 184-185;
and compromise of 1850, 189-190.
_See_ Popular sovereignty.
Squier, E.G., drafts treaty, 210.
"Star of the West," sent to Sumter, 452.
Stephens, Alexander H., and annexation of Texas, 89;
and territorial bills (1850), 181-182.
Stowe, Harriet B., description of Douglas, 295-296.
Stuart, Charles E., 335, 347.
Stuart, John T., lawyer, 23;
Douglas's opponent (1838), 42-44;
Whig politician, 50, 58.
Sumner, Charles, and Fugitive Slave Act, 195;
on Kansas, 294, 296;
altercation with Douglas, 296-298;
assaulted, 298;
foe to compromise, 463.
Tariff, views of Douglas on, 314-315.
Taylor, Zachary, in Mexican War, 109, 114;
nominated for presidency, 132;
message, 166.
Texas, as campaign issue, 84;
Douglas on annexation of, 85;
and slavery, 89;
and Missouri Compromise, 90;
joint resolution adopted, 90;
admitted, 100-101;
and Mexican boundary, 110-114, 122-123;
and New Mexico boundary, 176, 187.
"The Third House," 53, 54.
Toombs, Robert, 189, 190;
Kansas bill, 300; 303, 340;
on committee of thirteen, 446.
Trumbull, Lyman, senator from Illinois, 268-269;
Democracy questioned, 274-275;
on Kansas, 294;
on Toombs bill, 302;
opposes Douglas, 349.
Tyler, John, 79 _n._; 84.
Urquhart, J.D., Douglas's law partner, 45.
Utah, territorial organization of, 181-187;
Mormons in, 220;
polygamy and intervention in, 401.
Van Buren, Martin, nominated by Free-Soilers, 132.
Wade, Benjamin F., 269, 272, 338, 446, 458, 463.
Walker, Cyrus, 45, 58.
Walker, Isaac P., 140, 174.
Walker, Robert J., governor of Kansas, 325.
Washington _Sentinel_, prints Nebraska bill, 232.
Washington Territory, organization of, 224.
Washington _Union_, on Douglas, 207;
forecast of Nebraska legislation, 228;
supports Kansas-Nebraska bill, 240;
assails Douglas, 341, 381.
Webster, Daniel, on the Constitution, 140.
Whig party, convention of 1848, 132;
campaign of 1852, 207;
decline, 260-262;
nominates Fillmore, 280.
Whitney, Asa, 222.
Wigfall, Louis T., 455-456, 468.
Wilmot proviso, 107, 117, 128, 132.
Wilson, Henry, Republican leader, 348;
favors re-election of Douglas, 349;
foe to compromise, 463, 473-474.
Winthrop, Robert C., 86.
Wood, Fernando, 418.
Wyandot Indians, memorial of, 222, 223.
Wyatt, John, 21-22.
Yancey, William L., resolution of, 132;
speech in Charleston convention, 419.
Yates, Richard, 265.
"Young America," 198, 200, 214.
Young, Brigham, 91.
Young, Richard M., 62, 118, 119.
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