He now relieved the drudgery of his _Dictionary_, and the melancholy of

his grief, by taking an active part in the composition of _The

Adventurer_, in which he began to write April 10[742], marking his essays

with the signature T[743], by which most of his papers in that collection

are distinguished: those, however, which have that signature and also

that of _Mysargyrus_, were not written by him, but, as I suppose, by Dr.

Bathurst. Indeed Johnson's energy of thought and richness of language,

are still more decisive marks than any signature. As a proof of this, my

readers, I imagine, will not doubt that Number 39, on sleep, is his; for

it not only has the general texture and colour of his style, but the

authours with whom he was peculiarly conversant are readily introduced

in it in cursory allusion. The translation of a passage in Statius[744]

quoted in that paper, and marked C. B. has been erroneously ascribed to

Dr. Bathurst, whose Christian name was Richard. How much this amiable

man actually contributed to _The Adventurer_, cannot be known. Let me

add, that Hawkesworth's imitations of Johnson are sometimes so happy,

that it is extremely difficult to distinguish them, with certainty, from

the compositions of his great archetype. Hawkesworth was his closest

imitator, a circumstance of which that writer would once have been proud

to be told; though, when he had become elated by having risen into some

degree of consequence, he, in a conversation with me, had the provoking

effrontery to say he was not sensible of it[745].

[Page 253: A letter to Dr. Warton. Ætat 44.]

Johnson was truly zealous for the success of _The Adventurer_; and very

soon after his engaging in it, he wrote the following letter:

'TO THE REVEREND DR. JOSEPH WARTON.

'DEAR SIR,

'I ought to have written to you before now, but I ought to do many

things which I do not; nor can I, indeed, claim any merit from this

letter; for being desired by the authours and proprietor of _The

Adventurer_ to look out for another hand, my thoughts necessarily fixed

upon you, whose fund of literature will enable you to assist them, with

very little interruption of your studies.

'They desire you to engage to furnish one paper a month, at two guineas

a paper, which you may very readily perform. We have considered that a

paper should consist of pieces of imagination, pictures of life, and

disquisitions of literature. The part which depends on the imagination

is very well supplied, as you will find when you read the paper; for

descriptions of life, there is now a treaty almost made with an authour

and an authouress; and the province of criticism and literature they are

very desirous to assign to the commentator on Virgil.

'I hope this proposal will not be rejected, and that the next post will

bring us your compliance. I speak as one of the fraternity, though I

have no part in the paper, beyond now and then a motto; but two of the

writers are my particular friends, and I hope the pleasure of seeing a

third united to them, will not be denied to, dear Sir,

'Your most obedient,

'And most humble servant,

'SAM. JOHNSON.'

'March 8, 1753.'

The consequence of this letter was, Dr. Warton's enriching the

collection with several admirable essays.

[Page 254: Bathurst's papers in the Adventurer. A.D. 1753.]

Johnson's saying 'I have no part in the paper beyond now and then a

motto,' may seem inconsistent with his being the authour of the papers

marked T. But he had, at this time, written only one number[746]; and

besides, even at any after period, he might have used the same

expression, considering it as a point of honour not to own them; for

Mrs. Williams told me that, 'as he had _given_ those Essays to Dr.

Bathurst, who sold them at two guineas each, he never would own them;

nay, he used to say he did not _write_ them: but the fact was, that he

_dictated_ them, while Bathurst wrote.' I read to him Mrs. Williams's

account; he smiled, and said nothing[747].

[Page 255: Mrs. Lennox. Ætat 45.]

I am not quite satisfied with the casuistry by which the productions of

one person are thus passed upon the world for the productions of

another. I allow that not only knowledge, but powers and qualities of

mind may be communicated; but the actual effect of individual exertion

never can be transferred, with truth, to any other than its own original

cause. One person's child may be made the child of another person by

adoption, as among the Romans, or by the ancient Jewish mode of a wife

having children born to her upon her knees, by her handmaid. But these

were children in a different sense from that of nature. It was clearly

understood that they were not of the blood of their nominal parents. So

in literary children, an authour may give the profits and fame of his

composition to another man, but cannot make that other the real authour.

A Highland gentleman, a younger branch of a family, once consulted me if

he could not validly purchase the Chieftainship of his family, from the

Chief who was willing to sell it. I told him it was impossible for him

to acquire, by purchase, a right to be a different person from what he

really was; for that the right of Chieftainship attached to the blood of

primogeniture, and, therefore, was incapable of being transferred. I

added, that though Esau sold his birth-right, or the advantages

belonging to it, he still remained the first-born of his parents; and

that whatever agreement a Chief might make with any of the clan, the

Herald's Office could not admit of the metamorphosis, or with any

decency attest that the younger was the elder; but I did not convince

the worthy gentleman.

Johnson's papers in _The Adventurer_ are very similar to those of _The

Rambler_; but being rather more varied in their subjects, and being

mixed with essays by other writers, upon topicks more generally

attractive than even the most elegant ethical discourses, the sale of

the work, at first, was more extensive. Without meaning, however, to

depreciate _The Adventurer_, I must observe that as the value of _The

Rambler_ came, in the progress of time, to be better known, it grew upon

the publick estimation, and that its sale has far exceeded that of any

other periodical papers since the reign of Queen Anne.

In one of the books of his diary I find the following entry:

'Apr. 3, 1753. I began the second vol. of my Dictionary, room being left

in the first for Preface, Grammar, and History, none of them yet begun.

'O GOD, who hast hitherto supported me, enable me to proceed in this

labour, and in the whole task of my present state; that when I shall

render up, at the last day, an account of the talent committed to me, I

may receive pardon, for the sake of JESUS CHRIST. Amen.'

He this year favoured Mrs. Lennox[748] with a Dedication[*] to the Earl of

Orrery, of her _Shakspeare Illustrated_.

[Page 256: The Life of Edward Cave. A.D. 1754.]

1754: ÆTAT. 45.--IN 1754 I can trace nothing published by him, except

his numbers of _The Adventurer_, and 'The Life of Edward Cave,'[*] in

the _Gentleman's Magazine_ for February. In biography there can be no

question that he excelled, beyond all who have attempted that species of

composition; upon which, indeed, he set the highest value. To the minute

selection of characteristical circumstances, for which the ancients were

remarkable, he added a philosophical research, and the most perspicuous

and energetick language. Cave was certainly a man of estimable

qualities, and was eminently diligent and successful in his own

business[749], which, doubtless, entitled him to respect. But he was

peculiarly fortunate in being recorded by Johnson, who, of the narrow

life of a printer and publisher, without any digressions or adventitious

circumstances, has made an interesting and agreeable narrative[750].

The _Dictionary_, we may believe, afforded Johnson full occupation this

year. As it approached to its conclusion, he probably worked with

redoubled vigour, as seamen increase their exertion and alacrity when

they have a near prospect of their haven.

[Page 257: Lord Chesterfield's neglect.]

[Page 258: Lord Chesterfield's flattery. A.D. 1754.]

Lord Chesterfield, to whom Johnson had paid the high compliment of

addressing to his Lordship the _Plan_ of his _Dictionary_, had behaved

to him in such a manner as to excite his contempt and indignation. The

world has been for many years amused with a story confidently told, and

as confidently repeated with additional circumstances[751], that a sudden

disgust was taken by Johnson upon occasion of his having been one day

kept long in waiting in his Lordship's antechamber, for which the reason

assigned was, that he had company with him; and that at last, when the

door opened, out walked Colley Gibber; and that Johnson was so violently

provoked when he found for whom he had been so long excluded, that he

went away in a passion, and never would return. I remember having

mentioned this story to George Lord Lyttelton, who told me, he was very

intimate with Lord Chesterfield; and holding it as a well-known truth,

defended Lord Chesterfield, by saying, that 'Gibber, who had been

introduced, familiarly by the back-stairs, had probably not been there

above ten minutes.' It may seem strange even to entertain a doubt

concerning a story so long and so widely current, and thus implicitly

adopted, if not sanctioned, by the authority which I have mentioned; but

Johnson himself assured me, that there was not the least foundation for

it. He told me, that there never was any particular incident which

produced a quarrel between Lord Chesterfield and him; but that his

Lordship's continued neglect was the reason why he resolved to have no

connection with him[752]. When the _Dictionary_ was upon the eve of

publication, Lord Chesterfield, who, it is said, had flattered himself

with expectations that Johnson would dedicate the work to him[753],

attempted, in a courtly manner, to sooth, and insinuate himself with the

Sage, conscious, as it should seem, of the cold indifference with which

he had treated its learned authour; and further attempted to conciliate

him, by writing two papers in _The World_[754], in recommendation of the

work; and it must be confessed, that they contain some studied

compliments, so finely turned, that if there had been no previous

offence, it is probable that Johnson would have been highly

delighted[755]. Praise, in general, was pleasing to him; but by praise

from a man of rank and elegant accomplishments, he was peculiarly

gratified.

His Lordship says,

'I think the publick in general, and the republick of letters in

particular, are greatly obliged to Mr. Johnson, for having undertaken,

and executed, so great and desirable a work. Perfection is not to be

expected from man; but if we are to judge by the various works of

Johnson[756] already published, we have good reason to believe, that he

will bring this as near to perfection as any man could do. The _Plan_ of

it, which he published some years ago, seems to me to be a proof of it.

Nothing can be more rationally imagined, or more accurately and

elegantly expressed. I therefore recommend the previous perusal of it to

all those who intend to buy the _Dictionary,_ and who, I suppose, are

all those who can afford it.'

* * * * *

'It must be owned, that our language is, at present, in a state of

anarchy, and hitherto, perhaps, it may not have been the worse for it.

During our free and open trade, many words and expressions have been

imported, adopted, and naturalized from other languages, which have

greatly enriched our own. Let it still preserve what real strength and

beauty it may have borrowed from others; but let it not, like the

Tarpeian maid, be overwhelmed and crushed by unnecessary ornaments[757].

The time for discrimination seems to be now come.

[Page 259: Lord Chesterfield's flattery. Ætat 45.]

'Toleration, adoption, and naturalization have run their lengths. Good

order and authority are now necessary. But where shall we find them,

and, at the same time, the obedience due to them? We must have recourse

to the old Roman expedient in times of confusion, and chuse a dictator.

Upon this principle, I give my vote for Mr. Johnson to fill that great

and arduous post. And I hereby declare, that I make a total surrender of

all my rights and privileges in the English language, as a free-born

British subject, to the said Mr. Johnson, during the term of his

dictatorship. Nay more, I will not only obey him, like an old Roman, as

my dictator, but, like a modern Roman, I will implicitly believe in him

as my Pope, and hold him to be infallible while in the chair, but no

longer. More than this he cannot well require; for, I presume, that

obedience can never be expected, when there is neither terrour to

enforce, nor interest to invite it.'

* * * * *

'But a Grammar, a Dictionary, and a History of our Language through its

several stages, were still wanting at home, and importunately called for

from abroad. Mr. Johnson's labours will now, I dare say[758], very fully

supply that want, and greatly contribute to the farther spreading of our

language in other countries. Learners were discouraged, by finding no

standard to resort to; and, consequently, thought it incapable of any.

They will now be undeceived and encouraged.'

This courtly device failed of its effect[759]. Johnson, who thought that

'all was false and hollow[760],' despised the honeyed words, and was even

indignant that Lord Chesterfield should, for a moment, imagine that he

could be the dupe of such an artifice. His expression to me concerning

Lord Chesterfield, upon this occasion, was, 'Sir, after making great

professions[761], he had, for many years, taken no notice of me; but when

my _Dictionary_ was coming out, he fell a scribbling in _The World_

about it. Upon which, I wrote him a letter expressed in civil terms, but

such as might shew him that I did not mind what he said or wrote, and

that I had done with him[762].'

[Page 260: Johnson's spelling. A.D. 1754.]

This is that celebrated letter of which so much has been said, and about

which curiosity has been so long excited, without being gratified. I for

many years solicited Johnson to favour me with a copy of it[763], that so

excellent a composition might not be lost to posterity. He delayed from

time to time to give it me[764]; till at last in 1781, when we were on a

visit at Mr. Dilly's, at Southill in Bedfordshire, he was pleased to

dictate it to me from memory[765]. He afterwards found among his papers a

copy of it, which he had dictated to Mr. Baretti, with its title and

corrections, in his own handwriting. This he gave to Mr. Langton; adding

that if it were to come into print, he wished it to be from that copy.

By Mr. Langton's kindness, I am enabled to enrich my work with a perfect

transcript[766] of what the world has so eagerly desired to see.

[Page 261: Johnson's letter to Lord Chesterfield. Ætat 45.]

'TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE EARL OF CHESTERFIELD.

'February 7, 1755.

'MY LORD,

'I have been lately informed, by the proprietor of the World, that two

papers, in which my Dictionary is recommended to the publick, were

written by your Lordship. To be so distinguished, is an honour, which,

being very little accustomed to favours from the great, I know not well

how to receive, or in what terms to acknowledge.

'When, upon some slight encouragement, I first visited your Lordship, I

was overpowered, like the rest of mankind, by the enchantment of your

address; and could not forbear to wish that I might boast myself _Le

vainqueur du vainqueur de la terre_[767];--that I might obtain that regard

for which I saw the world contending; but I found my attendance so

little encouraged, that neither pride nor modesty would suffer me to

continue it. When I had once addressed your Lordship in publick, I had

exhausted all the art of pleasing which a retired and uncourtly scholar

can possess. I had done all that I could; and no man is well pleased to

have his all neglected, be it ever so little.

'Seven years, my Lord, have now past, since I waited in your outward

rooms, or was repulsed from your door; during which time I have been

pushing on my work through difficulties, of which it is useless to

complain, and have brought it, at last, to the verge of publication,

without one act of assistance[768], one word of encouragement, or one

smile of favour. Such treatment I did not expect, for I never had a

Patron before.

'The shepherd in Virgil grew at last acquainted with Love, and found him

a native of the rocks.

'Is not a Patron, my Lord, one who looks with unconcern on a man

struggling for life in the water, and, when he has reached ground,

encumbers him with help? The notice which you have been pleased to take

of my labours, had it been early, had been kind; but it has been delayed

till I am indifferent, and cannot enjoy it; till I am solitary, and

cannot impart it[769]; till I am known, and do not want it. I hope it is

no very cynical asperity not to confess obligations where no benefit has

been received, or to be unwilling that the Publick should consider me as

owing that to a Patron, which Providence has enabled me to do for

myself.

[Page 263: His high opinion of Warburton. Ætat 45.]

'Having carried on my work thus far with so little obligation to any

favourer of learning[770], I shall not be disappointed though I should

conclude it, if less be possible, with less; for I have been long

wakened from that dream of hope, in which I once boasted myself with so

much exultation.

'My Lord,

'Your Lordship's most humble,

'Most obedient servant,

'SAM. JOHNSON[771].'

'While this was the talk of the town, (says Dr. Adams, in a letter to

me) I happened to visit Dr. Warburton, who finding that I was acquainted

with Johnson, desired me earnestly to carry his compliments to him, and

to tell him, that he honoured him for his manly behaviour in rejecting

these condescensions of Lord Chesterfield, and for resenting the

treatment he had received from him, with a proper spirit. Johnson was

visibly pleased with this compliment, for he had always a high opinion

of Warburton[772]. Indeed, the force of mind which appeared in this

letter, was congenial with that which Warburton himself amply

possessed[773].'

[Page 264: For 'garret' read 'patron.' A.D. 1754.]

There is a curious minute circumstance which struck me, in comparing the

various editions of Johnson's imitations of Juvenal. In the tenth

Satire, one of the couplets upon the vanity of wishes even for literary

distinction stood thus:

'Yet think[774] what ills the scholar's life assail,

'Pride[775], envy, want, the _garret_, and the jail.'

But after experiencing the uneasiness which Lord Chesterfield's

fallacious patronage made him feel, he dismissed the word _garret_ from

the sad group, and in all the subsequent editions the line stands

'Pride, envy, want, the _Patron_[776], and the jail.'

[Page 265: Defensive pride. Ætat 45.]

That Lord Chesterfield must have been mortified by the lofty contempt,

and polite, yet keen satire with which Johnson exhibited him to himself

in this letter, it is impossible to doubt. He, however, with that glossy

duplicity which was his constant study, affected to be quite

unconcerned. Dr. Adams mentioned to Mr. Robert Dodsley that he was sorry

Johnson had written his letter to Lord Chesterfield. Dodsley, with the

true feelings of trade, said 'he was very sorry too; for that he had a

property in the _Dictionary_, to which his Lordship's patronage might

have been of consequence.' He then told Dr. Adams, that Lord

Chesterfield had shewn him the letter. 'I should have imagined (replied

Dr. Adams) that Lord Chesterfield would have concealed it.' 'Poh! (said

Dodsley) do you think a letter from Johnson could hurt Lord

Chesterfield? Not at all, Sir. It lay upon his table, where any body

might see it. He read it to me; said, "this man has great powers,"

pointed out the severest passages, and observed how well they were

expressed.' This air of indifference, which imposed upon the worthy

Dodsley, was certainly nothing but a specimen of that dissimulation

which Lord Chesterfield inculcated as one of the most essential lessons

for the conduct of life[777]. His Lordship endeavoured to justify himself

to Dodsley from the charges brought against him by Johnson; but we may

judge of the flimsiness of his defence, from his having excused his

neglect of Johnson, by saying that 'he had heard he had changed his

lodgings, and did not know where he lived;' as if there could have been

the smallest difficulty to inform himself of that circumstance, by

inquiring in the literary circle with which his Lordship was well

acquainted, and was, indeed, himself one of its ornaments.

Dr. Adams expostulated with Johnson, and suggested, that his not being

admitted when he called on him, was, probably, not to be imputed to Lord

Chesterfield; for his Lordship had declared to Dodsley, that 'he would

have turned off the best servant he ever had, if he had known that he

denied him to a man who would have been always more than welcome;' and,

in confirmation of this, he insisted on Lord Chesterfield's general

affability and easiness of access, especially to literary men. 'Sir,

(said Johnson) that is not Lord Chesterfield; he is the proudest man

this day existing[778].' 'No, (said Dr. Adams) there is one person, at

least, as proud; I think, by your own account, you are the prouder man

of the two.' 'But mine (replied Johnson, instantly) was defensive

pride.' This, as Dr. Adams well observed, was one of those happy turns

for which he was so remarkably ready.

[Page 266: A wit among Lords. A.D. 1754.]

Johnson having now explicitly avowed his opinion of Lord Chesterfield,

did not refrain from expressing himself concerning that nobleman with

pointed freedom: 'This man (said he) I thought had been a Lord among

wits; but, I find, he is only a wit among Lords![779]' And when his

_Letters_ to his natural son were published, he observed, that 'they

teach the morals of a whore, and the manners of a dancing master.[780]'

[Page 267: Chesterfield's Respectable Hottentot. Ætat 45.]

The character of 'a respectable Hottentot,' in Lord Chesterfield's

letters[781], has been generally understood to be meant for Johnson, and I

have no doubt that it was. But I remember when the _Literary Property_

of those letters was contested in the Court of Session in Scotland, and

Mr. Henry Dundas[782], one of the counsel for the proprietors, read this

character as an exhibition of Johnson, Sir David Dalrymple, Lord Hailes,

one of the Judges, maintained, with some warmth, that it was not

intended as a portrait of Johnson, but of a late noble Lord,

distinguished for abstruse science[783]. I have heard Johnson himself talk

of the character, and say that it was meant for George Lord Lyttelton,

in which I could by no means agree; for his Lordship had nothing of that

violence which is a conspicuous feature in the composition. Finding that

my illustrious friend could bear to have it supposed that it might be

meant for him, I said, laughingly, that there was one trait which

unquestionably did not belong to him; 'he throws his meat any where but

down his throat.' 'Sir, (said he,) Lord Chesterfield never saw me eat in

his life[784].'

[Page 268: A beggarly Scotchman. A.D. 1754.]

On the 6th of March came out Lord Bolingbroke's works, published by Mr.

David Mallet[785]. The wild and pernicious ravings, under the name of

_Philosophy_, which were thus ushered into the world, gave great offence

to all well-principled men. Johnson, hearing of their tendency[786], which

nobody disputed, was roused with a just indignation, and pronounced this

memorable sentence upon the noble authour and his editor. 'Sir, he was a

scoundrel, and a coward[787]: a scoundrel, for charging a blunderbuss

against religion and morality; a coward, because he had not resolution

to fire it off himself, but left half a crown to a beggarly Scotchman,

to draw the trigger after his death[788]!' Garrick, who I can attest from

my own knowledge, had his mind seasoned with pious reverence, and

sincerely disapproved of the infidel writings of several, whom, in the

course of his almost universal gay intercourse with men of eminence, he

treated with external civility, distinguished himself upon this

occasion. Mr. Pelham having died on the very day on which Lord

Bolingbroke's works came out, he wrote an elegant Ode on his death,

beginning

'Let others hail the rising sun,

I bow to that whose course is run;'

in which is the following stanza:

'The same sad morn, to Church and State

(So for our sins 'twas fix'd by fate,)

A double stroke was given;

Black as the whirlwinds of the North,

St. John's fell genius issued forth,

And Pelham fled to heaven[789].'

[Page 270: Thomas Warton. A.D. 1754.]

Life of Johnson, Volume 1 1709-1765 · 第 16 / 59 段