CHAPTER IV.

POPE AT TWICKENHAM.

When Pope finished his translation of the Iliad, he was congratulated by

his friend Gay in a pleasant copy of verses marked by the usual

_bonhomie_ of the fat kindly man. Gay supposes himself to be welcoming

his friend on the return from his long expedition.

Did I not see thee when thou first sett'st sail,

To seek adventures fair in Homer's land?

Did I not see thy sinking spirits fail,

And wish thy bark had never left the strand?

Even in mid ocean often didst thou quail,

And oft lift up thy holy eye and hand,

Praying to virgin dear and saintly choir

Back to the port to bring thy bark entire.

And now the bark is sailing up the Thames, with bells ringing, bonfires

blazing, and "bones and cleavers" clashing. So splendid a show suggests

Lord Mayor's Day, but in fact it is only the crowd of Pope's friends

come to welcome him on his successful achievement; and a long catalogue

follows, in which each is indicated by some appropriate epithet. The

list includes some doubtful sympathizers, such as Gildon, who comes

"hearing thou hast riches," and even Dennis, who in fact continued to

growl out criticisms against the triumphant poet. Steele, too, and

Tickell,--

Whose skiff (in partnership they say)

Set forth for Greece but founder'd on the way,

would not applaud very cordially. Addison, their common hero, was beyond

the reach of satire or praise. Parnell, who had contributed a life of

Homer, died in 1718; and Rowe and Garth, sound Whigs, but friends and

often boon companions of the little papist, had followed. Swift was

breathing "Boeotian air" in his deanery, and St. John was "confined to

foreign climates" for very sufficient reasons. Any such roll-call of

friends must show melancholy gaps, and sometimes the gaps are more

significant than the names. Yet Pope could boast of a numerous body of

men, many of them of high distinction, who were ready to give him a warm

welcome. There were, indeed, few eminent persons of the time, either in

the political or literary worlds, with whom this sensitive and restless

little invalid did not come into contact, hostile or friendly, at some

part of his career. His friendships were keen and his hostilities more

than proportionally bitter. We see his fragile figure, glancing rapidly

from one hospitable circle to another, but always standing a little

apart; now paying court to some conspicuous wit, or philosopher, or

statesman, or beauty; now taking deadly offence for some utterly

inexplicable reason; writhing with agony under clumsy blows which a

robuster nature would have met with contemptuous laughter; racking his

wits to contrive exquisite compliments, and suddenly exploding in sheer

Billingsgate; making a mountain of every mole-hill in his pilgrimage;

always preoccupied with his last literary project, and yet finding time

for innumerable intrigues; for carrying out schemes of vengeance for

wounded vanity, and for introducing himself into every quarrel that was

going on around him. In all his multifarious schemes and occupations he

found it convenient to cover himself by elaborate mystifications, and

was as anxious (it would seem) to deceive posterity as to impose upon

contemporaries; and hence it is as difficult clearly to disentangle the

twisted threads of his complex history as to give an intelligible

picture of the result of the investigation. The publication of the

Iliad, however, marks a kind of central point in his history. Pope has

reached independence, and become the acknowledged head of the literary

world; and it will be convenient here to take a brief survey of his

position, before following out two or three different series of events,

which can scarcely be given in chronological order. Pope, when he first

came to town and followed Wycherley about like a dog, had tried to

assume the airs of a rake. The same tone is adopted in many of his

earlier letters. At Binfield he became demure, correct, and respectful

to the religious scruples of his parents. In his visits to London and

Bath he is little better than one of the wicked. In a copy of verses

(not too decent) written in 1715, as a "Farewell to London," he gives us

to understand that he has been hearing the chimes at midnight, and knows

where the bona-robas dwell. He is forced to leave his jovial friends and

his worrying publishers "for Homer (damn him!) calls." He is, so he

assures us,

Still idle, with a busy air

Deep whimsies to contrive;

The gayest valetudinaire,

Most thinking rake alive.

And he takes a sad leave of London pleasures.

Luxurious lobster nights, farewell,

For sober, studious days!

And Burlington's delicious meal

For salads, tarts, and pease.

Writing from Bath a little earlier, to Teresa and Martha Blount, he

employs the same jaunty strain. "Every one," he says, "values Mr. Pope,

but every one for a different reason. One for his adherence to the

Catholic faith, another for his neglect of Popish superstition; one for

his good behaviour, another for his whimsicalities; Mr. Titcomb for his

pretty atheistical jests; Mr. Caryll for his moral and Christian

sentences; Mrs. Teresa for his reflections on Mrs. Patty; Mrs. Patty for

his reflections on Mrs. Teresa." He is an "agreeable rattle;" the

accomplished rake, drinking with the wits, though above boozing with the

squire, and capable of alleging his drunkenness as an excuse for writing

very questionable letters to ladies.

Pope was too sickly and too serious to indulge long in such youthful

fopperies. He had no fund of high spirits to draw upon, and his

playfulness was too near deadly earnest for the comedy of common life.

He had too much intellect to be a mere fribble, and had not the strong

animal passions of the thorough debauchee. Age came upon him rapidly,

and he had sown his wild oats, such as they were, while still a young

man. Meanwhile his reputation and his circle of acquaintances were

rapidly spreading, and in spite of all his disqualifications for the

coarser forms of conviviality, he took the keenest possible interest in

the life that went on around him. A satirist may not be a pleasant

companion, but he must frequent society; he must be on the watch for his

natural prey; he must describe the gossip of the day, for it is the raw

material from which he spins his finished fabric. Pope, as his writings

show, was an eager recipient of all current rumours, whether they

affected his aristocratic friends or the humble denizens of Grub Street.

Fully to elucidate his poems, a commentator requires to have at his

finger's ends the whole _chronique scandaleuse_ of the day. With such

tastes, it was natural that, as the subscriptions for his Homer began to

pour in, he should be anxious to move nearer the great social centre.

London itself might be too exciting for his health and too destructive

of literary leisure. Accordingly, in 1716, the little property at

Binfield was sold, and the Pope family moved to Mawson's New Buildings,

on the bank of the river at Chiswick, and "under the wing of my Lord

Burlington." He seems to have been a little ashamed of the residence;

the name of it is certainly neither aristocratic nor poetical. Two years

later, on the death of his father, he moved up the river to the villa at

Twickenham, which has always been associated with his name, and was his

home for the last twenty-five years of his life. There he had the

advantage of being just on the boundary of the great world. He was

within easy reach of Hampton Court, Richmond, and Kew; places which,

during Pope's residence, were frequently glorified by the presence of

George II. and his heir and natural enemy, Frederick, Prince of Wales.

Pope, indeed, did not enjoy the honour of any personal interview with

royalty. George is said to have called him a very honest man after

reading his Dunciad; but Pope's references to his Sovereign were not

complimentary. There was a report, referred to by Swift, that Pope had

purposely avoided a visit from Queen Caroline. He was on very friendly

terms with Mrs. Howard--afterwards Lady Suffolk--the powerless mistress,

who was intimate with two of his chief friends, Bathurst and

Peterborough, and who settled at Marble Villa, in Twickenham. Pope and

Bathurst helped to lay out her grounds, and she stayed there to become a

friendly neighbour of Horace Walpole, who, unluckily for lovers of

gossip, did not become a Twickenhamite until three years after Pope's

death. Pope was naturally more allied with the Prince of Wales, who

occasionally visited him, and became intimate with the band of patriots

and enthusiasts who saw in the heir to the throne the coming "patriot

king." Bolingbroke, too, the great inspirer of the opposition, and

Pope's most revered friend, was for ten years at Dawley, within an easy

drive. London was easily accessible by road and by the river which

bounded his lawn. His waterman appears to have been one of the regular

members of his household. There he had every opportunity for the

indulgence of his favourite tastes. The villa was on one of the

loveliest reaches of the Thames, not yet polluted by the encroachments

of London. The house itself was destroyed in the beginning of this

century; and the garden (if we may trust Horace Walpole) had been

previously spoilt. This garden, says Walpole, was a little bit of ground

of five acres, enclosed by three lanes. "Pope had twisted and twirled

and rhymed and harmonized this, till it appeared two or three sweet

little lawns, opening and opening beyond one another, and the whole

surrounded with impenetrable woods." These, it appears, were hacked and

hewed into mere desolation by the next proprietor. Pope was, indeed, an

ardent lover of the rising art of landscape gardening; he was familiar

with Bridgeman and Kent, the great authorities of the time, and his

example and precepts helped to promote the development of a less formal

style. His theories are partly indicated in the description of Timon's

villa.

His gardens next your admiration call

On every side you look, behold the wall!

No pleasing intricacies intervene,

No artful wildness to perplex the scene;

Grove nods at grove, each alley has a brother,

And half the platform just reflects the other.

Pope's taste, indeed, tolerated various old-fashioned excrescences which

we profess to despise. He admired mock classical temples and obelisks

erected judiciously at the ends of vistas. His most famous piece of

handiwork, the grotto at Twickenham, still remains, and is in fact a

short tunnel under the high road to connect his grounds with the lawn

which slopes to the river. He describes in a letter to one of his

friends, his "temple wholly comprised of shells in the rustic manner,"

and his famous grotto so provided with mirrors that when the doors are

shut it becomes a camera obscura, reflecting hills, river, and boats,

and when lighted up glitters with rays reflected from bits of

looking-glass in angular form. His friends pleased him by sending pieces

of spar from the mines of Cornwall and Derbyshire, petrifactions,

marble, coral, crystals, and humming-birds' nests. It was in fact a

gorgeous example of the kind of architecture with which the cit

delighted to adorn his country box. The hobby, whether in good taste or

not, gave Pope never-ceasing amusement; and he wrote some characteristic

verses in its praise.

In his grotto, as he declares in another place, he could sit in peace

with his friends, undisturbed by the distant din of the world.

There my retreat the best companions grace,

Chiefs out of war, and statesmen out of place;

There St. John mingles with my friendly bowl

The feast of reason and the flow of soul;

And he whose lightning pierced the Iberian lines

Now forms my quincunx and now ranks my vines,

Or tames the genius of the stubborn plain

Almost as quickly as he conquer'd Spain.

The grotto, one would fear, was better fitted for frogs than for

philosophers capable of rheumatic twinges. But deducting what we please

from such utterances on the score of affectation, the picture of Pope

amusing himself with his grotto and his plantations, directing old John

Searle, his gardener, and conversing with the friends whom he

compliments so gracefully, is, perhaps, the pleasantest in his history.

He was far too restless and too keenly interested in society and

literature to resign himself permanently to any such retreat.

Pope's constitutional irritability kept him constantly on the wing.

Though little interested in politics, he liked to be on the edge of any

political commotion. He appeared in London on the death of Queen

Caroline, in 1737; and Bathurst remarked that "he was as sure to be

there in a bustle as a porpoise in a storm." "Our friend Pope," said

Jervas not long before, "is off and on, here and there, everywhere and

nowhere, _à son ordinaire_, and, therefore as well as we can hope for a

carcase so crazy." The Twickenham villa, though nominally dedicated to

repose, became of course a centre of attraction for the interviewers of

the day. The opening lines of the Prologue to the Satires give a

vivacious description of the crowds of authors who rushed to "Twitnam,"

to obtain his patronage or countenance, in a day when editors were not

the natural scapegoats of such aspirants.

What walls can guard me, or what shades can hide?

They pierce my thickets, through my grot they glide;

By land, by water, they renew the charge;

They stop the chariot and they board the barge:

No place is sacred, not the church is free,

E'en Sunday shines no Sabbath-day to me.

And even at an earlier period he occasionally retreated from the bustle

to find time for his Homer. Lord Harcourt, the Chancellor in the last

years of Queen Anne, allowed him to take up his residence in his old

house of Stanton Harcourt, in Oxfordshire. He inscribed on a pane of

glass in an upper room, "In the year 1718 Alexander Pope finished here

the fifth volume of Homer." In his earlier days he was often rambling

about on horseback. A letter from Jervas gives the plan of one such

jaunt (in 1715) with Arbuthnot and Disney for companions. Arbuthnot is

to be commander-in-chief, and allows only a shirt and a cravat to be

carried in each traveller's pocket. They are to make a moderate journey

each day, and stay at the houses of various friends, ending ultimately

at Bath. Another letter of about the same date describes a ride to

Oxford, in which Pope is overtaken by his publisher, Lintot, who lets

him into various secrets of the trade, and proposes that Pope should

turn an ode of Horace whilst sitting under the trees to rest. "Lord, if

you pleased, what a clever miscellany might you make at leisure hours!"

exclaims the man of business; and though Pope laughed at the advice, we

might fancy that he took it to heart. He always had bits of verse on the

anvil, ready to be hammered and polished at any moment. But even Pope

could not be always writing, and the mere mention of these rambles

suggests pleasant lounging through old-world country lanes of the quiet

century. We think of the road-side life seen by Parson Adams or Humphry

Clinker, and of which Mr. Borrow caught the last glimpse when dwelling

in the tents of the Romany. In later days Pope had to put his "crazy

carcase" into a carriage, and occasionally came in for less pleasant

experiences. Whilst driving home one night from Dawley, in

Bolingbroke's carriage and six, he was upset in a stream. He escaped

drowning, though the water was "up to the knots of his periwig," but he

was so cut by the broken glass that he nearly lost the use of his right

hand. On another occasion Spence was delighted by the sudden appearance

of the poet at Oxford, "dreadfully fatigued;" he had good-naturedly lent

his own chariot to a lady who had been hurt in an upset, and had walked

three miles to Oxford on a sultry day.

A man of such brilliant wit, familiar with so many social circles,

should have been a charming companion. It must, however, be admitted

that the accounts which have come down to us do not confirm such

preconceived impressions. Like his great rival, Addison, though for

other reasons, he was generally disappointing in society. Pope, as may

be guessed from Spence's reports, had a large fund of interesting

literary talk, such as youthful aspirants to fame would be delighted to

receive with reverence; he had the reputation for telling anecdotes

skilfully, and we may suppose that when he felt at ease, with a

respectful and safe companion, he could do himself justice. But he must

have been very trying to his hosts. He could seldom lay aside his

self-consciousness sufficiently to write an easy letter; and the same

fault probably spoilt his conversation. Swift complains of him as a

silent and inattentive companion. He went to sleep at his own table,

says Johnson, when the Prince of Wales was talking poetry to

him--certainly a severe trial. He would, we may guess, be silent till he

had something to say worthy of the great Pope, and would then doubt

whether it was not wise to treasure it up for preservation in a couplet.

His sister declared that she had never seen him laugh heartily; and

Spence, who records the saying, is surprised, because Pope was said to

have been very lively in his youth; but admits that in later years he

never went beyond a "particular easy smile." A hearty laugh would have

sounded strangely from the touchy, moody, intriguing little man, who

could "hardly drink tea without a stratagem." His sensitiveness, indeed,

appearing by his often weeping when he read moving passages; but we can

hardly imagine him as ever capable of genial self-abandonment.

His unsocial habits, indeed, were a natural consequence of ill-health.

He never seems to have been thoroughly well for many days together. He

implied no more than the truth when he speaks of his Muse as helping him

through that "long disease, his life." Writing to Bathurst in 1728, he

says that he does not expect to enjoy any health for four days together;

and, not long after, Bathurst remonstrates with him for his

carelessness, asking him whether it is not enough to have the headache

for four days in the week and be sick for the other three. It is no

small proof of intellectual energy that he managed to do so much

thorough work under such disadvantages, and his letters show less of the

invalid's querulous spirit than we might well have pardoned. Johnson

gives a painful account of his physical defects, on the authority of an

old servant of Lord Oxford, who frequently saw him in his later years.

He was so weak as to be unable to rise to dress himself without help. He

was so sensitive to cold that he had to wear a kind of fur doublet under

a coarse linen shirt; one of his sides was contracted, and he could

scarcely stand upright till he was laced into a boddice made of stiff

canvas; his legs were so slender that he had to wear three pairs of

stockings, which he was unable to draw on and off without help. His

seat had to be raised to bring him to a level with common tables. In one

of his papers in the _Guardian_ he describes himself apparently as Dick

Distich: "a lively little creature, with long legs and arms; a spider[7]

is no ill emblem of him; he has been taken at a distance for a small

windmill." His face, says Johnson, was "not displeasing," and the

portraits are eminently characteristic. The thin, drawn features wear

the expression of habitual pain, but are brightened up by the vivid and

penetrating eye, which seems to be the characteristic poetical beauty.

It was after all a gallant spirit which got so much work out of this

crazy carcase, and kept it going, spite of all its feebleness, for

fifty-six years. The servant whom Johnson quotes, said that she was

called from her bed four times in one night, "in the dreadful winter of

Forty," to supply him with paper, lest he should lose a thought. His

constitution was already breaking down, but the intellect was still

striving to save every moment allowed to him. His friends laughed at his

habit of scribbling upon odd bits of paper. "Paper-sparing" Pope is the

epithet bestowed upon him by Swift, and a great part of the Iliad is

written upon the backs of letters. The habit seems to have been regarded

as illustrative of his economical habits; but it was also natural to a

man who was on the watch to turn every fragment of time to account. If

anything was to be finished, he must snatch at the brief intervals

allowed by his many infirmities. Naturally, he fell into many of the

self-indulgent and troublesome ways of the valetudinarian. He was

constantly wanting coffee, which seems to have soothed his headaches;

and for this and his other wants he used to wear out the servants in

his friends' houses, by "frequent and frivolous errands." Yet he was

apparently a kind master. His servants lived with him till they became

friends, and he took care to pay so well the unfortunate servant whose

sleep was broken by his calls, that she said that she would want no

wages in a family where she had to wait upon Mr. Pope. Another form of

self-indulgence was more injurious to himself. He pampered his appetite

with highly seasoned dishes, and liked to receive delicacies from his

friends. His death was imputed by some of his friends, says Johnson, to

"a silver saucepan in which it was his delight to eat potted lampreys."

He would always get up for dinner, in spite of headache, when told that

this delicacy was provided. Yet, as Johnson also observes, the excesses

cannot have been very great, as they did not sooner cut short so fragile

an existence. "Two bites and a sup more than your stint," says Swift,

"will cost you more than others pay for a regular debauch."

At home, indeed, he appears to have been generally abstemious. Probably

the habits of his parents' little household were very simple; and Pope,

like Swift, knew the value of independence well enough to be

systematically economical. Swift, indeed, had a more generous heart, and

a lordly indifference to making money by his writings, which Pope, who

owed his fortune chiefly to his Homer, did not attempt to rival. Swift

alludes in his letters to an anecdote, which we may hope does not

represent his habitual practice. Pope, it appears, was entertaining a

couple of friends, and when four glasses had been consumed from a pint,

retired, saying, "Gentlemen I leave you to your wine." I tell that story

to everybody, says Swift, "in commendation of Mr. Pope's

abstemiousness;" but he tells it, one may guess, with something of a

rueful countenance. At times, however, it seems that Pope could give a

"splendid dinner," and show no want of the "skill and elegance which

such performances require." Pope, in fact, seems to have shown a

combination of qualities which is not uncommon, though sometimes called

inconsistent. He valued money, as a man values it who has been poor and

feels it essential to his comfort to be fairly beyond the reach of want,

and was accordingly pretty sharp at making a bargain with a publisher or

in arranging terms with a collaborator. But he could also be liberal on

occasion. Johnson says that his whole income amounted to about 800_l._ a

year, out of which he professed himself able to assign 100_l._ to

charity; and though the figures are doubtful, and all Pope's statements

about his own proceedings liable to suspicion, he appears to have been

often generous in helping the distressed with money, as well as with

advice or recommendations to his powerful friends. Pope, by his

infirmities and his talents, belonged to the dependent class of mankind.

He was in no sense capable of standing firmly upon his own legs. He had

a longing, sometimes pathetic and sometimes humiliating, for the

applause of his fellows and the sympathy of friends. With feelings so

morbidly sensitive, and with such a lamentable incapacity for

straightforward openness in any relation of life, he was naturally a

dangerous companion. He might be brooding over some fancied injury or

neglect, and meditating revenge, when he appeared to be on good terms;

when really desiring to do a service to a friend, he might adopt some

tortuous means for obtaining his ends, which would convert the service

into an injury; and, if he had once become alienated, the past

friendship would be remembered by him as involving a kind of

humiliation, and therefore supplying additional keenness to his

resentment. And yet it is plain that throughout life he was always

anxious to lean upon some stronger nature; to have a sturdy supporter

whom he was too apt to turn into an accomplice; or at least to have some

good-natured, easy-going companion, in whose society he might find

repose for his tortured nerves. And therefore, though the story of his

friendships is unfortunately intertwined with the story of bitter

quarrels and indefensible acts of treachery, it also reveals a touching

desire for the kind of consolation which would be most valuable to one

so accessible to the pettiest stings of his enemies. He had many warm

friends, moreover, who, by good fortune or the exercise of unusual

prudence, never excited his wrath, and whom he repaid by genuine

affection. Some of these friendships have become famous, and will be

best noticed in connexion with passages in his future career. It will be

sufficient if I here notice a few names, in order to show that a

complete picture of Pope's life, if it could now be produced, would

include many figures of which we only catch occasional glimpses.

Pope, as I have said, though most closely connected with the Tories and

Jacobites, disclaimed any close party connexion, and had some relations

with the Whigs. Some courtesies even passed between him and the great

Sir Robert Walpole, whose interest in literature was a vanishing

quantity, and whose bitterest enemies were Pope's greatest friends.

Walpole, however, as we have seen, asked for preferment for Pope's old

friend, and Pope repaid him with more than one compliment. Thus, in the

Epilogue to the Satires, he says,--

Seen him I have, but in his happier hour

Of social pleasure, ill exchanged for power.

Seen him, encumber'd with the venal tribe,

Smile without art and win without a bribe.

Another Whig statesman for whom Pope seems to have entertained an

especially warm regard was James Craggs, Addison's successor as

Secretary of State, who died whilst under suspicion of peculation in the

South Sea business (1721). The Whig connexion might have been turned to

account. Craggs during his brief tenure of office offered Pope a pension

of 300_l._ a year (from the secret service money), which Pope declined,

whilst saying that, if in want of money, he would apply to Craggs as a

friend. A negotiation of the same kind took place with Halifax, who

aimed at the glory of being the great literary patron. It seems that he

was anxious to have the Homer dedicated to him, and Pope, being

unwilling to gratify him, or, as Johnson says, being less eager for

money than Halifax for praise, sent a cool answer, and the negotiation

passed off. Pope afterwards revenged himself for this offence by his

bitter satire on _Bufo_ in the Prologue to his Satires, though he had

not the courage to admit its obvious application.

Pope deserves the credit of preserving his independence. He would not

stoop low enough to take a pension at the price virtually demanded by

the party in power. He was not, however, inaccessible to aristocratic

blandishments, and was proud to be the valued and petted guest in many

great houses. Through Swift he had become acquainted with Oxford, the

colleague of Bolingbroke, and was a frequent and intimate guest of the

second Earl, from whose servant Johnson derived the curious information

as to his habits. Harcourt, Oxford's Chancellor, lent him a house

whilst translating Homer. Sheffield, the Duke of Buckingham, had been an

early patron, and after the duke's death, Pope, at the request of his

eccentric duchess, the illegitimate daughter of James II., edited some

of his works and got into trouble for some Jacobite phrases contained in

them. His most familiar friend among the opposition magnates was Lord

Bathurst, a man of uncommon vivacity and good-humour. He was born four

years before Pope, and died more than thirty years later at the age of

ninety-one. One of the finest passages in Burke's American speeches

turns upon the vast changes which had taken place during Bathurst's

lifetime. He lived to see his son Chancellor. Two years before his death

the son left the father's dinner-table with some remark upon the

advantage of regular habits. "Now the old gentleman's gone," said the

lively youth of eighty-nine to the remaining guests, "let's crack the

other bottle." Bathurst delighted in planting, and Pope in giving him

advice, and in discussing the opening of vistas and erection of temples,

and the poet was apt to be vexed when his advice was not taken.

Another friend, even more restless and comet-like in his appearances,

was the famous Peterborough, the man who had seen more kings and

postilions than any one in Europe; of whom Walsh injudiciously remarked

that he had too much wit to be entrusted with the command of an army;

and whose victories soon after the unlucky remark had been made, were so

brilliant as to resemble strategical epigrams. Pope seems to have been

dazzled by the amazing vivacity of the man, and has left a curious

description of his last days. Pope found him on the eve of the voyage in

which he died, sick of an agonizing disease, crying out for pain at

night, fainting away twice in the morning, lying like a dead man for a

time, and in the intervals of pain giving a dinner to ten people,

laughing, talking, declaiming against the corruption of the times,

giving directions to his workmen, and insisting upon going to sea in a

yacht without preparations for landing anywhere in particular. Pope

seems to have been specially attracted by such men, with intellects as

restless as his own, but with infinitely more vitality to stand the

consequent wear and tear.

We should be better pleased if we could restore a vivid image of the

inner circle upon which his happiness most intimately depended. In one

relation of life Pope's conduct was not only blameless, but thoroughly

loveable. He was, it is plain, the best of sons. Even here, it is true,

he is a little too consciously virtuous. Yet when he speaks of his

father and mother there are tears in his voice, and it is impossible not

to recognize genuine warmth of heart.

Me let the tender office long engage

To rock the cradle of reposing age,

With lenient arts extend a mother's breath,

Make languor smile, and soothe the bed of death,

Explore the thought, explain the asking eye,

And keep awhile one parent from the sky![8]

Such verses are a spring in the desert, a gush of the true feeling,

which contrasts with the strained and factitious sentiment in his

earlier rhetoric, and almost forces us to love the writer. Could Pope

have preserved that higher mood, he would have held our affections as he

often delights our intellect.

Unluckily we can catch but few glimpses of Pope's family life; of the

old mother and father and the affectionate nurse, who lived with him

till 1721, and died during a dangerous illness of his mother's. The

father, of whom we hear little after his early criticism of the son's

bad "rhymes," died in 1717, and a brief note to Martha Blount gives

Pope's feeling as fully as many pages: "My poor father died last night.

Believe, since I don't forget you this moment, I never shall." The

mother survived till 1733, tenderly watched by Pope, who would never be

long absent from her, and whose references to her are uniformly tender

and beautiful. One or two of her letters are preserved. "My Deare,--A

letter from your sister just now is come and gone, Mr. Mennock and

Charls Rackitt, to take his leve of us; but being nothing in it, doe not

send it.... Your sister is very well, but your brother is not. There's

Mr. Blunt of Maypell Durom is dead, the same day that Mr. Inglefield

died. My servis to Mrs. Blounts, and all that ask of me. I hope to here

from you, and that you are well, which is my dalye prayers; this with my

blessing." The old lady had peculiar views of orthography, and Pope, it

is said, gave her the pleasure of copying out some of his Homer, though

the necessary corrections gave him and the printers more trouble than

would be saved by such an amanuensis. Three days after her death he

wrote to Richardson, the painter. "I thank God," he says, "her death was

as easy as her life was innocent; and as it cost her not a groan, nor

even a sigh, there is yet upon her countenance such an expression of

tranquillity, nay, almost of pleasure, that it is even enviable to

behold it. It would afford the finest image of a saint expired that ever

painter drew, and it would be the greatest obligation which ever that

obliging art could ever bestow upon a friend, if you would come and

sketch it for me. I am sure if there be no very prevalent obstacle, you

will leave any common business to do this, and I shall hope to see you

this evening as late as you will, or to-morrow morning as early, before

this winter flower is faded." Swift's comment, on hearing the news,

gives the only consolation which Pope could have felt. "She died in

extreme old age," he writes, "without pain, under the care of the most

dutiful son I have ever known or heard of, which is a felicity not

happening to one in a million." And with her death, its most touching

and ennobling influence faded from Pope's life. There is no particular

merit in loving a mother, but few biographies give a more striking proof

that the loving discharge of a common duty may give a charm to a whole

character. It is melancholy to add that we often have to appeal to this

part of his story, to assure ourselves that Pope was really deserving of

some affection.

The part of Pope's history which naturally follows brings us again to

the region of unsolved mysteries. The one prescription which a spiritual

physician would have suggested in Pope's case would have been the love

of a good and sensible woman. A nature so capable of tender feeling and

so essentially dependent upon others, might have been at once soothed

and supported by a happy domestic life; though it must be admitted that

it would have required no common qualifications in a wife to calm so

irritable and jealous a spirit. Pope was unfortunate in his

surroundings. The bachelor society of that day, not only the society of

the Wycherleys and Cromwells, but the more virtuous society of Addison

and his friends, was certainly not remarkable for any exalted tone about

women. Bolingbroke, Peterborough, and Bathurst, Pope's most admired

friends, were all more or less flagrantly licentious; and Swift's

mysterious story shows that if he could love a woman, his love might be

as dangerous as hatred. In such a school, Pope, eminently malleable to

the opinions of his companions, was not likely to acquire a high

standard of sentiment. His personal defects were equally against him.

His frame was not adapted for the robust gallantry of the time. He

wanted a nurse rather than a wife; and if his infirmities might excite

pity, pity is akin to contempt as well as to love. The poor little

invalid, brutally abused for his deformity by such men as Dennis and his

friends, was stung beyond all self-control by their coarse laughter, and

by the consciousness that it only echoed, in a more brutal shape, the

judgment of the fine ladies of the time. His language about women,

sometimes expressing coarse contempt and sometimes rising to ferocity,

is the reaction of his morbid sensibility under such real and imagined

scorn.

Such feelings must be remembered in speaking briefly of two love

affairs, if they are such, which profoundly affected his happiness. Lady

Mary Wortley Montagu is amongst the most conspicuous figures of the

time. She had been made a toast at the Kitcat Club at the age of eight,

and she translated Epictetus (from the Latin) before she was twenty. She

wrote verses, some of them amazingly coarse, though decidedly clever,

and had married Mr. Edward Wortley Montagu in defiance of her father's

will, though even in this, her most romantic proceeding, there are

curious indications of a respect for prudential considerations. Her

husband was a friend of Addison's, and a Whig; and she accompanied him

on an embassy to Constantinople in 1716-17, where she wrote the

excellent letters published after her death, and whence she imported the

practice of inoculation in spite of much opposition. A distinguished

leader of society, she was also a woman of shrewd intellect and

masculine character. In 1739 she left her husband, though no quarrel

preceded or followed the separation, and settled for many years in

Italy. Her letters are characteristic of the keen woman of the world,

with an underlying vein of nobler feeling, perverted by harsh experience

into a prevailing cynicism. Pope had made her acquaintance before she

left England. He wrote poems to her and corrected her verses till she

cruelly refused his services, on the painfully plausible ground that he

would claim all the good for himself and leave all the bad for her. They

corresponded during her first absence abroad. The common sense is all on

the lady's side, whilst Pope puts on his most elaborate manners and

addresses her in the strained compliments of old-fashioned gallantry. He

acts the lover, though it is obviously mere acting, and his language is

stained by indelicacies, which could scarcely offend Lady Mary, if we

may judge her by her own poetical attempts. The most characteristic of

Pope's letters related to an incident at Stanton Harcourt. Two rustic

lovers were surprised by a thunderstorm in a field near the house; they

were struck by lightning, and found lying dead in each other's arms.

Here was an admirable chance for Pope, who was staying in the house with

his friend Gay. He wrote off a beautiful letter to Lady Mary,[9]

descriptive of the event--a true prose pastoral in the Strephon and

Chloe style. He got Lord Harcourt to erect a monument over the common

grave of the lovers, and composed a couple of epitaphs, which he

submitted to Lady Mary's opinion. She replied by a cruel dose of common

sense, and a doggrel epitaph, which turned his fine phrases into

merciless ridicule. If the lovers had been spared, she suggests, the

first year might probably have seen a beaten wife and a deceived

husband, cursing their marriage chain.

Now they are happy in their doom,

For Pope has writ upon their tomb.

On Lady Mary's return the intimacy was continued. She took a house at

Twickenham. He got Kneller to paint her portrait, and wrote letters

expressive of humble adoration. But the tone which did well enough when

the pair were separated by the whole breadth of Europe, was less

suitable when they were in the same parish. After a time the intimacy

faded and changed into mutual antipathy. The specific cause of the

quarrel, if cause there was, has not been clearly revealed. One account,

said to come from Lady Mary, is at least not intrinsically[10]

improbable. According to this story, the unfortunate poet forgot for a

moment that he was a contemptible cripple, and forgot also the existence

of Mr. Edward Wortley Montagu, and a passionate declaration of love drew

from the lady an "immoderate fit of laughter." Ever afterwards, it is

added, he was her implacable enemy. Doubtless, if the story be true,

Lady Mary acted like a sensible woman of the world, and Pope was silly

as well as immoral. And yet one cannot refuse some pity to the

unfortunate wretch, thus roughly jerked back into the consciousness

that a fine lady might make a pretty plaything of him, but could not

seriously regard him with anything but scorn. Whatever the precise

facts, a breach of some sort might have been anticipated. A game of

gallantry in which the natural parts are inverted, and the gentleman

acts the sentimentalist to the lady's performance of the shrewd cynic,

is likely to have awkward results. Pope brooded over his resentment, and

years afterwards took a revenge only too characteristic. The first of

his Imitations of Horace appeared in 1733. It contained a couplet, too

gross for quotation, making the most outrageous imputation upon the

character of "Sappho." Now, the accusation itself had no relation

whatever either to facts or even (as I suppose) to any existing scandal.

It was simply throwing filth at random. Thus, when Lady Mary took it to

herself, and applied to Pope through Peterborough for an explanation,

Pope could make a defence verbally impregnable. There was no reason why

Lady Mary should fancy that such a cap fitted; and it was far more

appropriate, as he added, to other women notorious for immorality as

well as authorship. In fact, however, there can be no doubt that Pope

intended his abuse to reach its mark. Sappho was an obvious name for the

most famous of poetic ladies. Pope himself, in one of his last letters

to her, says that fragments of her writing would please him like

fragments of Sappho's; and their mediator, Peterborough, writes of her

under the same name in some complimentary and once well-known verses to

Mrs. Howard. Pope had himself alluded to her as Sappho in some verses

addressed (about 1722) to another lady, Judith Cowper, afterwards Mrs.

Madan, who was for a time the object of some of his artificial

gallantry. The only thing that can be said is that his abuse was a

sheer piece of Billingsgate, too devoid of plausibility to be more than

an expression of virulent hatred. He was like a dirty boy who throws mud

from an ambush, and declares that he did not see the victim

bespattered.[11]

A bitter and humiliating quarrel followed. Lord Hervey, who had been

described as "Lord Fanny," in the same satire, joined with his friend,

Lady Mary, in writing lampoons upon Pope. The best known was a copy of

verses, chiefly, if not exclusively by Lady Mary, in which Pope is

brutally taunted with the personal deformities of his "wretched little

carcass," which, it seems, are the only cause of his being "unwhipt,

unblanketed, unkicked." One verse seems to have stung him more deeply,

which says that his "crabbed numbers" are

Hard as his heart and as his birth obscure.

To this and other assaults Pope replied by a long letter, suppressed,

however, for the time, which, as Johnson says, exhibits to later readers

"nothing but tedious malignity," and is, in fact, a careful raking

together of everything likely to give pain to his victim. It was not

published till 1751, when both Pope and Hervey were dead. In his later

writings he made references to Sappho, which fixed the name upon her,

and amongst other pleasant insinuations, speaks of a weakness which she

shared with Dr. Johnson,--an inadequate appreciation of clean linen.

More malignant accusations are implied both in his acknowledged and

anonymous writings. The most ferocious of all his assaults, however, is

the character of Sporus, that is Lord Hervey, in the epistle to

Arbuthnot, where he seems to be actually screaming with malignant fury.

He returns the taunts as to effeminacy, and calls his adversary a "mere

white curd of asses' milk,"--an innocent drink, which he was himself in

the habit of consuming.

We turn gladly from these miserable hostilities, disgraceful to all

concerned. Were any excuse available for Pope, it would be in the

brutality of taunts, coming not only from rough dwellers in Grub Street,

but from the most polished representatives of the highest classes, upon

personal defects, which the most ungenerous assailant might surely have

spared. But it must also be granted that Pope was neither the last to

give provocation, nor at all inclined to refrain from the use of

poisoned weapons.

The other connexion of which I have spoken has also its mystery,--like

everything else in Pope's career. Pope had been early acquainted with

Teresa and Martha Blount. Teresa was born in the same year as Pope, and

Martha two years later.[12] They were daughters of Lister Blount, of

Mapledurham, and after his death, in 1710, and the marriage of their

only brother, in 1711, they lived with their mother in London, and

passed much of the summer near Twickenham. They seem to have been lively

young women, who had been educated at Paris. Teresa was the most

religious, and the greatest lover of London society. I have already

quoted a passage or two from the early letters addressed to the two

sisters. It has also to be said that he was guilty of writing to them

stuff which it is inconceivable that any decent man should have

communicated to a modest woman. They do not seem to have taken offence.

He professes himself the slave of both alternately or together. "Even

from my infancy," he says (in 1714) "I have been in love with one or

other of you week by week, and my journey to Bath fell out in the 376th

week of the reign of my sovereign lady Sylvia. At the present writing

hereof, it is the 389th week of the reign of your most serene majesty,

in whose service I was listed some weeks before I beheld your sister."

He had suggested to Lady Mary that the concluding lines of Eloisa

contained a delicate compliment to her; and he characteristically made a

similar insinuation to Martha Blount about the same passage. Pope was

decidedly an economist even of his compliments. Some later letters are

in less artificial language, and there is a really touching and natural

letter to Teresa in regard to an illness of her sister's. After a time,

we find that some difficulty has arisen. He feels that his presence

gives pain; when he comes he either makes her (apparently Teresa)

uneasy, or he sees her unkind. Teresa, it would seem, is jealous and

disapproves of his attentions to Martha. In the midst of this we find

that in 1717 Pope settled an annuity upon Teresa of 40_l._ a year for

six years, on condition of her not being married during that time. The

fact has suggested various speculations, but was, perhaps, only a part

of some family arrangement, made convenient by the diminished fortunes

of the ladies. Whatever the history, Pope gradually became attached to

Martha, and simultaneously came to regard Teresa with antipathy. Martha,

in fact, became by degrees almost a member of his household. His

correspondents take for granted that she is his regular companion. He

writes of her to Gay, in 1730, as "a friend--a woman friend, God help

me!--with whom I have spent three or four hours a day these fifteen

years." In his last years, when he was most dependent upon kindness, he

seems to have expected that she should be invited to any house which he

was himself to visit. Such a close connexion naturally caused some

scandal. In 1725, he defends himself against "villanous lying tales" of

this kind to his old friend Caryll, with whom the Blounts were

connected. At the same time he is making bitter complaints of Teresa. He

accused her afterwards (1729) of having an intrigue with a married man,

of "striking, pinching, and abusing her mother to the utmost

shamefulness." The mother, he thinks, is too meek to resent this

tyranny, and Martha, as it appears, refuses to believe the reports

against her sister. Pope audaciously suggests that it would be a good

thing if the mother could be induced to retire to a convent, and is

anxious to persuade Martha to leave so painful a home. The same

complaints reappear in many letters, but the position remained

unaltered. It is impossible to say with any certainty what may have been

the real facts. Pope's mania for suspicion deprives his suggestions of

the slightest value. The only inference to be drawn is, that he drew

closer to Martha Blount as years went by; and was anxious that she

should become independent of her family. This naturally led to mutual

dislike and suspicion, but nobody can now say whether Teresa pinched

her mother, nor what would have been her account of Martha's relations

to Pope.

Johnson repeats a story that Martha neglected Pope "with shameful

unkindness," in his later years. It is clearly exaggerated or quite

unfounded. At any rate, the poor sickly man, in his premature and

childless old age, looked up to her with fond affection, and left to her

nearly the whole of his fortune. His biographers have indulged in

discussions--surely superfluous--as to the morality of the connexion.

There is no question of seduction, or of tampering with the affections

of an innocent woman. Pope was but too clearly disqualified from acting

the part of Lothario. There was not in his case any Vanessa to give a

tragic turn to the connexion, which, otherwise, resembled Swift's

connexion with Stella. Miss Blount, from all that appears, was quite

capable of taking care of herself, and had she wished for marriage, need

only have intimated her commands to her lover. It is probable enough

that the relations between them led to very unpleasant scenes in her

family; but she did not suffer otherwise in accepting Pope's attentions.

The probability seems to be that the friendship had become imperceptibly

closer, and that what began as an idle affectation of gallantry was

slowly changed into a devoted attachment, but not until Pope's health

was so broken that marriage would then, if not always, have appeared to

be a mockery.

Poets have a bad reputation as husbands. Strong passions and keen

sensibilities may easily disqualify a man for domestic tranquillity, and

prompt a revolt against rules essential to social welfare. Pope, like

other poets from Shakspeare to Shelley, was unfortunate in his love

affairs; but his ill-fortune took a characteristic shape. He was not

carried away, like Byron and Burns, by overpowering passions. Rather

the emotional power which lay in his nature was prevented from

displaying itself by his physical infirmities, and his strange

trickiness and morbid irritability. A man who could not make tea without

a stratagem, could hardly be a downright lover. We may imagine that he

would at once make advances and retract them; that he would be

intolerably touchy and suspicious; that every coolness would be

interpreted as a deliberate insult, and that the slightest hint would be

enough to set his jealousy in a flame. A woman would feel that, whatever

his genius and his genuine kindliness, one thing was impossible with

him--that is, a real confidence in his sincerity; and, therefore, on the

whole, it may, perhaps, be reckoned as a piece of good fortune for the

most wayward and excitable of sane mankind, that if he never fully

gained the most essential condition of all human happiness, he yet

formed a deep and lasting attachment to a woman who, more or less,

returned his feeling. In a life so full of bitterness, so harassed by

physical pain, one is glad to think, even whilst admitting that the

suffering was in great part foolish self-torture, and in part inflicted

as a retribution for injuries to others, that some glow of feminine

kindliness might enlighten the dreary stages of his progress through

life. The years left to him after the death of his mother were few and

evil, and it would be hard to grudge him such consolation as he could

receive from the glances of Patty Blount's blue eyes--the eyes which, on

Walpole's testimony, were the last remains of her beauty.

FOOTNOTES:

[7] The same comparison is made by Cibber in a rather unsavoury passage.

[8] It is curious to compare these verses with the original copy

contained in a letter to Aaron Hill. The comparison shows how skilfully

Pope polished his most successful passages.

[9] Pope, after his quarrel, wanted to sink his previous intimacy with

Lady Mary, and printed this letter as addressed by Gay to Fortescue,

adding one to the innumerable mystifications of his correspondence. Mr.

Moy Thomas doubts also whether Lady Mary's answer was really sent at the

assigned date. The contrast of sentiment is equally characteristic in

any case.

[10] Mr. Moy Thomas, in his edition of Lady Mary's letters, considers

this story to be merely an echo of old scandal, and makes a different

conjecture as to the immediate cause of quarrel. His conjecture seems

very improbable to me; but the declaration story is clearly of very

doubtful authenticity.

[11] Another couplet in the second book of the Dunciad about "hapless

Monsieur" and "Lady Maries," was also applied at the time to Lady M. W.

Montagu: and Pope in a later note affects to deny, thus really pointing

the allusion. But the obvious meaning of the whole passage is that

"duchesses and Lady Maries" might be personated by abandoned women,

which would certainly be unpleasant for them, but does not imply any

imputation upon their character. If Lady Mary was really the author of a

"Pop upon Pope"--a story of Pope's supposed whipping in the vein of his

own attack upon Dennis, she already considered him as the author of some

scandal. The line in the Dunciad was taken to allude to a story about a

M. Rémond which has been fully cleared up.

[12] The statements as to the date of the acquaintance are

contradictory. Martha told Spence that she first knew Pope as a "very

little girl," but added that it was after the publication of the Essay

on Criticism, when she was twenty-one; and at another time, that it was

after he had begun the Iliad, which was later than part of the published

correspondence.

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