CHAPTER I

E-text prepared by Al Haines

Transcriber's note:

Page numbers in this book are indicated by numbers enclosed

in curly braces, e.g. {99}. They have been located where page

breaks occurred in the original book.

SPIRITUAL REFORMERS IN THE 16TH & 17TH CENTURIES

by

RUFUS M. JONES, M.A., D.Litt.

Professor Of Philosophy, Haverford College, U.S.A.

MacMillan and Co., Limited

St. Martin's Street, London

1914

Copyright

_OTHER VOLUMES IN THIS SERIES_

_EDITED By RUFUS M. JONES_

STUDIES IN MYSTICAL RELIGION. (1908.)

By Rufus M. Jones.

THE QUAKERS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES. (1911).

By Rufus M. Jones, assisted by Isaac Sharpless and Amelia M. Gummere.

THE BEGINNINGS OF QUAKERISM. (1912.)

By William Charles Braithwaite.

THE SECOND PERIOD OF QUAKERISM. (_In preparation._)

By William Charles Braithwaite.

THE LATER PERIODS OF QUAKERISM. (_In preparation._)

By Rufus M. Jones.

{v}

PREFACE

In my _Quakers in the American Colonies_ I announced the preparation of

a volume to be devoted mainly to Jacob Boehme and his influence. I

soon found, however, as my work of research proceeded, that Boehme was

no isolated prophet who discovered in solitude a fresh way of approach

to the supreme problems of the soul. I came upon very clear evidence

that he was an organic part of a far-reaching and significant

historical movement--a movement which consciously aimed, throughout its

long period of travail, to carry the Reformation to its legitimate

terminus, the restoration of apostolic Christianity. The men who

originated the movement, so far as anything historical can be said to

be "originated," were often scornfully called "Spirituals" by their

opponents, while they thought of themselves as divinely commissioned

and Spirit-guided "Reformers," so that I have with good right named

them "Spiritual Reformers."

I have had two purposes in view in these studies. One purpose was the

tracing of a religious movement, profoundly interesting in itself, as a

great side current of the Reformation. The other purpose was the

discovery of the background and environment of seventeenth century

Quakerism. There can be little doubt, I think, that I have here found

at least one of the great historical sources of the Quaker movement.

This volume, together with my _Studies in Mystical Religion_, will at

any rate {vi} furnish convincing evidence that the ideas, aims,

experiences, practices, and aspirations of the early Quakers were the

fruit of long spiritual preparation. This movement, as a whole, has

never been studied before, and my work has been beset with

difficulties. I have been aided by helpful monographs on individual

"Reformers," written mainly by German and French scholars, who have

been duly credited at the proper places, but for the most part my

material has been drawn from original sources. I am under much

obligation to my friend, Theodor Sippell of Schweinsberg, Germany. I

am glad to announce that he is preparing a critical historical study on

John Everard and the Ranters, which will throw important light on the

religious ideas of the English Commonwealth. He has read my proofs,

and has, throughout my period of research, given me the benefit of his

extensive knowledge of this historical field. I wish to express my

appreciation of the courtesy and kindness which I have received from

the officials of the University Library at Marburg. William Charles

Braithwaite of Banbury, England, has given me valuable help. My wife

has assisted me in all my work of research. She has read and re-read

the proofs, made the Index, and given me an immense amount of patient

help. I cannot close this Preface without again referring to the

inspiration of my invisible friend, John Wilhelm Rowntree, in whose

memory this series was undertaken.

HAVERFORD, PENNSYLVANIA,

_January_ 1914.

{vii}

CONTENTS

PAGE

INTRODUCTION

WHAT IS "SPIRITUAL RELIGION" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi

CHAPTER I

THE MAIN CURRENT OF THE REFORMATION . . . . . . . . . . . 1

CHAPTER II

HANS DENCK AND THE INWARD WORD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17

CHAPTER III

TWO PROPHETS OF THE INWARD WORD: BUeNDERLIN AND ENTFELDER 31

CHAPTER IV

SEBASTIAN FRANCK: AN APOSTLE OF INWARD RELIGION . . . . . 46

CHAPTER V

CASPAR SCHWENCKFELD AND THE REFORMATION OF THE "MIDDLE WAY" 64

CHAPTER VI

SEBASTIAN CASTELLIO: A FORGOTTEN PROPHET . . . . . . . . . 88

{viii}

CHAPTER VII

COORNHERT AND THE COLLEGIANTS--A MOVEMENT FOR

SPIRITUAL RELIGION IN HOLLAND . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104

CHAPTER VIII

VALENTINE WEIGEL AND NATURE MYSTICISM . . . . . . . . . . 133

CHAPTER IX

JACOB BOEHME: HIS LIFE AND SPIRIT . . . . . . . . . . . . 151

CHAPTER X

BOEHME'S UNIVERSE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 172

CHAPTER XI

JACOB BOEHME'S "WAY OF SALVATION" . . . . . . . . . . . . 190

CHAPTER XII

JACOB BOEHME'S INFLUENCE IN ENGLAND . . . . . . . . . . . 208

CHAPTER XIII

EARLY ENGLISH INTERPRETERS OF SPIRITUAL RELIGION:

JOHN EVERARD, GILES RANDALL, AND OTHERS . . . . . . . . 235

CHAPTER XIV

SPIRITUAL RELIGION IN HIGH PLACES--ROUS, VANE, AND STERRY 266

{ix}

CHAPTER XV

BENJAMIN WHICHCOTE, THE FIRST OF THE "LATITUDE-MEN" . . . 288

CHAPTER XVI

JOHN SMITH, PLATONIST--"AN INTERPRETER OF THE SPIRIT" . . 305

CHAPTER XVII

THOMAS TRAHERNE AND THE SPIRITUAL POETS OF THE

SEVENTEENTH CENTURY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 320

CHAPTER XVIII

CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 336

INDEX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 351

{x}

Within thy sheltering darkness spin the spheres;

Within the shaded hollow of thy wings.

The life of things,

The changeless pivot of the passing years--

These in thy bosom lie.

Restless we seek thy being; to and fro

Upon our little twisting earth we go:

We cry, "Lo, there!"

When some new avatar thy glory does declare,

When some new prophet of thy friendship sings,

And in his tracks we run

Like an enchanted child, that hastes to catch the sun.

And shall the soul thereby

Unto the All draw nigh?

Shall it avail to plumb the mystic deeps

Of flowery beauty, scale the icy steeps

Of perilous thought, thy hidden Face to find,

Or tread the starry paths to the utmost verge of the sky?

Nay, groping dull and blind

Within the sheltering dimness of thy wings--

Shade that their splendour flings

Athwart Eternity--

We, out of age-long wandering, but come

Back to our Father's heart, where now we are at home.

EVELYN UNDERHILL in _Immanence_, p. 82.

{xi}

INTRODUCTION

WHAT IS "SPIRITUAL RELIGION"

I

There is no magic in words, though, it must be confessed, they often

exercise a psychological influence so profound and far-reaching that

they seem to possess a miracle-working efficacy. Some persons live all

their lives under the suggestive spell of certain words, and it

sometimes happens that an entire epoch is more or less dominated by the

mysterious fascination of a sacred word, which needs only to be spoken

on the house-top to set hearts beating and legs marching.

"Spiritual" has always been one of these wonder-working words. St.

Paul, in Christian circles, was the first to give the word its unique

value. For him it named a new order of life and a new level of being.

In his thought, a deep cleavage runs through the human race and divides

it into two sharply-sundered classes, "psychical men" and "pneumatical

men"--men who live according to nature, and men who live by the life of

the Spirit. The former class, that is psychical men, are of the earth

earthy; they are, as we should say to-day, _empirical_, parts of a vast

nature-system, doomed, as is the entire system, to constant flux and

mutability and eventually to irretrievable wreck and ruin; the natural,

psychical, corruptible man cannot inherit incorruption.[1] On the

other hand, the pneumatical or spiritual man {xii} "puts on"

incorruption and immortality. He is a member of a new order; he is

"heavenly," a creation "not made with hands," but wrought out of the

substance of the spiritual world, and furnished with the inherent

capacity of eternal duration, so that "mortality is swallowed up of

life."[2]

This word, thus made sacred by St. Paul's great use of it to designate

the new race of the saved, was made the bearer in the Johannine

writings of a no less exalted message, which has become a living and

indissoluble part of the religious consciousness of the Christian

world. "Eternal life"--or, what in these writings is the same thing,

"life"--comes through the reception of the Spirit, in a birth from

above. "That which is born of the flesh is flesh, and that which is

born of the Spirit is Spirit."[3] When the Spirit comes as the

initiator of this abundant life, then we "know that we abide in Him and

He in us, because He hath given us of His Spirit," and it becomes

possible for the Spirit-led person to be guided "into all the truth,"

to "love even as He loved," and to "overcome the world."[4] Here,

again, the human race is divided into those who have "received of the

Spirit," and those who have not so received; those who are "born from

above" and those who have had only a natural birth; the twice-born and

the once-born; those who are "of the Spirit," _i.e._ spiritual, and

those who are "of this world," _i.e._ empirical.

The Gnostic Sects of the second century had one common link and badge;

they all proposed a "way," often bizarre and strange-sounding to modern

ears, by which the soul, astray, lost, encumbered, or imprisoned in

matter, might attain its freedom and become _spiritual_. Most of the

Gnostic teachers, who in their flourishing time were as thick as

thistle-downs in summer, conceived of man as consisting of two "halves"

which corresponded with two totally different world-orders. There was

in man, or there belonged to man (1) a visible body, which {xiii} was

again dichotomized, and believed to be composed, according to many of

the Gnostics, of a subtle element like that of which they supposed Adam

in his unfallen state was made, which they named the _hylic_ body, and

a sheath of gross earthly matter which they called the _choical_

body.[5] There was also (2) another, invisible, "half," generally

divided into lower and higher stories. The lower story, the psychical,

was created or furnished by the Demiurge, or sub-divine creator of the

natural system, while the top-story, or pneumatical self, was a

_spiritual seed_ derived from the supreme spiritual Origin, the Divine

Pleroma, the Fulness of the Godhead. Those who possessed this

spiritual seed were "the elect," "the saved," who eventually, stripped

of their sheath of matter and their psychical dwelling, would be able

to pass all "the keepers of the way," and rise to the pure spiritual

life.

The Montanists launched in the second century a movement, borne along

on a mountain-wave of enthusiasm, for a "spiritual" Church composed

only of "spiritual" persons. They called themselves "the Spirituals,"

and they insisted that the age or dispensation of the Spirit had now

come. The Church, rigidly organized with its ordained officials, its

external machinery, and its accumulated traditions, was to them part of

an old and outworn system to be left behind. In the place of it was to

come a new order of "spiritual people" of whom the Montanist prophets

were the "first fruits,"--a new and peculiar people, born from above,

recipients of a divine energizing power, partakers in the life of the

Spirit and capable of being guided on by progressive revelations into

all the truth. To be "spiritual" in their vocabulary meant to be a

participator in the Life of God, and to be a living member of a group

that was led and guided by a continuously self-revealing Spirit. This

Spirit was conceived, however, not as immanent and resident, not as the

{xiv} indwelling and permeative Life of the human spirit, but as

foreign and remote, and He was thought of as "coming" in sporadic

visitations to whom He would, His coming being indicated in

extraordinary and charismatic manifestations.

This type of "spiritual religion," though eventually stamped out in the

particular form of Montanism, reappeared again and again, with peculiar

local and temporal variations, in the history of Christianity.[6] To

the bearers of it, the historic Church, with its crystallized system

and its vast machinery, always seemed "unspiritual" and traditional.

They believed, each time the movement appeared, that _they_ had found

the way to more abundant life, that the Spirit had come upon them in a

special manner, and was through them inaugurating a higher order of

Christianity, and they always felt that their religion of direct

experience, of invading energy, of inspirational insights, of

charismatic bestowals, and of profound emotional fervour was distinctly

"spiritual," as contrasted with the historic Church which claimed

indeed a divine origin and divine "deposits," but which, as they

believed, lacked the continuous and progressive leadership of the

Spirit. They were always very certain that their religion was

characteristically "spiritual," and all other forms seemed to them

cold, formal, or dead. In their estimates, men were still divided into

spiritual persons and psychical persons--those who lived by the "heart"

and those who lived by the "head."

Parallel with the main current of the Protestant Reformation, a new

type of "spiritual religion" appeared and continued to manifest itself

with mutations and developments, throughout the entire Reformation era,

with a wealth of results which are still operative in the life of the

modern world. The period of this new birth was a time of profound

transition and ferment, and a bewildering variety of roads was tried to

spiritual Canaans and new Jerusalems, then fondly believed to {xv} be

near at hand. It is a long-standing tragedy of history that the right

wing of a revolutionary or transforming movement must always suffer for

the unwisdom and lack of balance of those who constitute the left, or

extreme radical, wing of the movement. So it happened here. The

nobler leaders and the saner spirits were taken in the mass with those

of an opposite character, and were grouped under comprehensive labels

of reproach and scorn, such as "Antinomians," "Enthusiasts," or

"Anabaptists," and in consequence still remain largely neglected and

forgotten.

The men who initiated and guided this significant undertaking--the

exhibition in the world of what they persistently called "spiritual

religion"--were influenced by three great historic tendencies, all

three of which were harmoniously united in their type of Christianity.

They were the Mystical tendency, the Humanistic or Rational tendency,

and the distinctive Faith-tendency of the Reformation. These three

strands are indissolubly woven together in this type of so-called

spiritual Religion. It was an impressive attempt, whether completely

successful or not, to widen the sphere and scope of religion, to carry

it into _the whole of life_, to ground it in the very nature of the

human spirit, and to demonstrate that to be a man, possessed of full

life and complete health, is to be religious, to be spiritual. I

propose, as a preliminary preparation for differentiating this special

type of "spiritual religion," to undertake a study, as brief as

possible, of these three underlying and fundamental strands or

tendencies in religion which will, of course, involve some

consideration of the inherent nature of religion itself.

For my present purpose it is not necessary to study the twilight

history of religion in primitive races nor to trace its origins in the

cradle-stage of human life. Anthropologists are rendering a valuable

service in their attempts to explore the baffling region of primitive

man's mind, and they have hit upon some very suggestive clues, though

so far only tentative ones, to the psychological experiences and

attitudes which set man's feet on the {xvi} momentous religious trail.

At every stage of its long and devious history, religion has been _some

sort of life-adjustment to realities which were felt to be of supreme

importance either to the individual or to the race_, and it becomes

thus possible for the scientific observer to note a developmental

process and to discover a principle which links it in with a universal

scheme of evolution.

But religion can never be adequately treated either in terms of racial

origins or of biological history, though there can be no doubt whatever

that there are genetic and biological factors to be considered. Nor,

again, can religion be adequately and exhaustively dealt with by the

psychological method of investigation. The psychological studies of

religion in recent years have greatly enriched our knowledge of the

range and scope and power of man's psychic nature and functions, of his

instincts, desires, valuations, needs, yearnings, beliefs, and modes of

activity and behaviour, and particularly of the important influence

which the social group has exercised and still exercises in the

furtherance of religious attitudes and ideals. But the psychological

method has obvious and inherent limitations. Like any other natural

science, psychology is limited to description and causal explanation of

the phenomena of its special field, which in this case is states of

consciousness. It does not pretend, or even aspire, to pronounce upon

the ultimate nature of consciousness, nor upon the moral significance

of personality. Psychology is as empirical as any other science. It

modestly confines its scope of research to what _appears_ in finite and

describable forms. It possesses no ladder by which it can transcend

the empirical order, the fact-level. The religion which the

psychologist reports upon is necessarily stripped of all transcendental

and objective reference. Its wings are severely clipped. It is only

one of man's multitudinous _reactions_ in the presence of the facts of

his time and space world. It is nakedly subjective and _works_, not

because there is Something or Some One beyond, which answers it, and

corresponds with its up-reach, but only {xvii} because undivided

faith-attitudes always liberate within the field of consciousness

energy for life-activity.

We need not blame the psychologist for this radical reduction of the

age-long pretensions of religion. If he is to bring religion over into

the purview of the scientific field, he can do nothing else but reduce

it. Science can admit into its world nothing that successfully defies

descriptive treatment. The poet may know of flowers which "can give

thoughts that do often lie too deep for tears," but science discovers

no such flowers in its field. Its flowers are amazingly complex, but

they call for no handkerchief. They are merely aggregations of

describable parts, each of which has well-defined functions. The "man"

whom science studies is complicated almost beyond belief. He is an

aggregation of trillions of cells. He is such a centre of vibrations

that a cyclone is almost a calm compared to the constant cyclic storms

within the area of man's corporeal system. His "mental states" have

their entries and exits before "the foot-lights of consciousness" and

exhibit a drama more intricate than any which human genius has

conceived. But each "state" is a definite, more or less describable,

_fact_ or _phenomenon_. For science, "man's" inner life, as well as

his corporeal bulk, is an aggregate of empirical items. No loophole is

left for freedom--that is for any novel undetermined event. No

shekinah remains within for a mysterious "conscience" to inject into

this fact-world insights drawn from a higher world of noumenal, or

absolute, reality. "Man" is merely a part of the naturalistic order,

and has no way of getting out of the vast net in which science catches

and holds "all that is."

There is, I repeat, no ground for blaming the psychologist for making

these reductions. His science can deal only with an order of facts

which will conform to the scientific method, for wherever science

invades a field, it ignores or eliminates every aspect of novelty or

mystery or wonder, every aspect of reality which cannot be brought

under scientific categories, _i.e._ every aspect which cannot be

treated quantitatively and causally and {xviii} arranged in a congeries

of interrelated facts occurring according to natural laws. The only

cogent criticism is that any psychologist should suppose that his

scientific account is the "last word" to be spoken, that his reports

contain all the returns that can be expected, or that this method is

the only way of approach to truth and reality. Such claims to the

rights of eminent domain and such dogmatic assertions of exclusive

finality always reveal the blind spot in the scientist's vision. He

sees steadily but he does not see wholes. He is of necessity dealing

with a reduced and simplified "nature" which he constantly tends to

substitute for the vastly richer whole of reality that boils over and

inundates the fragment which submits to his categories. We do well to

gather in every available fact which biology or anthropology or

psychology can give us that throws light on human behaviour, or on

primitive cults, or on the richer subjective and social religious

functions of full-grown men. But the interior insight got from

religion itself, the rich wholeness of religious experience, the

discovery within us of an inner nature which defies description and

baffles all plumb-lines, and which _can draw out of itself more than it

contains_, indicate that we here have dealings with a type of reality

which demands for adequate treatment other methods of comprehension

than those available to science.

In the old Norse stories, Thor tried to empty the famous drinking-horn

in the games of Utgard, but to his surprise he found that, though the

horn looked small, he could not empty it, for it turned out that the

horn was immersed in the limitless and bottomless ocean. Again he

tried to lift a small and insignificant-looking animal, but, labour as

he might, he could not lift it, for it was grown into, and was organic

with, the whole world, and could not be raised without raising the very

ground on which the lifter stood! Somewhat so, the reality of religion

is so completely bound up with the whole personal life of man and with

his conjunct life in the social group and in the world of nature; it

is, in short, so much an {xix} affair of man's whole of experience, of

his spirit in its undivided and synthetic aspects, that it can never be

adequately dealt with by the analytic and descriptive method of this

wonderful new god of science, however big with results that method may

be.

The interior insight, the appreciation of religion, the rich and

concrete whole of religious consciousness, is, and will always remain,

the primary way to the _secret_ of religion--religion in its "first

intention"--as the experience of time-duration is the only possible way

to the elemental meaning of time. It has in recent years in many

quarters become the fashion to call this "interior insight," this

appreciation of religion from within, "mysticism"; and to assume that

here in mysticism we come upon the very essence of religion. This

conclusion, however, is as narrow and as unwarranted as is the

truncation of religion at the hands of science. The mystical element

in religion is only one element in a vastly richer complex, and it must

not be given undue emphasis and imperial sway in the appreciation of

the complete whole of "spiritual religion." We must, too, carefully

discriminate _mystical experience_ from the elaborate body of doctrines

and theories, historically known as "mysticism," which is as much an

_ism_ as are the other typical, partial, and more or less abstract

formulations of religion.

Mysticism for the mystic himself is characterized by a personal

experience through which the ordinary limitations of life and the

passionate pursuits of the soul are transcended, and a self-evident

conviction is attained that he is in communion, or even in union, with

some self-transcending Reality that absolutely satisfies and is what he

has always sought. "This is He, this is He," the mystic exclaims:

"There is no other: This is He whom I have waited for and sought after

from my childhood!"[7]

The experience is further characterized by the inrush {xx} of new

energies as though a mysterious door had been pushed open--either out

or in--admitting the human spirit to wider sources of life. "Fresh

bubblings from the eternal streams of Life flowing into the soul" is

the way the recipient often describes it. All the deep-lying powers of

the inward self, usually so divergent and conflicting--the foreground

purposes defeated by background inhibitions, and by doubts on the

border,--become liberated and unified into one conscious life which is

not merely intellectual, nor merely volitional, nor solely emotional,

but an undivided whole of experience, intensely joyous, enriched with

insight and pregnant with deeds of action. As in lofty experiences of

appreciation of beauty, or of music, or when the chords of life are

swept by a great love, or by a momentous moral issue, the spirit rises

in mystical experience to a form of consciousness which no longer marks

clock-time and succession of events, whether outward or inward. It may

afterwards take hours or days or weeks or even years to spread out and

review and apprehend and adjust to the experience--"the opening," to

use George Fox's impressive word--but while it is _there_ it is held in

one unbroken synthetic time-span. It is, to revive a scholastic

phrase, a _totum simul_, an all-at-once experience, in which parts,

however many, make one integral whole, as in a melody or in a work of

art; so that the mystic has a real experience of what we try to express

by the word Eternity. It feels as though the usual insulations of our

own narrow personal life were suddenly broken through and we were in

actual contact with an enfolding presence, life-giving, joy-bringing,

and light-supplying.

In instances where the intensity is great, unusual psychological

phenomena appear. Sometimes voices are heard, or sounds "like a mighty

rushing wind"; sometimes there are automatic visions of light, or of

forms or figures, as, for instance, of Christ, or of a cross; sometimes

automatic writing or speaking attends the experience; sometimes there

are profound body-changes of a temporary, or even permanent character;

sometimes there {xxi} is a state of swoon or ecstacy, lasting from a

few seconds to entire days. These physical phenomena, however, are as

spiritually unimportant and as devoid of religious significance as are

the normal bodily resonances and reverberations which accompany, in

milder degrees, all our psychic processes. They indicate no high rank

of sainthood and they prove no miracle-working power. The significant

features of the experience are the consciousness of fresh springs of

life, the release of new energies, the inner integration and

unification of personality, the inauguration of a sense of mission, the

flooding of the life with hope and gladness, and the conviction,

amounting in the mind of the recipient to certainty, that God is found

as an environing and vitalizing presence--as the recipient already

quoted reports his conviction: "I have met with my God; I have met with

my Saviour. I have felt the healings drop upon my soul from under His

wings."[8]

If _everybody_ had experiences of that sort there would be no more

doubt of the existence of an actual spiritual environment in vitalizing

contact with the human spirit than there now is of an external world

with which we correspond. There is _a priori_ no reason against the

reality of such an inner spiritual universe. It is precisely as

conceivable that constructive and illuminating influences should stream

into our inner selves from that central Light with which our inmost

self is allied, as that objects in space and time should bombard us

with messages adapted to our senses. The difference is that we all

experience the outer environment and only a few of us experience the

inner. The mystic himself has no doubt--_he sees_, but he cannot give

quite his certainty of vision to any one else. He cannot, like "the

weird sisters" of Greek story, lend out his eye for others to see with.

He can only talk about, or write about, what he has seen, and his words

are often words of little meaning to those who lack the vision.

{xxii}

II

But the very characteristics of mystical religion which give it its

self-evidence and power at the same time mark limits to its scope and

range. It is and must be primarily and essentially first-hand

experience, and yet it is an experience that is by no means universal.

It is not, so far as we can see from the facts at hand, an experience

which attaches to the very nature of consciousness as such, or indeed

one which is bound to occur even when the human subject strains forward

all the energies of his will for the adventure, or when by strict

obedience to the highest laws of life known to him he _waits_ for the

high visitation. Some aspect is involved over which the will has no

control. Some other factor is implied besides the passion and the

purity of the seeking soul. The experience "comes," as an inrush, as

an emergence from the deeper levels of the inner life, but the glad

recipient does not know how he secured the prize or how to repeat the

experience, or how to tell his friend the way to these "master moments"

of blessedness.

There are numerous persons who are as serious and earnest and

passionate as the loftiest mystical saint, and who, in spite of all

their listening for the inner flow of things, discover no inrushes,

feel no invasions, are aware of no environing Companion, do not even

feel a "More of Consciousness conterminous and continuous with their

own." Their inner life appears impervious to divine bubblings. The

only visitants that pass over the threshold of their consciousness are

their own mental states, now bright and clear, now dim and strange, but

all bearing the brand and mark of temporal origin. This type of

experience must not, therefore, be insisted on as the only way to God

or to the soul's homeland. Spiritual religion must not be put to the

hazard of conditions that limit its universality and restrict it to a

chosen few. To insist on mystical experience as the only path to

religion would involve an "election" no less inscrutable and {xxiii}

pitiless than that of the Calvinistic system--an "election" settled for

each person by the peculiar psychic structure of his inner self.[9]

There is another limitation which must always attach to religion of the

purely mystical type. In so far as it is an _experience_ of the inward

type, it is indescribable and incommunicable. That does not mean or

imply any lessened value in the experience itself, it only means that

it is very difficult to mint it into the universal coinage of the

world. The recovery of faith, after some catastrophic bankruptcy of

spiritual values, as with Job or Dante or Faust, cannot be described in

analytic steps. The loss of faith in the rationality of the universe,

the collapse of the "beautiful world" within, can be told step by step;

the process of integration and reconstruction, on the other hand,

always remains somewhat of a mystery, though it is plain enough that a

new and richer inner world has been found. So, too, with Mysticism.

The experience itself may, and often does, bring to the recipient an

indubitable certainty of spiritual realities, revealing themselves

within his own spirit, and, furthermore, it is often productive of

permanent life-results, such as augmented conviction, heightened tone

of joy, increased unification of personality, intense moral passion and

larger conquering power, but he, nevertheless, finds it a baffling

matter to draw from his mystical experience concrete information about

the nature and character of God, or to supply, from the experience

alone, definite contributions that can become part of the common

spiritual inheritance of the race.

The soul

Remembering how she felt, but _what_ she felt

Remembering not, retains an obscure sense

Of possible sublimity.[10]

{xxiv}

There can be, I think, no doubt that the persons whom we call mystics

have enormously added to the richness of our conception of God, or that

they have made impressive contributions to the capital stock of our

religious knowledge. But I question whether these increments of

knowledge can be fairly traced to "information" which has entered the

world through the secret door of mystical "openings." The conception

of God by which we live, and our knowledge of eternal life, are in the

main not formed of the material which has mysteriously dropped into the

world by means of "sudden incursions," or "oracular communications"

through persons of extraordinary psychical disposition. What we get

from the mystic, or from the prophet, is not his "experience" but his

interpretation, and as soon as he begins to _interpret_, he does so by

means of the group-material which the race has gathered in its

corporate experience through the ages. The valuable _content_ of his

message, so far as he succeeds in delivering one, the ideas with which

his words are freighted, bear the marks of the slow accumulations of

spiritual experience, and they reveal the rich and penetrative

influence of the social group in which the mystic's inner life formed

and ripened. They have a history as all ideas do.

The real fact of the matter is, that the great mystics are religious

geniuses. They make their contribution to religion in ways similar to

those in which the geniuses in other fields raise the level of human

attainments and achievements. They swiftly seize upon and appreciate

the specific achievements of the race behind them; they are profoundly

sensitive to the aspirations of their time and to the deep-lying

currents of their age; they are suggestible in an acute degree, through

heightened interest, to certain ideas or truths or principles which

they synthesise by such leaps of insight that slow-footed logic seems

to be transcended. Then these unifying and intensifying experiences to

which they are subject give them irresistible conviction, "a surge of

certainty," a faith of the mountain-moving order, and an increasing

{xxv} dynamic of life which, in the best cases, is manifest in thoughts

and words and deeds. Their mystical experience seldom supplies them

with a new intellectual content which they communicate, but their

experience enables them rather to _see_ what they know, to get

possession of themselves, and to fuse their truth with the heat of

conviction. The mystical experience is thus a way of heightening life

and of increasing its dynamic quality rather than a way to new

knowledge.

The _negative way_, which has been such a prominent and prevailing

characteristic of historical mysticism that many writers have made it

the distinct and sufficient differentia of mysticism, has often

produced intensity and depth, but it is, nevertheless, a mark of the

limitation of this type of religion. The indescribable and

undifferentiated character of mystical experience is no doubt partly

responsible for the emphatic place which negation has held in

mysticism. The experience itself, which seems like "a flight of the

alone to the Alone," can be told in no words except those of negation.

"The mortal limit of the self" seems loosed, and the soul seems merged

into that which it forever seeks but which having found it cannot

utter. But the type of metaphysics through which most of the great

mystics of history have done their thinking and have made their

formulations is still further responsible for the excessive negativity

of their systems.

There is, of course, a negative element or aspect in all genuine

religion. No person can grow rich in spiritual experience or can gain

an intimate acquaintance with a God of purity and truth without

negating the easy ways of instinct, the low pursuits of life which end

in self, the habits of thought and action which limit and hamper the

realization of the diviner possibilities of the whole nature.

Sometimes the eye that hinders must be plucked out or the right hand

cut off and thrust away for the sake of a freer pursuit of the soul's

kingdom. There is, too, a still deeper principle of negativity

involved in the very fibre of personal life itself. No one can advance

without {xxvi} surrender, no one can have gains without losses, no one

can reach great goals without giving up many things in themselves

desirable. There is "a rivalry of me's" which no person can ever

escape, for in order to choose and achieve one typical self another

possible self must be sternly sacrificed. In a very real sense it

remains forever true that we must die to live, we must die to the

narrow self in order to be raised to the wider and richer self.

But the _negative way_ of mysticism is more rigorous and more thorough

in its negation than that. Its negations "wind up the hill all the way

to the very top." Even the _self_ must be absolutely negated. "The

self, the I, the me and the like, all belong to the evil spirit. The

whole matter can be set forth in these words: Be simply and wholly

bereft of self." "The I, the me, and the mine, nature, selfhood, the

Devil, sin, are all one and the same thing."[11] Not only so, but all

_desire_ for any particular thing, or any particular experience must be

utterly extirpated. "Whatever Good the creature as creature can

conceive of and understand is something this or that," and therefore

not the One Real Good.[12] "So long as thy soul has an image, it is

without simplicity, and so long as it is without simplicity it doth not

rightly love God."[13] "Divine love can brook no rival." He who seeks

God must "rid himself of all that pertains to the creature." He that

would find the absolute Good must withdraw not only beyond all his

senses, but beyond all desires, into an inner "solitude where no word

is spoken, where is neither creature nor image nor fancy." "Everything

depends," Tauler counsels us, "upon a fathomless sinking into a

fathomless nothingness. . . . God has really no place to work in but

the ground where all has been annihilated. . . . Then when all forms

have ceased, in the twinkling of an eye, the man is transformed. . . .

Thou must sink into the unknown and unnamed abyss, and above all ways,

images, forms, and above all powers, {xxvii} lose thyself, deny

thyself, and even unform thyself."[14] The moment the will focusses

upon any concrete aim as its goal, it must thereby miss that Good which

is above and beyond all particular "things" that can be conceived or

named.

But the _negative way_ winds up farther still. It ends in the

absolutely negative Silent Desert of Godhead "where no one is at home."

Its way up is the way of abstraction and withdrawal from everything

finite. He whom the soul seeks cannot be found in anything "here" or

"now"; He must be "yonder." "It is by no means permitted," says one of

the great experts in negation, "to speak or even to think anything

concerning the super-essential and hidden Deity. . . . It is a Unity

above mind, a One above conception and inconceivable to all

conceptions, a Good unutterable by word."[15] "Thou must love God,"

Eckhart says, "as not-God, not-Spirit, not-person, not-image, but as He

is, a sheer, pure, absolute One, sundered from all two-ness and in whom

we must eternally sink from nothingness to nothingness."[16] God, the

Godhead, is thus the absolute "Dark," "the nameless Nothing," an empty

God, a characterless Infinite. "Why dost thou prate of God," Eckhart

says, "whatever thou sayest of Him is untrue!" The rapt soul at the

end of his road, at the top of the hill, only knows that every finite

account is false and that the only adequate word is an everlasting Nay.

Whatever idea your mind comes at,

I tell you flat

God is _not_ that.[17]

The great mystics have always saved themselves by neglecting to be

consistent with this rigorous negation and abstraction. In their

practice they have cut through their theory and gone on living the rich

concrete life. {xxviii} But the theory itself is a false theory of

life, and it leads only to a God of abstraction, not to the God of

spiritual religion. The false trail, however, is to be charged, as I

have said, not so much to mystical experience as to the metaphysics

through which the mystics, not only of Christian communions, but of

other faiths, were compelled to do their thinking. There was no other

way of thinking known to them except this way of negation. The

Infinite was the not-finite; the Absolute was precisely what the

contingent was _not_. The perfect was free of every mark of

imperfection. Behind all manifestations was the essential Substance

which made the manifestations. The completely Real was above all

mutation and process. "For one to assign," therefore, "to God any

human attributes," as Spinoza, the supreme apostle of this negative way

has said, "is to reveal that he has no true idea of God." It has taken

all the philosophical and spiritual travail of the centuries to

discover that there may be a concrete Infinite, an organic Absolute, an

immanent Reality, and that the way to share in this comprehending Life

is at least as much a way of affirmation as of negation, a way that

leads not into "the Dark" but into the Light, and not into a

"fathomless nothing," but into an abundant and radiant life.

Mysticism, as a type of religion, has further staked its precious

realities too exclusively upon the functions of what to-day we call the

sub-conscious. Impressed with the divine significance of "inward

bubblings," the mystic has made too slight an account of the testimony

of Reason and the contribution of history. The subconscious functions

are very real and very important aspects of personal life, and can

never again be ignored in any full account of personality. They

influence every thought, feeling, attitude, volition, opinion, mood,

and insight, and are thus operative in all the higher as well as in all

the lower phases of human life and character. Metaphorically, but only

metaphorically, we speak of the sub-conscious as a vast zone, an

indefinable margin, surrounding the narrow focus of attention, and we

may {xxix} figuratively, but only figuratively, call it the subliminal

"region" where all our life-gains, and often the gains of the race, are

garnered. The contributions from this mental underworld are

inestimable--we could not be men without them--but this subconscious

zone is a source of things bad as well as good, things silly as well as

things wise, of rubbish as well as of treasures, and it is diabolical

as well as divine. It seems in rare moments to connect, as though it

were a hidden inland stream, with the "immortal sea which brought us

hither," and we feel at times, through its incomes, as though we were

aware of _tides_ from beyond our own margin. And, in fact, I believe

we are.

But obviously we cannot assume that whatever comes spontaneously out of

the subconscious is divinely given. It mothers strange

offspring--Esaus as well as Jacobs; its openings, its inrushes, its

bubblings must be severely tested. Impulses of many sorts feel

categorically imperative, but some call to deeds of light and some to

deeds of darkness. They cannot be taken at their face value; they must

be judged in some Court which is less capricious and which is guided by

a more universal principle--something _semper et ubique_. A spiritual

religion of the full and complete type will, I believe, have inward,

mystical depth, it will keep vitalized and intensified with its

experiences of divine supplies, and of union and unification with an

environing Spirit, but it must at the same time soundly supplement its

more or less capricious and subjective, and always fragmentary,

mystical insights with the steady and unwavering testimony of Reason,

and no less with the immense objective illumination of History.

III

The men whom I am here calling Spiritual Reformers are examples of this

wider synthesis. They all read and loved the mystics and they

themselves enjoyed times of direct refreshment from an inward Source of

Life, but {xxx} they were, most of them, at the same time, devoted

Humanists. They shared with enthusiasm the rediscovery of those

treasures which human Reason had produced, and they rose to a more

virile confidence in the sphere and capacity of Reason than had

prevailed in Christian circles since the days of the early Greek

Fathers. They took a variety of roads to their conclusion, but in one

way or another they all proclaimed that deep in the central nature of

man--an inalienable part of Reason--there was a Light, a Word, an Image

of God, something permanent, reliable, universal, and unsundered from

God himself. They all knew that man is vastly more than "mere man."

Hans Denck, one of the earliest of this group of Spiritual Reformers,

declared that there is a _witness to God_ in the soul of every man, and

that without this inward Word it would be as impossible to bring men to

God by outward means as it would be to show sunlight to eyeless men.

He anticipated the great saying of Pascal in these words, "Apart from

God no one can either seek or find God, for he who seeks God already in

truth has Him."[18] "We are," says Jacob Boehme, who belongs in this

line of Spiritual Reformers, "of God's substance: we have heaven and

hell in ourselves."[19] There is in us, Peter Sterry says, a _unity of

spirit_ which holds all things together in an _at-once_ experience, "a

spire-top of spirit where all things meet and sit recollected and

concentred in an unfathomed Depth of Life."[20] Most of these men were

in revolt against scholasticism and all its works. They speak often

very slightingly of "Reasoning," the attempt to find a way to ultimate

Realities by logical syllogisms, but they, nevertheless, believed great

things of man's rational and moral nature. They are often confused and

cloudy in their explicit accounts of this ultimate moral and rational

nature. They everywhere indicate the conceptual limitations {xxxi}

under which even those who were the most emancipated from tradition

were compelled to do their thinking in that age. They could not break

the age-long spell and mighty fascination with which the Adam story and

the Garden of Eden picture had held the Christian world. They were

convinced, however, that the Augustinian interpretation of the fall,

with its entail of an indelible taint upon the race forever, was an

inadequate, if not an untrue account, though they could not quite

arrive at an insight which enabled them to speak with authority on the

fundamental nature of man. But with an instinct that pointed right,

they took Adam as a type of the unspoiled man, and they saw writ large

in him the possibilities and potentialities of man. What had been

originally possible in Adam became, according to their thought, actual

realization in Jesus Christ--the form and type of man, the true Head of

the race--and in spite of the havoc and spoiling, which sin had

wrought, that original possibility, that divine potentiality, still

reappears in every child, who comes now, as Adam did, made in the image

of God, with the breath of God in him, and with creative freedom of

will to settle his own destiny. Some of the Reformers whom I am here

studying centre this image of God, this immense divine potentiality, in

the ideal man, in man as God conceives him in his perfect state, or as

God by His Grace intends him to be, and they do not go the whole bold

way of asserting that this man we know, this man who lives in time and

space, who loves and sins and suffers, has and always has, in the very

structure of his inmost moral and rational being, a divine, unlost,

inalienable, soul-centre which is unsundered from God, and bears

eternal witness to our origin from Him, our potential likeness to Him,

and our capacity to receive illumination from Him.[21] But this latter

{xxxii} bolder view of the inherent greatness of man's essential nature

is the prevailing tendency of these men. They are thus the forerunners

of the Quaker faith that there is something of God in man, and they

continue the direct line, which goes back for ancestry to the Socratic

movement in philosophy of those who find God involved and implicated in

the nature of normal self-consciousness and in the idea of the Good

toward which we live.[22]

Mystics and prophets, as Seely well says in _Ecce Homo_, seem to

themselves to "discover truth not so much by a process of reasoning as

by _an intense gaze_, and they announce their conclusions with the

voice of a herald, using the name of God and giving no reasons." The

rational way of approach is different. It seeks to draw out by a

process of rational argument what is involved in the outer or inner

facts that are present to consciousness. It does not claim the power

to make bricks without clay, to construct its conclusions out of

nothing. Its only legitimate field is that of interpreting experience.

There have always been men who were religious because they could not

help being religious, because a Universe without God seemed to them

utterly irrational and unthinkable. Schleiermacher is only one witness

in a long and impressive succession of thinkers that have insisted that

"consciousness of God and self-consciousness are inseparable."[23] It

is obvious even to the unmetaphysical person that self-consciousness

always presupposes and involves something prior to one's own existence

and some reality transcending the reality of one's own self. The

finite is intelligible only through the infinite, the temporal only

through the eternal. We cannot think at all without appealing to some

_permanent more of reality_ than is just now given in our particular

finite experience, and no matter how far one travels on the road of

knowledge one always finds it still necessary to make reference to _a

transcending more_. "All consciousness is," as Hegel {xxxiii} showed

in 1807, in his philosophical Pilgrim's Progress, the _Phenomenology of

Spirit_, "an appeal to more consciousness," and there is no rational

halting-place short of a self-consistent and self-explanatory spiritual

Reality, which explains the origin and furnishes the goal of all that

is real.

On the other hand, there have always been men who have not granted any

such compelling implications to self-consciousness. They have

maintained that "finites" are forever "finites," and that there are no

bridges that carry us from our finite "nows" and "heres" to an infinite

Reality. The infinite Reality, they all admit, is conceivable; it is

"an idea" to which any mind can rise by normal processes of thought,

"but," so they say, "an _idea_ of an infinite Reality, an Infinite

merely conceived in the mind, is different, by the whole width of the

sky, from an actual objective infinite Reality that is _there_, and

that contains inherently all that our hearts seek in God."

It is quite true, of course, that the presence of "an idea" in our mind

does not of itself prove the existence of a corresponding objective

reality _out there_ in a world independent of our mind. There is most

assuredly no way of bridging "the chasm" between mind and an objective

world beyond and outside of mind, when once the "chasm" is assumed.

But the fundamental error lies in the assumption of any such "chasm."

The "chasm" which yawns between the inner and outer world is of our own

making. Whenever we know anything, wherever there is knowledge at all,

there is a synthetic indivisible whole of experience in which a subject

knows an object. Subject and object cannot be really sundered without

putting an instant end to knowledge--leaving "a bare grin without a

face!" The only way we know anything is that we know we know it in

experience. We do not ever succeed in proving that objects exist _out

there_ in the world beyond us exactly correspondent to these ideas in

our minds. That is a feat of mental gymnastics quite parallel to that

of "finding" {xxxiv} the self with which we do the seeking. The

crucial problem of knowledge is not to discover a bridge to leap the

chasm between the mind within and the world beyond. It is rather the

problem of finding a basis of verifying and testing what we know, and

of making knowledge a consistent rational whole.

The method of testing and verifying any fact of truth which we have on

our hands, is always to organize it and link it into a larger whole of

knowledge which we ourselves, or the wider group of persons in which we

are organic members, have verified, and to see that it fits in

consistently into this larger whole, and in this rational process we

always assume, and are bound to assume, some sort of Reality that

transcends the fleeting and temporal, the caprice of the moment, the

will of the subject, the here and the now. The mind that knows and

knows that it knows must, as Plato centuries ago declared, rise from

the welter and flux of momentary seemings to true Being, to the

eternally Real,[24] and the knowledge process of binding fragments of

experience into larger wholes and of getting articulate insight into

the significance of many facts grasped in synthetic unity--in the

"spire-top of spirit," as Sterry puts it--carries the mind steadily and

irresistibly on to an infinitely-inclusive and self-explanatory

spiritual Whole, which is always implied in knowledge. Some reference

to the _permanent_ is necessary in judging even the fleetingness of the

"now," some confidence in the eternally true is essential for any

pronouncement upon the false, some assurance of the infinite is

presupposed in the endless dissatisfaction with the finite, some appeal

to a total whole of Reality is implicated in any assertion that _this

fact here and now_ is known as real. Any one who feels the full

significance of what is involved in knowing the _truth_ has a coercive

feeling that Eternity has been set within us, that our finite life is

deeply rooted in the all-pervading Infinite.

The great thinkers of the first rank who have undertaken to sound the

significance of rational knowledge, {xxxv} and who have appreciated the

meaning of the synthetic unity of the knowing mind and the world of

objects that submit to its forms of thought, have recognized that there

must be some deep-lying fundamental relation between the mind that

knows and the world that is known, some Reality common to both outer

and inner realms. They have, almost without exception, found

themselves carried along irresistibly to an ultimate Reality that is

the ground and explanation of all the fragmentary facts of experience,

and without which nothing can be held to be permanent or rational--

Something far more deeply interfused,

Whose dwelling is the light of setting suns,

And the round ocean and the living air,

And the blue sky, and in the mind of man;

A motion and a Spirit, that impels

All thinking things, all objects of all thought,

And rolls through all things.[25]

The technical logical formulation of arguments to _prove_ the existence

of God as objectively real--arguments from causality, ontological

arguments, and arguments from design--all of which assume a "chasm"

between the knower and the object known, seem to us perhaps on critical

analysis thin and insufficient. The bridge of formal logic seems too

weak to carry us safely over from a finite here to an infinite yonder,

from a contingent fact to an Absolute Reality, from something given

_in_ consciousness to Something existent outside and beyond it; but it

is an impressive and significant fact that all finite experience, both

of inner and outer events, involves a More yet, that we cannot think

finite and contingent things without rational appeal to Something

infinite and necessary, that human experience cannot be rationally

conceived except as a fragment of a vastly more inclusive Experience,

always recognized within the finite spirit, that unifies and binds

together into one self-explanatory whole all that is absolutely Real

and True, and this is Reason's conviction of God.

{xxxvi}

When once the conviction is _felt_ and the rational postulate of God is

made, it immediately verifies its practical value in the solution of

our deepest problems. A happy illustration of the practical value and

verifying evidence of the rational postulate of God has been given by

James Ward: "Suppose," he says, "that the earth were wrapt in clouds

all day while the sky was clear at night, so that we were able to see

the planets and observe their movements as we do now, though the sun

itself was invisible. The best account we could give of the planetary

motions would still be to refer them to what for us, in accordance with

our supposition, would only be an imaginary focus [or centre of

physical energy], but one to which was assigned a position identical

with the sun's [present] position."[26] This assumption would at once

unlock the mystery and account for the varying movements of these

visible bodies and the more rigorously the hypothesis were applied, the

more exactly it would verify itself. So, too, with Reason's sublime

venture of faith. The nature of self-consciousness demands the

postulate, and once it is made it _works_.

The same result follows any attempt adequately to account for the moral

imperative--the will to live the truly good life. The moral will turns

out always to be imbedded in a deeper, richer, more inclusive Life than

that of the fragmentary finite individual. There is a creative and

autonomous central self in us which puts before us ideals of truth and

beauty and goodness that are nowhere to be "found" in this world of

sense-facts, and that yet are more real and august than any things our

eyes see or our hands handle. Our main moral problem is not to adjust

our inner ideals to our environment, but rather to compel the

environment to level up to our ideals. The world that ought to be

makes us forever dissatisfied with the world that is, and sets us with

a fixity of purpose at the task of realizing the Kingdom which might

possibly be, which we know ought to be, and which, therefore, has our

loyal endeavour that it {xxxvii} shall be, regardless of the cost in

pain and sacrifice. Man, as William Wallace has put it, "projects his

own self-to-be into the nature he seeks to conquer. Like an assailant

who should succeed in throwing his standard into the strong central

keep of the enemy's fortress, and fight his way thereto with assured

victory in his eyes of hope, so man with the vision of his soul

prognosticates his final triumph."[27] But if the life of moral

endeavour is to be essentially consistent and reasonable there must be

a world of Reality that transcends this realm of empirical, causal, and

utilitarian happenings. Struggle for ends of goodness must be at least

as significant in function as struggle for existence; our passion for

what ought to be must have had birth in an inner eternal environment at

least as real as that which produced our instincts and appetite for the

things by which we live in time. If the universe is through and

through rational, there must be some personal Heart that _cares_; some

moral Will that guarantees and backs our painful strivings--our

groaning and travailing--to make what ought to be come into play here

in the world which is. This postulate is Reason's faith in God, and

again it _works_.

The evolution of life--if it is evolving as we believe it is,

and if it is to be viewed with rational insight as an upward

process--irresistibly involves and implies some sort of fundamental

intelligence and conscious purpose, some Logos steering the mighty

movement. We have outgrown crude arguments from "design," and we

cannot think of God as a foreign and external Creator, working as a

Potter on his clay; but it is irrational to "explain" a steadily

unfolding movement, an ever-heightening procession of life, by

"fortuitous variations," by "accidental" shifts of level, or even by a

blind _elan vital_. If there is an increasing purpose and a clearly

culminating drama unfolding in this moving flood of life, then there is

some Mind that sees the way, and some Will that directs the march of

Life. And this confidence of ours in some divine Event to which the

whole creation moves, {xxxviii} this insight that there must be a

significant and adequate explanation for the immanent teleology and

beauty with which our universe is crammed, is, once more, Reason's

postulate of God. There is something in us, indissoluble from Reason

itself--a Light, a Word, a Witness as these Spiritual Reformers

insisted--which links us in all the deeper processes of

self-consciousness with _That Which Is_ and without which "knowledge"

would be a mere flux of seemings, a flight of _seriatim_ items.

IV

When this world's pleasures for my soul sufficed,

Ere my heart's plummet sounded depths of pain,

I called on reason to control my brain,

And scoffed at that old story of the Christ.

But when o'er burning wastes my feet had trod,

And all my life was desolate with loss,

With bleeding hands I clung about the cross,

And cried aloud, "Man needs a suffering God."[28]

There can be no doubt that the compulsions and implications of rational

insight have brought multitudes of men to God, have given them an

unescapable conviction of His reality, and have swayed their wills to

live in conformity to His perfect Goodness; and it is also true that

when for any cause this clue of rationality is missed or lost, men

flounder about in the fog and pass through periods of inward tragedy

amounting often to despair. But the approach of Reason still leaves

much to be desired. It points to something deeper than the transitory

flux of things, it raises our minds to some sort of ultimate and

self-explanatory Reality, it compels the conviction that there is an

all-inclusive Logos--Mind or Spirit--that explains what is and what

ought to be, and what in the unfolding course of things is to be; but

it does not bring us to a personal God who is our loving Friend and the

{xxxix} intimate Companion of our souls, it does not help us solve the

mystery of human suffering that lies heavily upon our lives, and it

does not bring to our spirits _the saving reinforcement of personal

Love_ that must be a central feature of a spiritual and adequate

religion.

There is still another way of approach to a Religion for mature minds

which has been no less universally operative and no less dynamic in its

transforming effects upon human lives than either of the two tendencies

so far considered--I refer to the way of Faith. By Faith I mean the

soul's moral or appreciative apprehension of God as _historically

revealed_, particularly as revealed in the personal life of Jesus

Christ. This Faith-way to God cannot be wholly separated--except by an

artificial abstraction--from the inward way of mysticism, or from the

implications of Reason. It is no blind acceptance of traditional

opinions, no uncritical reliance on "authority," or on some mysterious

infallible oracle. It is the spiritual response--or "assent," as

Clement of Alexandria called it--the moral swing of our inmost self, as

we catch insights of a loving Heart and holy Will revealed through the

words and lives and sufferings of saints and prophets, who have lived

by their vision of God, and supremely revealed in the Life and Love,

the Passion and the Triumphs of that Person whose experience and

character and incarnation of life's possibilities seem at last adequate

for all the needs--the heights and the depths--of this complex life of

ours.

It was Luther's living word which first brought the momentous

significance of Faith to clear consciousness in the sixteenth century.

But the new way of Faith meant many and discordant things, according to

the preparation of the ears of those who heard. It spoke, as all

Pentecosts do, to each man in his own tongue. To those who came to the

Lutheran insight with a deep hunger of spirit for reality and with

minds liberated by Humanistic studies, the Faith-message meant new

heavens and a new earth. It was a new discovery of God, and a new

estimate of man. They suddenly caught {xl} a vision of life as it was

capable of becoming, and they committed their fortunes to the task of

making that possible world real. By a shift of view, as revolutionary

as that from Ptolemaic astronomy to the verifiable insight of

Copernicus, they passed over from the dogma of a Christ who came to

appease an angry God, and to found a Church as an ark of safety in a

doomed world, to the living apprehension of a Christ--verifiable in

experience--who revealed to them, in terms of His own nature, an

eternally tender, loving, suffering, self-giving God, and who made them

see, with the enlightened eyes of their heart, the divine possibilities

of human life. Through this insight, they were the beginners of a new

type of Christianity, which has become wide-spread and impressive in

the modern world, a type that finds the supreme significance of

Christ's Life in His double revelation of the inherent nature of God,

and the immense value and potentiality of man, and that changes the

emphasis from schemes of salvation to interpretations of life, from the

magic significance of doctrine to the incalculable worth of the moral

will.

These men were weak in historical sense, and, like everybody else in

their generation, they used Scripture without much critical insight.

But they hit upon a principle which saved them from slavery to texts,

and which gave them a working faith in the steady moral and spiritual

development of man. I mean the principle that this Christ whom they

had discovered anew was an eternal manifestation of God, an immanent

Word of God, a Spirit brooding over the world of men, as in the

beginning over the face of the waters, present in the unfolding events

of history as well as in the far-away "dispensations of Grace." As a

result, they grew less interested in the problem that had fascinated so

many mystics, the problem of the super-empirical evolution of the

divine Consciousness; the super-temporal differentiation of the unity

of the Godhead into a Father and Son and self-revealing Holy Ghost; and

they tried rather to appreciate and to declare the concrete revelation

through Christ, and {xli} the import of His visible and invisible

presence in the world.[29]

This approach of Faith, this appreciation of the nature of God as He

has been unveiled in the ethical processes of history, especially in

the Person of Christ, and in His expanding conquest of the world, must

always be one of the great factors of spiritual religion. The profound

results of higher criticism, with its stern winnowings, have brought us

face to face with problems unknown to the sixteenth and seventeenth

centuries. So much of what seemed the solid continent of historical

truth has weathered and crumbled away that some have wondered whether

any irreducible nucleus would remain firm and permanent above the flood

of the years, and whether the religion of the future must not dispense

with the historical element, and the Faith-aspect that goes with it,

and rest wholly upon present inward experience.

There are, however, I believe, no indications worth considering, of the

disappearance of Jesus Christ from human history. On the contrary, He

holds, as never before, the commanding place in history. He still

dominates conscience, by the moral sway of His Life of Goodness, as

does no other Person who has ever lived; and by the attractive power of

His life and love He still sets men to living counter to the strong

thrust of instinct and impulse as does no one else who has ever touched

the springs of conduct. The Faith-aspect is still a very live element

in religion, and it is, as it has been so often before, precisely the

aspect which supplies concrete body and filling and objective ethical

direction to our deep sub-conscious yearnings and strivings and

experiences.

Once at least there shone through the thin veil of matter a personal

Life which brought another kind of world than this world of natural law

and utilitarian aims full into light. There broke through here in the

face of Jesus {xlii} Christ a revelation of Purpose in the universe so

far beyond the vague trend of purpose dimly felt in slowly evolving

life that it is possible here to catch an illuminating vision of what

the goal of the long drama may be--the unveiling of sons of God. Here

the discovery can be made that the deepest Reality toward which Reason

points, and which the mystical experience _feels_, is no vague

Something Beyond, but a living, loving Some One, dealing with us as

Person with person. In Him there comes to focus in a Life that we can

love and appreciate a personal character which impresses us as being

absolutely good, and as being in its inexhaustible depth of Love and

Grace worthy to be taken as the revelation of the true nature of the

God whom all human hearts long for. And finally through this personal

revelation of God in Christ there has come to us a clear insight that

pain and suffering and tragedy can be taken up into a self-chosen Life

and absorbed without spoiling its immense joy, and that precisely

through suffering-love, joyously accepted, a Person expressing in the

world the heart of God may become the moral and spiritual Saviour of

others. As von Hugel has finely said: "A Person came and lived and

loved, and did and taught, and died and rose again, and lives on by His

power and His Spirit forever within us and amongst us, so unspeakably

rich and yet so simple, so sublime and yet so homely, so divinely above

us precisely in being so divinely near that His character and teaching

require, for an ever fuller yet never complete understanding, the

varying study, and different experiments and applications, embodiments

and unrollings of all the races and civilizations, of all the

individual and corporate, the simultaneous and successive experiences

of the human race to the end of time."[30]

The only salvation worth talking about is that which consists of an

inner process of moral transformation, through which one passes over

"the great divide" from a life that is self-centred and dominated by

impulse and sin to a life that is assured of divine forgiveness, that

has {xliii} conceived a passion for a redeemed inward nature, that is

conscious of help from beyond its own resources, and that is dedicated

to the task of making moral goodness triumph over the evil of the

world. Any experience which brings to the soul a clear vision of the

moral significance of human life, and that engenders in us a practical

certainty that God is working with us in all our deepest undertakings,

tends to have saving efficacy and to bring about this inward

transformation. But nowhere else in the universe--above us or within

us--has the moral significance of life come so full into sight, or the

reality of actual divine fellowship, whether in our aspirations or in

our failures, been raised to such a pitch of practical certainty as in

the personal life and death and resurrection and steady historical

triumph of Jesus Christ. He exhibits in living fulness, with

transforming power, a Life which consciously felt itself one with the

heart and will of God. He reveals the inherent blessedness of

Love--even though it may involve suffering and pain and death. He

shows the moral supremacy, even in this imperfect empirical world, of

the perfectly good will, and He impresses those who _see_ Him--see Him,

I mean, with eyes that can penetrate through the temporal to the

eternal and find His real nature--as being the supreme personal

unveiling of God, as worthy to be our Leader, our Ideal Life, our

typical personal Character, and strong enough in His infinite Grace and

divine self-giving to convince us of the eternal co-operation of God

with our struggling humanity, and to settle our Faith in the essential

Saviourhood of God.

He who sees _that_ in Christ has found a real way to God and has

discovered a genuine way of salvation. It is the way of Faith, but

Faith is no airy and unsubstantial road, no capricious leap. There is

no kind of aimful living conceivable that does not involve faith in

something trans-subjective--faith in something not given in present

empirical experience. Even in our most elementary life-adjustments

there is something operative in us which far underlies our conscious

perceiving and {xliv} the logic of our conclusions. We are moved, not

alone by what we clearly picture and coldly analyse, but by deep-lying

instincts which defy analysis, by background and foreground fringes of

consciousness, by immanent and penetrative intelligence which cannot be

brought to definite focus, by the vast reservoirs of accumulated wisdom

through which we _feel_ the way to go, though we can pictorially

envisage no "spotted trees" that mark the trail.

This religious and saving Faith, through which the soul discovers God

and makes the supreme life-adjustment to Him, is profoundly moral and,

in the best sense of the word, rational. It does not begin with an

assumption, blind or otherwise, as to Christ's metaphysical nature, it

does not depend upon the adoption of systematically formulated

doctrines; it becomes operative through the discovery of a personal

Life, historically lived--and continued through the centuries as a

transforming Spirit--rich enough in its experience to exhibit the

infinite significance of life, inwardly deep enough in its spiritual

resources to reveal the character of God, and strong enough in

sympathy, in tenderness, in patience, and in self-giving love to beget

forever trust and confidence and love on the part of all who thus find

Him.

The God whom we learn to know in Christ--the God historically

revealed--is no vague first Cause, no abstract Reality, no all-negating

Absolute. He is a concrete Person, whose traits of character are

intensely moral and spiritual. His will is no fateful swing of

mechanical law; it is a morally good will which works patiently and

forever toward a harmonized world, a Kingdom of God. The central trait

of His character is Love. He does not become Father, He is not

reconciled to us by persuasive offerings and sacrifices. He is

inherently and by essential disposition Father and the God of all

Grace. He is not remote and absentee--making a world "in the

beginning," and leaving it to run by law, or only occasionally

interrupting its normal processes--He is immanent Spirit, working

always, the God of beauty and organizing purpose. He {xlv} is Life and

Light and Truth, an Immanuel God who can and does show Himself in a

personal Incarnation, and so exhibits the course and goal of the race.

The way of Faith is a way to God, and the religion of this type is as

properly _a first-hand religion_ as that of any other type.

I have, of course, by no means exhausted the types of mature religion.

There are other ways of approach to God, other roads by which the soul

finds the way home--"On the East three gates; on the North three gates;

on the South three gates; and on the West three gates"--and they will

continue to be sacred ways--_viae sacrae_--for those who travel them

and thus find their heart's desire. What we should learn from this

brief study is that religion is too rich and complex an experience to

be squeezed down to some one isolated aspect of life or of

consciousness. There are many ways to God and any way that actually

brings the soul to Him is a good way, but the best way is that one

which produces upon the imperfect personal life the profoundest saving

effects, the most dynamic moral reinforcement, and which brings into

sway over the will the goal of life most adequate for men like us in a

social world like ours.

For most of us no one way of approach--no single type of religion--is

quite sufficient for all the needs of our life. Most of us are

fortunate enough to have at least moments when we feel in warm and

intimate _contact_ with a divine, enwrapping environment more real to

us than things of sense and of arithmetic, and when the infinite and

eternal is no less, but immeasurably more, sure than the finite and

temporal. Most of us, again, succeed, at least on happy occasions of

mental health, in finding rational clues which carry us through the

maze of contingency and clock-time happenings, through the

imperfections of our slow successive events, to the One Great Now of

perfect Reality which explains the process, and we attain to an

intellectual love of God. And in spite of the literary difficulties of

primitive narratives and of false trails which the historical Church

has again and again taken, almost any serious, earnest soul to-day

{xlvi} may find that divine Face, that infinitely deep and luminous

Personality who spoke as no man ever spake, who loved as none other

ever loved, who saw more in humanity than anybody else has ever seen,

and who felt as no other person ever has that He was one in heart and

mind and will with God; and having found Him, by a morally responsive

Faith which dominates and transforms the inward self, one has found God

as Companion, Friend, and Saviour. Where all these ways converge, and

a soul enjoys the privilege of mystical contact, the compulsion of

rational insight, and the moral reinforcement of personal Faith in

Christ, religion comes to its consummate flower, and may with some

right be called "spiritual Religion."

V

The most radical step which these spiritual Reformers took--the step

which put them most strikingly out of line with the main course of the

Reformation--was their break with Protestant Theology. They were not

satisfied with a programme which limited itself to a correction of

abuses, an abolition of mediaeval superstitions, and a shift of

external authority. They were determined to go the whole way to a

Religion of inward life and power, to a Christianity whose only

authority should be its dynamic and spiritual authority. They placed

as low an estimate on the saving value of orthodox systems of

theological formulation as the Protestant Reformers did on the saving

value of "works." To the former, salvation was an affair neither of

"works" nor of what they called "notions," _i.e._ views, beliefs, or

creeds. They are never weary of insisting that a person may go on

endless pilgrimages to holy places, he may repeat unnumbered

"paternosters," he may mortify his body to the verge of

self-destruction, and still be unsaved and unspiritual; so, too, he may

"believe" all the dogma of the most orthodox system of faith, he may

take on his lips the most sacred words of sound doctrine, and yet be

utterly alien {xlvii} to the kingdom of God, a stranger and a foreigner

to the spirit of Christ. They were determined, therefore, to go

through to a deeper centre and to make only those things pivotal which

are absolutely essential to life and salvation.

They began their reconstruction of the meaning of salvation with (1) a

new and fresh interpretation of God, and (2) with a transformed

eschatology. As I have already said, they re-discovered God through

Christ, and in terms of His revelation; and coming to God _this way_,

they saw at once that the prevailing interpretations of the atonement

were inadequate and unworthy. God, they declared, is not a Suzerain,

treating men as his vassals, reckoning their sins up against them as

infinite debts to be paid off at last in a vast commercial transaction

only by the immeasurable price of a divine Life, given to pay the debt

which had involved the entire race in hopeless bankruptcy. Nor, again,

in their thought is He a mighty Sovereign, meting out to the world

strict justice and holding all sin as flagrant disloyalty and appalling

violation of law, never to be forgiven until the full requirements of

sovereign justice are met and balanced and satisfied. All this seemed

to them artificial and false. Salvation, as they understand it, cannot

be conceived as escape from debt nor as the satisfaction of justice,

since it is a personal life-relationship with a personal God who is and

always was eternal Love. God's universe, both outer and inner, is

loaded with moral significance, is meant for discipline, and therefore

it has its stern aspects and drives its lessons home with the

unswerving hammer of _consequences_. But in the personal Heart of the

universe, Love and Tenderness and Sympathy and Forgiveness are supreme,

and every process and every instrument of salvation, in the divine

purpose, is vital, ethical, spiritual.

God has shown Himself as Father. He has revealed the immeasurable

suffering which sin inflicts on love. To find the Father-Heart; to cry

"Abba" in filial joy; to die to sin and to be born to love, is to be

saved. Jacob Boehme gave this new conception of God, and its bearing

{xlviii} on the way of salvation, the most adequate expression that was

given by any of this group, but all these so-called spiritual Reformers

herein studied had reached the same insight at different levels of

adequacy. Their return to a more vital conception of salvation, with

its emphasis on the value of personality, brought with it, too, a new

humanitarian spirit and a truer estimate of the worth of man. As they

re-discovered the love of God, they also found again the gospel of love

and brotherhood which is woven into the very tissue of the original

gospel of divine Fatherhood.

Their revised eschatology was due, at least partly, to this altered

account of the character of God, but it was also partly due to their

profound tendency to deal with all matters of the soul in terms of life

and vital processes. Heaven and Hell were no longer thought of as

terminal places, where the saved were everlastingly rewarded and the

lost forever punished. Heaven and Hell were for them inward

conditions, states of the soul, the normal gravitation of the Spirit

toward its chosen centre. Heaven and Hell cease, therefore, to be

eschatological in the true sense of the word; they become present

realities, tendencies of life, ways of reacting toward the things of

deepest import. Heaven, whether here or in any other world, is the

condition of complete adjustment to the holy will of God; it is joy in

the prevalence of His goodness; peace through harmonious correspondence

with His purposes; the formation of a spirit of love, the creation of

an inward nature that loves what God loves and enjoys what He enjoys.

Hell, here or elsewhere, is a disordered life, out of adjustment with

the universal will of God; it is concentration upon self and self-ends;

the contraction of love; the shrinking of inward resources; the

formation of a spirit of hate, the creation of an inward nature that

hates what God loves. Hell is the inner condition inherently attaching

to the kind of life that displays and exhibits the spirit and attitude

which must be overcome before God with His purposes of goodness can be

{xlix} ultimately triumphant and all in all. Salvation, therefore,

cannot be thought of in terms of escape from a place that is dreaded to

a place that is desired as a haven. It is through and through a

spiritual process--escape from a wrongly fashioned will to a will

rightly fashioned. It is complete spiritual health and wholeness of

life, brought into operation and function by the soul's recovery of God

and by joyous correspondence with Him.

Here is the genuine beginning in modern times of what has come to be

the deepest note of present-day Christianity, _the appreciation of

personality as the highest thing in earth or heaven_, and the

initiation of a movement to find the vital sources and resources for

the inner kindling of the spirit, and for raising the whole personal

life to higher functions and to higher powers.

Putting the emphasis, as they did, on personal religion, _i.e._ on

experience, instead of on theology, they naturally became exponents of

free-will, and that, too, in a period when fore-ordination was a

central dogma of theology. This problem of freedom, which is as deep

as personality itself, always has its answer "determined" by the point

of approach. For those who _begin_ with an absolute and omnipotent

God, and work down from above, the necessarian position is determined.

Their answer is: "All events are infallibly connected with God's

disposal." For those who start, however, from actual experience and

from the testimony of consciousness, freedom feels as certain as life

itself. Their answer is: "Human will is a real factor in the direction

of events and man shapes his own destiny toward good or evil."

Calvin's logic is irresistible if his assumptions are once granted.

These spiritual Reformers, however, were untouched by it, because they

began from the interior life, with its dramatic movements, as their

basal fact, and man as they knew him was free.

This spiritual movement involved, as a natural development, an entire

shift from the historical idea of the Church as an authoritative and

supernatural instrument of salvation, to a Church whose authority was

entirely vital, {l} ethical, spiritual, dynamic. The Church of these

spiritual Reformers was a Fellowship, a Society, a Family, rather than

a mysterious and supernatural entity. They felt once again, as

powerfully perhaps as it was possible in their centuries to feel it,

the immense significance of the Pauline conception of the Church as the

continued embodiment and revelation of Christ, the communion of saints

past and present who live or have lived by the Spirit. Through this

spiritual group, part of whom are visible and part invisible, they held

that the divine revelation is continued and the eternal Word of God is

being uttered to the race. "The true religion of Christ," as one of

these spiritual teachers well puts it, "is written in the soul and

spirit of man by the Spirit of God; and the believer is the only book

in which God now writes His New Testament."[31] This Church of the

Spirit is always being built. Its power is proportional to the

spiritual vitality of the membership, to the measure of apprehension of

divine resources, to the depth of insight and grasp of truth, to the

prevalence of love and brotherhood, to the character of service, which

the members exhibit. It possesses no other kind of power or authority

than the power and authority of personal lives formed into a community

by living correspondence with God, and acting as human channels and

organs of His Life and Spirit. Such a Church can meet new formulations

of science and history and social ideals with no authoritative and

conclusive word of God which automatically settles the issue. Its only

weapons are truth and light, and these have to be continually

re-discovered and re-fashioned to fit the facts which the age has found

and verified. Its mission is _prophetic_. It does not dogmatically

decide what facts must be believed, but it sees and announces the

spiritual significance of the facts that are discovered and verified.

It was, thus, in their thought a growing, changing, ever-adjusting

body--the living body of Christ in the world. To the Protestant

Reformers this spiritual ideal presented "a Church" so shorn and

emasculated as to be {li} absolutely worthless. It seemed to them a

propaganda which threatened and endangered the mighty work of

reformation to which they felt themselves called, and they used all the

forces available to suppress and annihilate those of this other "way."

Nearly four hundred wonderful years have passed since the issue was

first drawn, since the first of these spiritual prophets uttered his

modest challenge. There can be no question that the current of

Christian thought has been strongly setting in the direction which

these brave and sincere innovators took. I feel confident that many

persons to-day will be interested in these lonely men and will follow

with sympathy their valiant struggles to discover the road to a genuine

spiritual religion, and their efforts to live by the eternal Word of

God as it was freely revealed as the Day Star to their souls.

[1] 1 Cor. xv. 50.

[2] 2 Cor. v. 1-4.

[3] John iii. 6.

[4] 1 John iv. 13; John xiii. 34 and xvi. 13; 1 John iv. 4.

[5] They found their authority for this outer sheath of body in the

text which says: "The Lord God made for Adam and for his wife coats of

skins, and clothed them."--Gen. iii. 21.

[6] Many of these historical reappearances are considered in my

_Studies in Mystical Religion_.

[7] Isaac Penington, "A True and Faithful Relation of my Spiritual

Travails," _Works_ (edition of 1761), i. pp. xxxvii.-xxxviii.

[8] Isaac Penington's _Works_, i. pp. xxxvii.-xxxviii.

[9] The exact and sharply-defined "ladders" of mystic ascent which form

a large part of the descriptive material in books on Mystical Religion

are far from being universal ladders. Like creeds, or like religious

institutions, they powerfully assist certain minds to find the way

home, but they seem unreal and artificial to many other persons, and

they must be considered only as symbolisms which speak to the condition

of a limited number of spiritual pilgrims.

[10] Wordsworth's "Prelude," Bk. ii.

[11] _Theologia Germanica_, chaps. xxii. and xliii.

[12] _Ibid._ chap. liii.

[13] _Meister Eckhart_, Pfeiffer, p. 320. 20.

[14] Tauler's Sermons. See especially Sermons IV. and XXIII. in

Hutton's _Inner Way_.

[15] _The Divine Names_ of Dionysius the Areopagite, chap. i. sec. i.

[16] _Meister Eckhart_, Pfeiffer, p. 320. 25-30.

[17] Quoted in W. H. J. Gairdner's _The Reproach of Islam_, p. 151.

[19] Denck's _Was geredet sey, dass die Schrift_, B. 2. Pascal's

saying is: "Comfort thyself; thou wouldst not be seeking Me hadst thou

not already found Me."--Le Mystere de Jesus, sec. 2.

[19] _The Threefold Life of Man_, xiv. 72.

[20] Sterry's _Rise, Race, and Royalty of the Kingdom of God in the

Soul of Man_, p. 24.

[21] "The finite individual soul seems naturally to present a double

aspect. It looks like, on the one hand, a climax or concentration of

the nature beneath it and the community around it, and, on the other

hand, a spark or fragment from what is above and beyond it. It is

crystallized out of the collective soul of nature or society, or it

falls down from the transcendental soul of heaven or what is above

humanity. In both cases alike it has its share of divinity."--Bernard

Bosanquet, _The Value and Destiny of the Individual_ (London, 1913), p.

1.

[22] The way to the world of Perfect Reality, Socrates says in the

_Theaetetus_, consists in likeness to God, nor is there, he adds,

anything more like God than is a good man.--_Theaetetus_ 176 A and B.

[23] Schleiermacher's _Glaubenslehre_.

[24] _Republic_ vii. 518 B.

[25] Wordsworth's "Tintern Abbey."

[26] _Realm of Ends_, p. 230.

[27] _Lectures and Addresses_, p. 193.

[28] Ella Wheeler Wilcox, _Poems of Life and Moments_.

[29] Jacob Boehme, however, shows this fascination for the

super-empirical at its height and culmination. It was an attempt,

though a bungling attempt, to pass from an abstract God to a God of

_character_, and it was a circuitous way of getting round the problem

of evil.

[30] _Mystical Elements of Religion_, i. p. 26.

[31] William Dell's sermon on "The Trial of Spirits," _Works_, p. 438.

{1}

CHAPTER I

THE MAIN CURRENT OF THE REFORMATION

I

One of the greatest tragedies in Christian history is the division of

forces which occurred in the Reformation movements of the sixteenth

century. Division of forces in the supreme spiritual undertakings of

the race is of course confined to no one century and to no one

movement; it is a very ancient tragedy. But the tragedy of division is

often relieved by the fact that through the differentiation of opposing

parties a vigorous emphasis is placed upon aspects of truth which might

otherwise have been allowed to drop out of focus. This

sixteenth-century division is peculiarly tragic, because through the

split in the lines the very aspects of truth which were most needed to

give the movement a steady increment of insight and power were lost in

the din and confusion of party warfare.

There was a short but glorious period--the years from 1517 to

1523--during which it seemed as though the spiritual and intellectual

travail of the three preceding centuries was to consummate in the birth

of a movement that would draw together and unify all the liberating

forces which had slowly become available. The Humanists of the

Renaissance, no less than Columbus, were finding a new world.[1] They

had boldly travelled out beyond the {2} boundaries which the medieval

mind had set to human interests, and had discovered that man was more

than the abstract being whose "soul" had alone concerned ecclesiastics

and schoolmen. Man, the Humanists saw, is possessed in his own right

of great powers of reason. He is a creative and autonomous being, he

has vast capacities for life and enjoyment to which the Church had

failed to minister. They stood amazed at the artistic and literary

culture, the political and intellectual freedom and the great richness

of life which the newly discovered classical literature revealed as

having existed in the pre-Christian world, and at the wonderful

comprehension of life revealed in the Gospels. With commendable

passion they proposed to refresh and reshape the world through the new

models, the new ideals, and the new spirit which they had discovered.

First of all they would wipe out the old Augustinian cleavage which had

carried its sharp dualism wherever it ran. They would no longer

recognize the double world scheme--a divine realm set over against an

undivine realm, the "sacred" set over against the "secular," the

spiritual set over against the natural, the Church set against the

world, faith set in contrast to reason, the spirit pitted against the

flesh, "the other world" put in such light that "this world" by

contrast lay dull in the shadow. Those who were broadened and

liberated by the new learning found not only a new world in classical

literature, but they also found a new gospel in the Gospel. As they

studied the New Testament documents themselves and became freed from

the bondage of tradition they discovered that the primitive message

dealt with life and action rather than with theology. They found the

key to the Gospel in the Sermon on the Mount, and in the Parables of

Jesus, and they shifted the emphasis from doctrine to ethics. This

change of emphasis quite naturally involved another change. It brought

man into greater prominence, and the Church as an ecclesiastical system

into less prominence; for life, they discovered, was settled in the

teaching of Christ by the {3} attitude of the will and by the formation

of character, rather than by the mediation of a priesthood external to

man. "I wish," Erasmus wrote to Capito in 1518, "that there could be

an end of scholastic subtleties, or, if not an end, that they could be

thrust into a second place and Christ be taught plainly and simply.

The reading of the Bible and the early Fathers will have this effect.

Doctrines are taught now which have no affinity with Christ, and only

darken our eyes."[2] Again in 1521 he wrote to a friend, words which

appear again and again in his letters: "It would be well for us if we

thought less about our dogmas and more about the gospel,"[3] or, as he

often puts it, "if we made less of dogmatic subtleties and more of

Scripture." So far as Humanism was a religious force it was pushing

toward a religion of the lay-type, with man himself--man with his

momentous will--as the centre of interest.

Another important influence was slowly but pervasively filtering down

into the life of the people and preparing the way for a religion of

greater personal vitality and spiritual inwardness; I mean the

testimony of the great mystics. One has only to study the life and

writings of such a scholar as Nicolaus Chrypffs--generally called

Cusanus, or Nicholas of Cusa--who died shortly before Luther was

born,[4] to see what a live force the mystical teaching was even in

this period of Renaissance. God is for him, as for his great masters,

Plotinus, Erigena, Eckhart, and Tauler, the infinite and indescribable

subsoil of the universe, in whose Reality all the roots of life and all

the reality of things are grounded. The soul, by nature spiritual and

immortal, at its apex rises above the contradictions which lower

knowledge everywhere meets and comes into possession, by a "learned

ignorance," of Truth itself and into an unspeakable union with God.

But it was not merely among scholars like Nicholas that mysticism

formed the elemental basis of life and thought; it had, through the

circles of the {4} "Brothers of the Common Life,"[5] and through such

masterpieces as the _Imitation of Christ_, the _Theologia Germanica_,

and the Sermons of Eckhart and of John Tauler, become a part of the

spiritual atmosphere which serious-minded men breathed. Every one of

the men who belong in my list of "Spiritual Reformers" read and loved

"the golden book of German Theology," and most of them knew the other

writings of the great fourteenth-century mystics. There are

unmistakable evidences of a subtle formative influence from these rich

sources, which explains the simultaneous sporadic outbreak of similar

views in widely sundered places.

There was, thus, abroad at the opening of the Reformation a deep

yearning among serious people for a religion of inward experience, a

religion based not on proof-texts nor on external authority of any

kind, but on the native capacity of the soul to seek, to find and to

enjoy the living God who is the Root and Sap of every twig and branch

of the great tree of life. The general trend of this mystical

tendency, as also of the Humanistic movement, was in the direction of

lay-religion, and both movements alike emphasized the inherent and

native capacity of man, whose destiny by his free choice is in his own

hands.

There were, too, at work many other deep-lying tendencies away from the

bondage and traditions of the past; aspiration for economic and social

reforms to liberate the common people and give them some real chance to

be persons--tendencies which all the Reformers treated in this book

deeply felt and shared.

All these movements toward intellectual, spiritual, and social freedom

seemed at first to find their champion in the dynamic hero, whose

ninety-five theses on the door at Wittenberg shook the world awake in

1517. He was by birth and spirit a child of the people--"ein Kind des

Volkes"--and he seemed to be a prophet, divinely called to voice their

dumb aspirations. He possessed, {5} like all great prophets, a

straightforward moral honesty and sincerity, an absolute fearlessness,

a magnetic and commanding personality, an unusual mastery of the

vernacular speech, and an abundant power of pathos, humour, and satire.

All the world loves a hero who can say in the face of real danger, "I

would go forward to Worms if there were as many devils there as there

are tiles on the roof!" or again, "I would go to Leipzig if it rained

Duke Georges for nine days running!"[6]

He had, too, unusual religious depth and power which sprang, as in the

case of the great mystics, from a profound inward experience. Luther,

like St. Paul and St. Augustine, and many another spiritual guide of

the race, came upon his supreme insights in sudden epoch-making

revelations or illuminations by which he found himself on a new level,

with the line of march shifted and all values altered. His conversion

and dedication to religion was an instance of this type. So, too, was

his discovery of the way of Faith. Legend has very likely coloured our

accounts of this experience, but for purposes of valuation it is of

little moment to us whether the dynamic flash came to him in his cell

at Wittenberg as he was studying the Epistle to the Romans, or whether

it came while he was climbing the penitential stairway in Rome.[7] When

all legendary coverings are stripped away we have left an inner event

of the first importance, a _live idea_ bursting into consciousness like

a new star on the field of vision. By processes much deeper and richer

than those of logical argument, his mind leaped to the certainty of

infinite grace and forgiving love in God as revealed in Christ. In a

word, this baffled and despairing monk, striving in vain to heap up

merits enough to win {6} divine favour, suddenly discovered a new God

who filled his whole world with a new light and freedom and joy. His

name for this discovery was Faith ["Glaube"], but Faith in its first

intention for Luther meant a personal experience or discovery of God,

brought into full view and clear apprehension in Christ. "No one can

understand God or God's Word," Luther once wrote, "unless he has it

revealed immediately ["on Mittel"] by the Holy Ghost, but nobody can

receive anything from the Holy Ghost unless he experiences it. In

experience the Holy Ghost teaches as in His own school, outside of

which nothing of value can be learned."[8]

Not only was Faith for Luther thus possessed of a mystical character as

an inward discovery and as a personal experience which laid hold on God

immediately, but it also owed its illuminating birth in his

consciousness largely to the influence of the writings and the lives of

the mystics. However suddenly the "revelation" seemed to burst into

his mind, there had nevertheless been a long period of psychological

gestation and preparation for it before the epoch-making moment finally

came. He had already in his early convent days come under the spell of

St. Augustine, St. Bernard, Gerson, and many another guide into the

deep regions of inward personal religion, and his intimate friend, the

Vicar-general Staupitz, had been to him in some sense a personal

embodiment of this type of religion. But the German mystics of the

fourteenth century, with their mighty experience and their

extraordinary depth, carried him still farther in this direction. He

was so enthusiastic over that beautiful anonymous classic of mystical

religion, the _Theologia Germanica_, that he twice edited and published

it, declaring in his Preface that he had learned from it "more of what

God and Christ and man and all things are" than from any other book

except the Bible and St. Augustine. John Tauler, the great Dominican

preacher of Strasbourg, impressed him no less profoundly. "Neither in

the Latin nor the German language," he {7} wrote to Spalatin in 1516,

"have I ever found purer or more wholesome teaching, nor any that so

agrees with the Gospel." Both these great teachers of spiritual

religion helped him to see that complete confidence in and surrender to

the will of God is salvation--"Put off thy own will and there will be

no hell."

In Luther's earlier writings we come frequently upon passages which

reveal the way in which experience still saturates Faith for him, and

which exhibit the mystical depth of his Christianity at this period.

Commenting on the phrase, "Christ liveth in me" (Gal. ii. 20), in his

_Commentary on Galatians_[9] he says, "He [Christ] is my form, my

furniture, and perfection, adorning and beautifying my faith as the

colour, the clear light, the whiteness, do garnish and beautify the

wall. Thus are we constrained grossly to set forth this matter. For

we cannot _conceive_ that Christ is so nearly joined and united unto us

as the colour or whiteness is unto the wall. But Christ thus joined

and united unto me and abiding in me, liveth this life in me which now

I live; yea, Christ Himself is this life which now I live. Wherefore

Christ and I in this behalf are both one."[10] And in a famous passage

in the tract "On Christian Liberty," he declares that "Faith has the

incomparable grace of uniting the soul to Christ as bride to husband,

so that the soul possesses whatever Christ Himself possesses."

Not only was this Luther of the early period the hero of the people and

the prophet of a deep and inward religion, he seemed also to have

found, even more emphatically than had the Humanists, a far-reaching

principle of individualism which took the key from the Church and put

it into the hands of the Christian man himself. Salvation in its

essence, he sees, is conferred upon no one from without. The soul is

dependent for it upon no organization, no traditions, no dogma, no

sacred performances. It is a transaction between the {8} individual

soul and God, and the person who lays hold on God in living faith

thereby has salvation, assurance, and joy. With this principle of

individualism there came naturally to Luther a new conception of the

Church altogether.[11] It was for him, in ideal at least, a community

or congregation ["Gemeinde"] of believers, each member a spiritual

priest, ministering to the spiritual and social life of all: "I believe

that there is on earth, wide as the world is, not more than one holy

universal Christian Church, which is nothing else than the community or

assembly of the saints. . . . I believe that in this community or

Christendom, all things are common, and each one shares the goods of

the others and none calls anything his own. Therefore all the prayers

and good works of the entire community help me and every believer, and

support and strengthen us at every time in life and in death."[12]

This ideal of a priesthood of believers, ministering to each other in

mutual service and practising neighbourly love in daily life, would, if

it had been actually carried into effect, have marked a great step in

the direction in which the Humanists were going, namely, the transfer

of the emphasis from dogma to life, from doctrine to ethics, from

ecclesiasticism to personality. Luther's great discovery that personal

faith is the only thing which counts toward God, and that love and

service are the only things in the human sphere which have religious

significance would have introduced, if it had been put full into play,

a new era of personal freedom and a new stage in the progress of the

Kingdom of God as a world-wide brotherhood of men engaged in mutual

service.

{9}

II

But the young Luther of these glowing ideals is not the actual Luther

of the Protestant Reformation, any more than the Augustine of the

mighty spiritual experiences portrayed in the _Confessions_ is the St.

Augustine of history. The historical Luther had the hero-spirit in him

in high degree; he had mystical depth and inward experience as we have

seen, and he possessed the prophetic power of vision and forereach

which makes him often seem far in advance of his time; but these

dynamic traits were more than overbalanced by his fundamentally

conservative disposition and by his determination not to go faster or

farther than he could carry Germany, especially the nobility, with him.

He was, in a very real sense, a child of his time, a product of

medieval Europe, and he never succeeded in liberating himself from the

tight swaddling-bands in which his youth was wrapped. He could not

comprehend, as we shall see, the bold spirits who were dedicated to the

task of reinterpreting Christianity in terms of the new age; he loved

the old, in so far as it seemed to him unspoiled by apostacy and

corruption, and he naturally kept reverting to the ancient dogma and

the accepted theology of the old Church instead of leading the way into

a fresh, vital, spiritual form of Christianity adapted to the social

aspiration of the time.

In spite of the fact that Luther knew and loved the German mystics and

had himself received a powerful inward experience of Christ as the

bridegroom of his soul--an experience which quickened all the forces of

his will and raised him to the rank of a world-hero--nevertheless his

normal tendency was toward a non-mystical type of Christianity, toward

a Christianity thoroughly based on Scripture, logically constructed out

of concepts of the nature of God and Man, so ancient, sacred, and

orthodox, that they seemed to him axioms of theology and capable of

being formulated into a saving {10} system of truth, as universal and

as unalterable as the multiplication table.

However unconscious Luther himself may have been of the shift of

emphasis that was taking place in him as the movement progressed, the

historical observer has no difficulty in noting the change from the

Luther who is endeavouring to sound the deeps of life itself, and whose

religion is the creation of the inward stream of life within him; and

the Luther who wanders far afield from experience, draws curious

conclusions from unverified concepts, piles text on text as though

heaven could be scaled by another Pelion on Ossa, and once more turns

religion back to the cooled lava-beds of theology. He never could

succeed in getting the God of his heart's glowing faith into the

theologies which he laboriously builded. As soon as he started

constructing he invariably fell back upon the building-material which

had already been quarried, and which lay at hand. His experimental

Faith discovered a God of all Grace, but his inherited _concept_ of

God, the God of the Old Testament and of theology, was vastly

different, and remained to the end unrevolutionized by his heart's

insight. This background conception of God comes to extreme expression

in his _De servo arbitrio_ ["The Unfree Will"] of 1525: "This is the

acme of faith, to believe that God who saves so few and condemns so

many is merciful; that He is just who at His own pleasure has made us

necessarily doomed to damnation, so that . . . He seems to delight in

the tortures of the wretched and to be more deserving of hatred than of

love. _If by any effort of reason I could conceive how God, who shows

so much anger and harshness, could be merciful and just, there would be

no need of faith._" There could, in his thought, be no salvation for

man, no hope, and no joy, until some way of escape was found from the

stern judgments of this angry and wrathful God. This way of escape is

found in what Luther calls "the Word of God," by which he means "the

Gospel of God concerning His Son, incarnate, suffering, risen, and

glorified."[13] {11} This Word of God is for him the sum total of "the

promises that God is _for us_": "the pure Gospel" of a pardoning,

forgiving God; the revelation in the Cross of Christ that no self-merit

counts or is needed, but that on Christ's account God forgives the

sinner and bestows His Grace upon him.

Speaking theologically, Faith consists in believing in the God whom

Christ has historically revealed--believing without any doubt that He

will be and will do to us according to the things which are said of Him

in "the Word of God." It must be said that for Luther himself, Faith

was an "active, powerful thing," "a deliberate confidence in the grace

of God," which made him "joyous and intrepid" and "for which he could

die a thousand deaths";[14] but there was always an irresistible

tendency in the Lutheran teaching for faith to drop to the lower level

of doctrine, and to consist in the acceptance of a scheme of

justification.

This tendency was, I say, easy and irresistible just because Luther did

not normally and naturally think of God as being inherently and

essentially loving, gracious, tender, and forgiving, that is to say,

_fundamentally a Father_ and in his deepest nature like the self-giving

Christ. For him, as for so many other theologians, God _becomes_

forgiving and gracious on account of Christ's merit and righteousness

and thus no longer imputes sin to us. Because of what Christ did, God

now beholds us with an attitude of mercy, grace, and forgiveness, and,

on condition of our faith, imputes to us the righteousness of Christ.

Salvation is, thus, a plan by which we escape from the God of justice

and wrath and have our dealings with a God who has become merciful

because our sin has been balanced off by somebody else's merit and

righteousness.

Not only did Luther continue this medieval fiction of God's nature and

character, he had also always in mind a fictitious and constructed

"man." Man for him is a being devoid of "merit," a creature whose

personal {12} goodness in and of itself is of no value. Even Faith

itself, by which salvation is received, is not an attitude or function

of man's own will or reason. It is, like everything else connected

with salvation, something divinely given, supernaturally initiated, a

work of God, an _opus operatum_--"Mit unserer Macht ist nichts

gethan"--and therefore "faith" and "reason" belong in totally different

compartments of the human being. Nor, furthermore, when he is absorbed

with his system, is salvation ever synonymous for him with an

inwardly-transformed and spiritually-renewed self. Salvation means for

him _certainty of divine favour_. It does not inherently carry with it

and involve in its intrinsic meaning a new life, a joyous adjustment of

will to the Will of God. If man is to attain to a moral transformation

of life, he must receive an added gift of supernatural grace, that is,

the power of sanctification through the Holy Spirit. This conception

made it impossible for him to look for the coming of a divine kingdom

by slow processes now at work in the world.

Luther did not intend to make the "Word of God" synonymous with the

Scriptures, and in his great Prefaces to St. Paul's _Epistles_ he does

not identify the two. The Word of God is, as we have seen, the

revelation, the message, the gospel, of Grace through Christ Jesus,

wherever expressed, enunciated, or preached. But the pledged Word of

God found in the Scriptures seemed to him the main miracle of the ages,

and as, in his contests with Zwickau "Prophets," "Anabaptists," and

"Spiritualists," he found himself forced to produce a fixed touchstone

of faith and a solid authority to take the place left vacant by the Old

Church, he swung naturally toward the dogma of the absolute authority

of Scripture, and he laid, without wishing to do so, the foundation for

the view of the second generation of Protestantism, that the infallible

Scripture is God's final communication to helpless man, and is the

ultimate and only basis of authority in religion.

His conception of the sacraments in like manner, {13} because of his

crude supernaturalism and his inadequate intellectual and spiritual

penetration, drifted to a semi-medieval view. He intended to transform

these ceremonies and to have them fit "the pure Word of God." In his

primary _intention_ they were to be no longer objective works of grace,

but were to have a subjective value only, a faith-significance. They

were to be conceived as pictorial, symbolic ways of learning the one

important truth of salvation--God's grace and forgiveness; for God

deigns, he said, to speak to his immature creatures by signs and

pictures. But the imperial sway of the past powerfully moved him; his

own conservative disposition carried him along paths which an

enlightened reason would not have taken, and the heat of the

controversy often blinded him to some of the precious truths that had

seemed clear to him in the creative period of Faith. In the bitter

controversy with the "spiritual prophets" on the question of

sacraments, he wrote words which seem strangely out of harmony with his

earlier views and with his own experience: "External things in religion

must precede internal experiences which come through [_i.e._ are

mediated by] external things, for God has resolved to give nobody the

internal gifts except through the external things. He will give nobody

the Spirit and Faith without the use of external word and sign."[15]

Without meaning to surrender the precious jewel of a religion

spiritually grounded, he once more introduced "the awful mystery" of

the sacraments, and opened the door for the conception of the rite as

an _opus operatum_--a grace of God objectively real. He retained

infant baptism as _an efficacious act_, and, obsessed as he was by the

literal words, _Hoc est corpus_--"this is my body"--he went back into

the abandoned path of scholasticism,[16] and restored the mysterious

and miraculous real presence of Christ in the Eucharist.[17] It is

true, as Loofs has said, that {14} "Luther re-discovered Christianity

as religion," but it is also unfortunately true as well that he lacked

the insight, faith, and boldness of spirit to trust the people of his

age and of the future with "Christianity as religion," and instead gave

them a Christianity theologically constructed, deeply marred with

residual superstitions and mysteries, and heavily laden with the

inheritances of dark and medieval ages.

III

There are two types of religious genius, both of which play great roles

in history. There is first the genius who, inspired by the ideal of

some earlier prophet, or made wise because he has himself discovered

the trend of celestial currents, sees through the complex and tangle of

his time, and forecasts a truth which all men in a happier coming age

will recognize. When he has once seen it, this vision transforms all

his ideas and aims, and spoils forever for him all meaner gains, all

half truths, all goods which must be won through surrender of a

possible better. He will be obedient to that vision regardless of all

cost. He will bear witness to the full light which he has seen even

though he can compel nobody else in the heedless world of his

generation to see it. He may only cry in the wilderness, but at all

events he will _cry_, and he will cry of that highest thing his heart

knows.

There is, on the other hand, the genius who understands his own age

like an open book. He is almost hypersensitive to the movings of his

time. He feels the silent yearnings and strivings of the dumb

multitudes about him; he anticipates in his thought what the rest are

incipiently thinking--he is the clear voice and oracle of the spirit of

his age. He knows to a nicety how far his contemporaries will allow

themselves to be carried. {15} He will not over-hurry, he will not

outrun their possible speed, and he will sacrifice everything to carry

his epoch with him toward the goal which he sees. He is contented to

keep his roots deep in the past, and he tempers all his creative

insights with a judicious mixture of the experience of the past and the

ideas which time has made sacred. He will not satisfy the idealist who

wants leaps, and he will not please the radical in any period; but if

he is brave, wise, and sincere, and, withal, possessed of rare gifts of

interpretation and unusual powers of leadership, he may be able to

shape the course of history no less effectively, perhaps more surely,

than the genius who insists upon an immediate march straight across

country to Canaan the moment he glimpses it from his Pisgah.

Luther was a reformer of this second type. He was beset by very real

limitations. Dr. McGiffert does not overstate the facts when he says:

"He cared little for clearness and consistency of thought. A

satisfactory and adequate world-view was not of his concern. Of

intellectual curiosity he had scarcely any; of interest in truth for

truth's sake none at all. . . . He remained entirely without

intellectual difficulties, finding no trouble with the most extreme

supernaturalism."[18] In many respects, as Harnack has insisted, his

Christianity was a "medieval phenomenon."[19] Only in one thing was he

supremely the master of his age and the hero of a new time--in his

discovery of a way of Faith which makes a man "intrepid" even in the

wreck of worlds and "in a thousand deaths." On the lower levels of

life, where most of his work was done, he was strangely under the sway

of the past, a distruster of reason, a restorer of ancient doctrine, a

conservative in thought and action, a friend of rulers, a guardian, as

far as he could be, of the _status quo_--a leader who anathematized

radicals and enthusiasts and who staved off and postponed for nearly

four hundred years the truly liberating and thoroughly {16} adequate

reformation. He was determined to be the repairer of the "Old Church,"

not the builder of a "New Church," and he was resolved not to travel

farther nor faster than the substantial men of his time considered safe

and wise.

But less was perhaps more. There will at least always be those who

think that the sinuous way of progress is the most certain way of

advance. The slow incline, the gradual spiral, each wind of the curve

"ever not quite" the old level--that is the most approved method of

leaving an outworn past and of moving forward into a new stage of

history. It may be so. It certainly is true that through Luther's

_insight_ new reliance upon God came to men, new energy of faith was

won, and by his work of repair, conservative and cautious though it

was, in the long sweep of time a liberated Christianity has come, a

vital social gospel has become effective, and great vistas of progress

are opening out before the Church of Christ. But it is impossible to

forget that other group--those men of the other type--who even in

Luther's day saw the way straight across into Canaan, the men who saw

their vision fade away unrealized, and who failed to behold the fruit

of their spiritual travail largely because Luther misunderstood them,

refused to give them aid and comfort, and finally helped to marshal the

forces which submerged them and postponed their victory. We may not

blame him, but it is not fair to these heroic souls that they should

longer lie submerged in the oblivion of their defeat. I shall try in

these pages to bring up into the light the principles and ideas which

they proclaimed to Europe, perhaps ahead of their time.

[1] In the South the movement showed a tendency to drift back into a

refined paganism. In the North, however, it was deeply Christian in

interest, in feeling, and in its moral aspirations. Erasmus was by far

the greatest figure and the most influential person in the group of

Humanists of this latter type.

[2] Epistle CCVII.

[3] Epistle DLXXXVII.

[4] 1401-1464.

[5] Nicholas belonged to one of these circles. "The Brethren of the

Common Life" are treated in my _Studies in Mystical Religion_, chap.

xiv.

[6] Letter to the Elector Frederick, March 5, 1522.

[7] The story that Luther, climbing the _Scala Santa_ in 1510, suddenly

was impressed by the words, "The just shall live by faith," is based on

a reminiscence of Luther's son Paul. Luther's own reference to the

ascent of the _Scala Santa_ makes no allusion to any such experience.

He merely says that when he reached the top of the stairs, which he

climbed in the hope of getting the soul of an ancestor out of

Purgatory, he thought to himself, "Who knows whether this prayer will

avail?" Luther began his lectures on _Romans_ in 1515, and his dynamic

experience probably belongs near this date.

[8] Preface to the _Magnificat_ written in 1521.

[9] First given as Lectures in 1516-17, and published in 1519.

[10] A _Commentary on St. Paul's Epistle to the Galatians_.

[11] Dilthey says in _Archiv fuer Geschichte der Philosophie_, Bd. v.

Heft 3, p. 358: "The Justification of which the medieval man had inward

experience was the descending stream of objective forces upon the

believer from the transcendental world, through the Incarnation, in the

channels of the ecclesiastical institutions, priestly consecration,

sacraments, confession, and works. It was something which took place

in connection with a super-sensible regime. The Justification by faith

of which Luther was inwardly aware was the personal experience of the

believer standing in the continuous line of Christian fellowship, by

whom assurance of the Grace of God is experienced in response to

personal faith, an experience derived from the appropriation of the

work of Christ."

[12] _Saemmtliche Werke_ (Erlangen edition), xxii. p. 20.

[13] On Christian Liberty, _Primary Works_, p. 106.

[14] See his Preface to _The Epistle to the Romans_.

[15] _Wider die himlichen Propheten vom Sacrament_, ii. Anno 1525.

[16] See P. Loofs, _Dogmengeschichte_ (Vierte Auflage, 1906), pp.

752-755.

[17] In his instructions to Melanchthon for the Cassel Conference with

Butzer in 1534, Luther said, "In and with the bread, the body of Christ

is truly partaken of, accordingly all that takes place actively and

passively in the bread takes place actively and passively in the body

of Christ and the latter is distributed, eaten and masticated with the

teeth."

[18] McGiffert, _Protestant Thought before Kant_ (1911), p. 20. See

also the same view in Troeltsch, _Protestantisches Christentum und

Kirche in der Neuzeit_ (2nd Auflage), p. 481.

[19] _History of Dogma_, vii. p. 169.

{17}

Spiritual Reformers in the 16th & 17th Centuries · 第 1 / 18 章