CHAPTER I.

Produced by Barbara Tozier, Bill Tozier, Lisa Reigel and

the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at

http://www.pgdp.net

[TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE: Greek words in this text have been

transliterated and placed between +marks+. A complete list of changes

follows the text.]

English Men of Letters

EDITED BY JOHN MORLEY

POPE

ALEXANDER POPE

BY

LESLIE STEPHEN

London:

MACMILLAN AND CO.

1880.

_The Right of Translation and Reproduction is Reserved._

FIFTH THOUSAND.

PREFATORY NOTE.

The life and writings of Pope have been discussed in a literature more

voluminous than that which exists in the case of almost any other

English man of letters. No biographer, however, has produced a

definitive or exhaustive work. It seems therefore desirable to indicate

the main authorities upon which such a biographer would have to rely,

and which have been consulted for the purpose of the following

necessarily brief and imperfect sketch.

The first life of Pope was a catchpenny book, by William Ayre, published

in 1745, and remarkable chiefly as giving the first version of some

demonstrably erroneous statements, unfortunately adopted by later

writers. In 1751, Warburton, as Pope's literary executor, published the

authoritative edition of the poet's works, with notes containing some

biographical matter. In 1769 appeared a life by Owen Ruffhead, who wrote

under Warburton's inspiration. This is a dull and meagre performance,

and much of it is devoted to an attack--partly written by Warburton

himself--upon the criticisms advanced in the first volume of Joseph

Warton's Essay on Pope. Warton's first volume was published in 1756; and

it seems that the dread of Warburton's wrath counted for something in

the delay of the second volume, which did not appear till 1782. The

Essay contains a good many anecdotes of interest. Warton's edition of

Pope--the notes in which are chiefly drawn from the Essay--was published

in 1797. The Life by Johnson appeared in 1781; it is admirable in many

ways; but Johnson had taken the least possible trouble in ascertaining

facts. Both Warton and Johnson had before them the manuscript

collections of Joseph Spence, who had known Pope personally during the

last twenty years of his life, and wanted nothing but literary ability

to have become an efficient Boswell. Spence's anecdotes, which were not

published till 1820, give the best obtainable information upon many

points, especially in regard to Pope's childhood. This ends the list of

biographers who were in any sense contemporary with Pope. Their

statements must be checked and supplemented by the poet's own letters,

and innumerable references to him in the literature of the time. In 1806

appeared the edition of Pope by Bowles, with a life prefixed. Bowles

expressed an unfavourable opinion of many points in Pope's character,

and some remarks by Campbell, in his specimens of English poets, led to

a controversy (1819-1826) in which Bowles defended his views against

Campbell, Byron, Roscoe, and others, and which incidentally cleared up

some disputed questions. Roscoe, the author of the Life of Leo X.,

published his edition of Pope in 1824. A life is contained in the first

volume, but it is a feeble performance; and the notes, many of them

directed against Bowles, are of little value. A more complete biography

was published by R. Carruthers (with an edition of the works), in 1854.

The second, and much improved, edition appeared in 1857, and is still

the most convenient life of Pope, though Mr. Carruthers was not fully

acquainted with the last results of some recent investigations, which

have thrown a new light upon the poet's career.

The writer who took the lead in these inquiries was the late Mr. Dilke.

Mr. Dilke published the results of his investigations (which were partly

guided by the discovery of a previously unpublished correspondence

between Pope and his friend Caryll), in the _Athenæum_ and _Notes and

Queries_, at various intervals, from 1854 to 1860. His contributions to

the subject have been collated in the first volume of the _Papers of a

Critic_, edited by his grandson, the present Sir Charles W. Dilke, in

1875. Meanwhile Mr. Croker had been making an extensive collection of

materials for an exhaustive edition of Pope's works, in which he was to

be assisted by Mr. Peter Cunningham. After Croker's death these

materials were submitted by Mr. Murray to Mr. Whitwell Elwin, whose own

researches have greatly extended our knowledge, and who had also the

advantage of Mr. Dilke's advice. Mr. Elwin began, in 1871, the

publication of the long-promised edition. It was to have occupied ten

volumes--five of poems and five of correspondence, the latter of which

was to include a very large proportion of previously unpublished matter.

Unfortunately for all students of English literature, only two volumes

of poetry and three of correspondence have appeared. The notes and

prefaces, however, contain a vast amount of information, which clears up

many previously disputed points in the poet's career; and it is to be

hoped that the materials collected for the remaining volumes will not be

ultimately lost. It is easy to dispute some of Mr. Elwin's critical

opinions, but it would be impossible to speak too highly of the value of

his investigations of facts. Without a study of his work, no adequate

knowledge of Pope is attainable.

The ideal biographer of Pope, if he ever appears, must be endowed with

the qualities of an acute critic and a patient antiquarian; and it would

take years of labour to work out all the minute problems connected with

the subject. All that I can profess to have done is to have given a

short summary of the obvious facts, and of the main conclusions

established by the evidence given at length in the writings of Mr. Dilke

and Mr. Elwin. I have added such criticisms as seemed desirable in a

work of this kind, and I must beg pardon by anticipation if I have

fallen into inaccuracies in relating a story so full of pitfalls for the

unwary.

L. S.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I. PAGE

EARLY YEARS 1

CHAPTER II.

FIRST PERIOD OF POPE'S LITERARY CAREER 21

CHAPTER III.

POPE'S HOMER 61

CHAPTER IV.

POPE AT TWICKENHAM 81

CHAPTER V.

THE WAR WITH THE DUNCES 111

CHAPTER VI.

CORRESPONDENCE 137

CHAPTER VII.

THE ESSAY ON MAN 159

CHAPTER VIII.

EPISTLES AND SATIRES 181

CHAPTER IX.

THE END 206

POPE.

CHAPTER I.

EARLY YEARS.

The father of Alexander Pope was a London merchant, a devout Catholic,

and not improbably a convert to Catholicism. His mother was one of

seventeen children of William Turner, of York; one of her sisters was

the wife of Cooper, the well-known portrait-painter. Mrs. Cooper was the

poet's godmother; she died when he was five years old, leaving to her

sister, Mrs. Pope, a "grinding-stone and muller," and their mother's

"picture in limning;" and to her nephew, the little Alexander, all her

"books, pictures, and medals set in gold or otherwise."

In after-life the poet made some progress in acquiring the art of

painting; and the bequest suggests the possibility that the precocious

child had already given some indications of artistic taste. Affectionate

eyes were certainly on the watch for any symptoms of developing talent.

Pope was born on May 21st, 1688--the _annus mirabilis_ which introduced

a new political era in England, and was fatal to the hopes of ardent

Catholics. About the same time, partly, perhaps, in consequence of the

catastrophe, Pope's father retired from business, and settled at

Binfield--a village two miles from Wokingham and nine from Windsor. It

is near Bracknell, one of Shelley's brief perching places, and in such a

region as poets might love, if poetic praises of rustic seclusion are to

be taken seriously. To the east were the "forests and green retreats" of

Windsor, and the wild heaths of Bagshot, Chobham and Aldershot stretched

for miles to the South. Some twelve miles off in that direction, one may

remark, lay Moor Park, where the sturdy pedestrian, Swift, was living

with Sir W. Temple during great part of Pope's childhood; but it does

not appear that his walks ever took him to Pope's neighbourhood, nor did

he see, till some years later, the lad with whom he was to form one of

the most famous of literary friendships. The little household was

presumably a very quiet one, and remained fixed at Binfield for

twenty-seven years, till the son had grown to manhood and celebrity.

From the earliest period he seems to have been a domestic idol. He was

not an only child, for he had a half-sister by his father's side, who

must have been considerably older than himself, as her mother died nine

years before the poet's birth. But he was the only child of his mother,

and his parents concentrated upon him an affection which he returned

with touching ardour and persistence. They were both forty-six in the

year of his birth. He inherited headaches from his mother, and a crooked

figure from his father. A nurse who shared their care, lived with him

for many years, and was buried by him, with an affectionate epitaph, in

1725. The family tradition represents him as a sweet-tempered child, and

says that he was called the "little nightingale," from the beauty of his

voice. As the sickly, solitary, and precocious infant of elderly

parents, we may guess that he was not a little spoilt, if only in the

technical sense.

The religion of the family made their seclusion from the world the more

rigid, and by consequence must have strengthened their mutual

adhesiveness. Catholics were then harassed by a legislation which would

be condemned by any modern standard as intolerably tyrannical. Whatever

apology may be urged for the legislators on the score of contemporary

prejudices or special circumstances, their best excuse is that their

laws were rather intended to satisfy constituents, and to supply a

potential means of defence, than to be carried into actual execution. It

does not appear that the Popes had to fear any active molestation in the

quiet observance of their religious duties. Yet a Catholic was not only

a member of a hated minority, regarded by the rest of his countrymen as

representing the evil principle in politics and religion, but was

rigorously excluded from a public career, and from every position of

honour or authority. In times of excitement the severer laws might be

put in force. The public exercise of the Catholic religion was

forbidden, and to be a Catholic was to be predisposed to the various

Jacobite intrigues which still had many chances in their favour. When

the pretender was expected in 1744, a proclamation, to which Pope

thought it decent to pay obedience, forbade the appearance of Catholics

within ten miles of London; and in 1730 we find him making interest on

behalf of a nephew, who had been prevented from becoming an attorney

because the judges were rigidly enforcing the oaths of supremacy and

allegiance.

Catholics had to pay double taxes and were prohibited from acquiring

real property. The elder Pope, according to a certainly inaccurate

story, had a conscientious objection to investing his money in the funds

of a Protestant government, and, therefore, having converted his capital

into coin, put it in a strong-box, and took it out as he wanted it. The

old merchant was not quite so helpless, for we know that he had

investments in the French _rentes_, besides other sources of income; but

the story probably reflects the fact that his religious

disqualifications hampered even his financial position.

Pope's character was affected in many ways by the fact of his belonging

to a sect thus harassed and restrained. Persecution, like bodily

infirmity, has an ambiguous influence. If it sometimes generates in its

victims a heroic hatred of oppression, it sometimes predisposes them to

the use of the weapons of intrigue and falsehood, by which the weak

evade the tyranny of the strong. If under that discipline Pope learnt to

love toleration, he was not untouched by the more demoralizing

influences of a life passed in an atmosphere of incessant plotting and

evasion. A more direct consequence was his exclusion from the ordinary

schools. The spirit of the rickety lad might have been broken by the

rough training of Eton or Westminster in those days; as, on the other

hand, he might have profited by acquiring a livelier perception of the

meaning of that virtue of fair-play, the appreciation of which is held

to be a set-off against the brutalizing influences of our system of

public education. As it was, Pope was condemned to a desultory

education. He picked up some rudiments of learning from the family

priest; he was sent to a school at Twyford, where he is said to have got

into trouble for writing a lampoon upon his master; he went for a short

time to another in London, where he gave a more creditable if less

characteristic proof of his poetical precocity. Like other lads of

genius, he put together a kind of play--a combination, it seems, of the

speeches in Ogilby's Iliad--and got it acted by his schoolfellows. These

brief snatches of schooling, however, counted for little. Pope settled

at home at the early age of twelve, and plunged into the delights of

miscellaneous reading with the ardour of precocious talent. He read so

eagerly that his feeble constitution threatened to break down, and when

about seventeen, he despaired of recovery, and wrote a farewell to his

friends. One of them, an Abbé Southcote, applied for advice to the

celebrated Dr. Radcliffe, who judiciously prescribed idleness and

exercise. Pope soon recovered, and, it is pleasant to add, showed his

gratitude long afterwards by obtaining for Southcote, through Sir Robert

Walpole, a desirable piece of French preferment. Self-guided studies

have their advantages, as Pope himself observed, but they do not lead a

youth through the dry places of literature, or stimulate him to severe

intellectual training. Pope seems to have made some hasty raids into

philosophy and theology; he dipped into Locke, and found him "insipid;"

he went through a collection of the controversial literature of the

reign of James II., which seems to have constituted the paternal

library, and was alternately Protestant and Catholic, according to the

last book which he had read. But it was upon poetry and pure literature

that he flung himself with a genuine appetite. He learnt languages to

get at the story, unless a translation offered an easier path, and

followed wherever fancy led "like a boy gathering flowers in the fields

and woods."

It is needless to say that he never became a scholar in the strict sense

of the term. Voltaire declared that he could hardly read or speak a

word of French; and his knowledge of Greek would have satisfied Bentley

as little as his French satisfied Voltaire. Yet he must have been fairly

conversant with the best known French literature of the time, and he

could probably stumble through Homer with the help of a crib and a guess

at the general meaning. He says himself that at this early period, he

went through all the best critics; all the French, English and Latin

poems of any name; "Homer and some of the greater Greek poets in the

original," and Tasso and Ariosto in translations.

Pope at any rate acquired a wide knowledge of English poetry. Waller,

Spenser, and Dryden were, he says, his great favourites in the order

named, till he was twelve. Like so many other poets, he took infinite

delight in the _Faery Queen_; but Dryden, the great poetical luminary of

his own day, naturally exercised a predominant influence upon his mind.

He declared that he had learnt versification wholly from Dryden's works,

and always mentioned his name with reverence. Many scattered remarks

reported by Spence, and the still more conclusive evidence of frequent

appropriation, show him to have been familiar with the poetry of the

preceding century, and with much that had gone out of fashion in his

time, to a degree in which he was probably excelled by none of his

successors, with the exception of Gray. Like Gray he contemplated at one

time the history of English poetry which was in some sense executed by

Warton. It is characteristic, too, that he early showed a critical

spirit. From a boy, he says, he could distinguish between sweetness and

softness of numbers, Dryden exemplifying softness and Waller sweetness;

and the remark, whatever its value, shows that he had been analysing

his impressions and reflecting upon the technical secrets of his art.

Such study naturally suggests the trembling aspiration, "I, too, am a

poet." Pope adopts with apparent sincerity the Ovidian phrase,

As yet a child, nor yet a fool to fame

I lisp'd in numbers, for the numbers came.

His father corrected his early performances and when not satisfied, sent

him back with the phrase, "These are not good rhymes." He translated any

passages that struck him in his reading, excited by the examples of

Ogilby's Homer and Sandys' Ovid. His boyish ambition prompted him before

he was fifteen to attempt an epic poem; the subject was Alcander, Prince

of Rhodes, driven from his home by Deucalion, father of Minos; and the

work was modestly intended to emulate in different passages the beauties

of Milton, Cowley, Spenser, Statius, Homer, Virgil, Ovid, and Claudian.

Four books of this poem survived for a long time, for Pope had a more

than parental fondness for all the children of his brain, and always had

an eye to possible reproduction. Scraps from this early epic were worked

into the Essay on Criticism and the Dunciad. This couplet, for example,

from the last work comes straight, we are told, from Alcander,--

As man's Mæanders to the vital spring

Roll all their tides, then back their circles bring.

Another couplet, preserved by Spence, will give a sufficient taste of

its quality:--

Shields, helms, and swords all jangle as they hang,

And sound formidinous with angry clang.

After this we shall hardly censure Atterbury for approving (perhaps

suggesting) its destruction in later years. Pope long meditated another

epic, relating the foundation of the English government by Brutus of

Troy, with a superabundant display of didactic morality and religion.

Happily this dreary conception, though it occupied much thought, never

came to the birth.

The time soon came when these tentative flights were to be superseded by

more serious efforts. Pope's ambition was directed into the same channel

by his innate propensities and by the accidents of his position. No man

ever displayed a more exclusive devotion to literature, or was more

tremblingly sensitive to the charm of literary glory. His zeal was never

distracted by any rival emotion. Almost from his cradle to his grave his

eye was fixed unremittingly upon the sole purpose of his life. The whole

energies of his mind were absorbed in the struggle to place his name as

high as possible in that temple of fame, which he painted after Chaucer

in one of his early poems. External conditions pointed to letters as the

sole path to eminence, but it was precisely the path for which he had

admirable qualifications. The sickly son of the Popish tradesman was cut

off from the bar, the senate, and the church. Physically contemptible,

politically ostracized, and in a humble social position, he could yet

win this dazzling prize and force his way with his pen to the highest

pinnacle of contemporary fame. Without adventitious favour and in spite

of many bitter antipathies, he was to become the acknowledged head of

English literature, and the welcome companion of all the most eminent

men of his time. Though he could not foresee his career from the start,

he worked as vigorously as if the goal had already been in sight; and

each successive victory in the field of letters was realized the more

keenly from his sense of the disadvantages in face of which it had been

won. In tracing his rapid ascent, we shall certainly find reason to

doubt his proud assertion,--

That, if he pleased, he pleased by manly ways,

but it is impossible for any lover of literature to grudge admiration to

this singular triumph of pure intellect over external disadvantages, and

the still more depressing influences of incessant physical suffering.

Pope had indeed certain special advantages which he was not slow in

turning to account. In one respect even his religion helped him to

emerge into fame. There was naturally a certain free-masonry amongst the

Catholics allied by fellow-feeling under the general antipathy. The

relations between Pope and his co-religionists exercised a material

influence upon his later life. Within a few miles of Binfield lived the

Blounts of Mapledurham, a fine old Elizabethan mansion on the banks of

the Thames, near Reading, which had been held by a royalist Blount in

the civil war against a parliamentary assault. It was a more interesting

circumstance to Pope that Mr. Lister Blount, the then representative of

the family, had two fair daughters, Teresa and Martha, of about the

poet's age. Another of Pope's Catholic acquaintances was John Caryll, of

West Grinstead in Sussex, nephew of a Caryll who had been the

representative of James II. at the Court of Rome, and who, following his

master into exile, received the honours of a titular peerage and held

office in the melancholy court of the Pretender. In such circles Pope

might have been expected to imbibe a Jacobite and Catholic horror of

Whigs and freethinkers. In fact, however, he belonged from his youth to

the followers of Gallio, and seems to have paid to religious duties just

as much attention as would satisfy his parents. His mind was really

given to literature; and he found his earliest patron in his immediate

neighbourhood. This was Sir W. Trumbull, who had retired to his native

village of Easthampstead in 1697, after being ambassador at the Porte

under James II., and Secretary of State under William III. Sir William

made acquaintance with the Popes, praised the father's artichokes, and

was delighted with the precocious son. The old diplomatist and the young

poet soon became fast friends, took constant rides together, and talked

over classic and modern poetry. Pope made Trumbull acquainted with

Milton's juvenile poems, and Trumbull encouraged Pope to follow in

Milton's steps. He gave, it seems, the first suggestion to Pope that he

should translate Homer; and he exhorted his young friend to preserve his

health by flying from tavern company--_tanquam ex incendio_. Another

early patron was William Walsh, a Worcestershire country gentleman of

fortune and fashion, who condescended to dabble in poetry after the

manner of Waller, and to write remonstrances upon Celia's cruelty,

verses to his mistress against marriage, epigrams, and pastoral

eclogues. He was better known, however, as a critic, and had been

declared by Dryden to be, without flattery, the best in the nation. Pope

received from him one piece of advice which has become famous. We had

had great poets--so said the "knowing Walsh," as Pope calls him--"but

never one great poet that was correct;" and he accordingly recommended

Pope to make correctness his great aim. The advice doubtless impressed

the young man as the echo of his own convictions. Walsh died (1708),

before the effect of his suggestion had become fully perceptible.

The acquaintance with Walsh was due to Wycherley, who had submitted

Pope's Pastorals to his recognized critical authority. Pope's

intercourse with Wycherley and another early friend, Henry Cromwell, had

a more important bearing upon his early career. He kept up a

correspondence with each of these friends, whilst he was still passing

through his probationary period; and the letters published long

afterwards under singular circumstances to be hereafter related, give

the fullest revelation of his character and position at this time. Both

Wycherley and Cromwell were known to the Englefields of Whiteknights,

near Reading, a Catholic family, in which Pope first made the

acquaintance of Martha Blount, whose mother was a daughter of the old

Mr. Englefield of the day. It was possibly, therefore, through this

connexion that Pope owed his first introduction to the literary circles

of London. Pope, already thirsting for literary fame, was delighted to

form a connexion which must have been far from satisfactory to his

indulgent parents, if they understood the character of his new

associates.

Henry Cromwell, a remote cousin of the Protector, is known to other than

minute investigators of contemporary literature by nothing except his

friendship with Pope. He was nearly thirty years older than Pope, and

though heir to an estate in the country, was at this time a gay, though

rather elderly, man about town. Vague intimations are preserved of his

personal appearance. Gay calls him "honest hatless Cromwell with red

breeches;" and Johnson could learn about him the single fact that he

used to ride a-hunting in a tie-wig. The interpretation of these outward

signs may not be very obvious to modern readers; but it is plain from

other indications that he was one of the frequenters of coffee-houses,

aimed at being something of a rake and a wit, was on speaking terms with

Dryden, and familiar with the smaller celebrities of literature, a

regular attendant at theatres, a friend of actresses, and able to

present himself in fashionable circles and devote complimentary verses

to the reigning beauties at the Bath. When he studied the _Spectator_ he

might recognize some of his features reflected in the portrait of Will

Honeycomb. Pope was proud enough for the moment at being taken by the

hand by this elderly buck, though, as Pope himself rose in the literary

scale and could estimate literary reputations more accurately, he

became, it would seem, a little ashamed of his early enthusiasm, and, at

any rate, the friendship dropped. The letters which passed between the

pair during four or five years down to the end of 1711, show Pope in his

earliest manhood. They are characteristic of that period of development

in which a youth of literary genius takes literary fame in the most

desperately serious sense. Pope is evidently putting his best foot

forward, and never for a moment forgets that he is a young author

writing to a recognized critic--except, indeed, when he takes the airs

of an experienced rake. We might speak of the absurd affectation

displayed in the letters, were it not that such affectation is the most

genuine nature in a clever boy. Unluckily it became so ingrained in Pope

as to survive his youthful follies. Pope complacently indulges in

elaborate paradoxes and epigrams of the conventional epistolary style;

he is painfully anxious to be alternately sparkling and playful; his

head must be full of literature; he indulges in an elaborate criticism

of Statius, and points out what a sudden fall that author makes at one

place from extravagant bombast; he communicates the latest efforts of

his muse, and tries, one regrets to say, to get more credit for

precocity and originality than fairly belongs to him; he accidentally

alludes to his dog that he may bring in a translation from the Odyssey,

quote Plutarch, and introduce an anecdote which he has heard from

Trumbull about Charles I.; he elaborately discusses Cromwell's classical

translations, adduces authorities, ventures to censure Mr. Rowe's

amplifications of Lucan, and, in this respect, thinks that Breboeuf,

the famous French translator, is equally a sinner, and writes a long

letter as to the proper use of the cæsura and the hiatus in English

verse. There are signs that the mutual criticisms became a little trying

to the tempers of the correspondents. Pope seems to be inclined to

ridicule Cromwell's pedantry, and when he affects satisfaction at

learning that Cromwell has detected him in appropriating a rondeau from

Voiture, we feel that the tension is becoming serious. Probably he found

out that Cromwell was not only a bit of a prig, but a person not likely

to reflect much glory upon his friends, and the correspondence came to

an end, when Pope found a better market for his wares.

Pope speaks more than once in these letters of his country retirement,

where he could enjoy the company of the muses, but where, on the other

hand, he was forced to be grave and godly, instead of drunk and

scandalous as he could be in town. The jolly hunting and drinking

squires round Binfield thought him, he says, a well-disposed person, but

unluckily disqualified for their rough modes of enjoyment by his sickly

health. With them he has not been able to make one Latin quotation, but

has learnt a song of Tom Durfey's, the sole representative of

literature, it appears, at the "toping-tables" of these thick-witted

fox-hunters. Pope naturally longed for the more refined or at least

more fashionable indulgences of London life. Beside the literary

affectation, he sometimes adopts the more offensive

affectation--unfortunately not peculiar to any period--of the youth who

wishes to pass himself off as deep in the knowledge of the world. Pope,

as may be here said once for all, could be at times grossly indecent;

and in these letters there are passages offensive upon this score,

though the offence is far graver when the same tendency appears, as it

sometimes does, in his letters to women. There is no proof that Pope was

ever licentious in practice. He was probably more temperate than most of

his companions, and could be accused of fewer lapses from strict

morality than, for example, the excellent but thoughtless Steele. For

this there was the very good reason that his "little, tender, crazy

carcass," as Wycherley calls it, was utterly unfit for such excesses as

his companions could practice with comparative impunity. He was bound

under heavy penalties to be through life a valetudinarian, and such

doses of wine as the respectable Addison used regularly to absorb, would

have brought speedy punishment. Pope's loose talk probably meant little

enough in the way of actual vice, though, as I have already said,

Trumbull saw reasons for friendly warning. But some of his writings are

stained by pruriency and downright obscenity; whilst the same fault may

be connected with a painful absence of that chivalrous feeling towards

women which redeems Steele's errors of conduct in our estimate of his

character. Pope always takes a low, sometimes a brutal view of the

relation between the sexes.

Enough, however, has been said upon this point. If Pope erred, he was

certainly unfortunate in the objects of his youthful hero-worship.

Cromwell seems to have been but a pedantic hanger-on of literary

circles. His other great friend, Wycherley, had stronger claims upon

his respect, but certainly was not likely to raise his standard of

delicacy. Wycherley was a relic of a past literary epoch. He was nearly

fifty years older than Pope. His last play, the _Plain Dealer_, had been

produced in 1677, eleven years before Pope's birth. The _Plain Dealer_

and the _Country Wife_, his chief performances, are conspicuous amongst

the comedies of the Restoration dramatists for sheer brutality. During

Pope's boyhood he was an elderly rake about town, having squandered his

intellectual as well as his pecuniary resources, but still scribbling

bad verses and maxims on the model of Rochefoucauld. Pope had a very

excusable, perhaps we may say creditable, enthusiasm for the

acknowledged representatives of literary glory. Before he was twelve

years old he had persuaded some one to take him to Will's, that he might

have a sight of the venerable Dryden; and in the first published

letter[1] to Wycherley he refers to this brief glimpse, and warmly

thanks Wycherley for some conversation about the elder poet. And thus,

when he came to know Wycherley, he was enraptured with the honour. He

followed the great man about, as he tells us, like a dog; and,

doubtless, received with profound respect the anecdotes of literary life

which fell from the old gentleman's lips. Soon a correspondence began,

in which Pope adopts a less jaunty air than that of his letters to

Cromwell, but which is conducted on both sides in the laboured

complimentary style which was not unnatural in the days when Congreve's

comedy was taken to represent the conversation of fashionable life.

Presently, however, the letters began to turn upon an obviously

dangerous topic. Pope was only seventeen when it occurred to his friend

to turn him to account as a literary assistant. The lad had already

shown considerable powers of versification, and was soon employing them

in the revision of some of the numerous compositions which amused

Wycherley's leisure. It would have required, one might have thought,

less than Wycherley's experience to foresee the natural end of such an

alliance. Pope, in fact, set to work with great vigour in his favourite

occupation of correcting. He hacked and hewed right and left; omitted,

compressed, rearranged, and occasionally inserted additions of his own

devising. Wycherley's memory had been enfeebled by illness, and now

played him strange tricks. He was in the habit of reading himself to

sleep with Montaigne, Rochefoucauld, and Racine. Next morning he would,

with entire unconsciousness, write down as his own the thoughts of his

author, or repeat almost word for word some previous composition of his

own. To remove such repetitions thoroughly would require a very free

application of the knife, and Pope would not be slow to discover that he

was wasting talents fit for original work in botching and tinkering a

mass of rubbish.

Any man of ripe years would have predicted the obvious consequences;

and, according to the ordinary story, those consequences followed. Pope

became more plain-speaking, and at last almost insulting in his

language. Wycherley ended by demanding the return of his manuscripts, in

a letter showing his annoyance under a veil of civility; and Pope sent

them back with a smart reply, recommending Wycherley to adopt a previous

suggestion and turn his poetry into maxims after the manner of

Rochefoucauld. The "old scribbler," says Johnson, "was angry to see his

pages defaced, and felt more pain from the criticism than content from

the amendment of his faults." The story is told at length, and with his

usual brilliance, by Macaulay, and has hitherto passed muster with all

Pope's biographers; and, indeed, it is so natural a story, and is so far

confirmed by other statements of Pope, that it seems a pity to spoil it.

And yet it must be at least modified, for we have already reached one of

those perplexities which force a biographer of Pope to be constantly

looking to his footsteps. So numerous are the contradictions which

surround almost every incident of the poet's career, that one is

constantly in danger of stumbling into some pitfall, or bound to cross

it in gingerly fashion on the stepping-stone of a cautious "perhaps."

The letters which are the authority for this story have undergone a

manipulation from Pope himself, under circumstances to be hereafter

noticed; and recent researches have shown that a very false colouring

has been put upon this as upon other passages. The nature of this

strange perversion is a curious illustration of Pope's absorbing vanity.

Pope, in fact, was evidently ashamed of the attitude which he had not

unnaturally adopted to his correspondent. The first man of letters of

his day could not bear to reveal the full degree in which he had fawned

upon the decayed dramatist, whose inferiority to himself was now plainly

recognized. He altered the whole tone of the correspondence by omission,

and still worse by addition. He did not publish a letter in which

Wycherley gently remonstrates with his young admirer for excessive

adulation; he omitted from his own letters the phrase which had provoked

the remonstrance; and, with more daring falsification, he manufactured

an imaginary letter to Wycherley out of a letter really addressed to

his friend Caryll. In this letter Pope had himself addressed to Caryll a

remonstrance similar to that which he had received from Wycherley. When

published as a letter to Wycherley, it gives the impression that Pope,

at the age of seventeen, was already rejecting excessive compliments

addressed to him by his experienced friend. By these audacious

perversions of the truth, Pope is enabled to heighten his youthful

independence, and to represent himself as already exhibiting a graceful

superiority to the reception or the offering of incense; whilst he thus

precisely inverts the relation which really existed between himself and

his correspondent.

The letters, again, when read with a due attention to dates, shows that

Wycherley's proneness to take offence has at least been exaggerated.

Pope's services to Wycherley were rendered on two separate occasions.

The first set of poems were corrected during 1706 and 1707, and

Wycherley, in speaking of this revision, far from showing symptoms of

annoyance, speaks with gratitude of Pope's kindness, and returns the

expressions of goodwill which accompanied his criticisms. Both these

expressions, and Wycherley's acknowledgment of them, were omitted in

Pope's publication. More than two years elapsed, when (in April, 1710)

Wycherley submitted a new set of manuscripts to Pope's unflinching

severity; and it is from the letters which passed in regard to this last

batch that the general impression as to the nature of the quarrel has

been derived. But these letters, again, have been mutilated, and so

mutilated as to increase the apparent tartness of the mutual retorts;

and it must therefore remain doubtful how far the coolness which ensued

was really due to the cause assigned. Pope, writing at the time to

Cromwell, expresses his vexation at the difference, and professes

himself unable to account for it, though he thinks that his corrections

may have been the cause of the rupture. An alternative rumour,[2] it

seems, accused Pope of having written some satirical verses upon his

friend. To discover the rights and wrongs of the quarrel is now

impossible, though, unfortunately, one thing is clear, namely, that Pope

was guilty of grossly sacrificing truth in the interests of his own

vanity. We may, indeed, assume, without much risk of error, that Pope

had become too conscious of his own importance to find pleasure or pride

in doctoring another man's verses. It must remain uncertain how far he

showed this resentment to Wycherley openly, or gratified it by some

covert means; and how far, again, he succeeded in calming Wycherley's

susceptibility by his compliments, or aroused his wrath by more or less

contemptuous treatment of his verses.

A year after the quarrel, Cromwell reported that Wycherley had again

been speaking in friendly terms of Pope, and Pope expressed his pleasure

with eagerness. He must, he said, be more agreeable to himself when

agreeable to Wycherley, as the earth was brighter when the sun was less

overcast. Wycherley, it may be remarked, took Pope's advice by turning

some of his verses into prose maxims; and they seem to have been at last

upon more or less friendly terms. The final scene of Wycherley's

questionable career, some four years later, is given by Pope in a letter

to his friend, Edward Blount. The old man, he says, joined the

sacraments of marriage and extreme unction. By one he supposed himself

to gain some advantage of his soul; by the other, he had the pleasure

of saddling his hated heir and nephew with the jointure of his widow.

When dying, he begged his wife to grant him a last request, and, upon

her consent, explained it to be that she would never again marry an old

man. Sickness, says Pope in comment, often destroys wit and wisdom, but

has seldom the power to remove humour. Wycherley's joke, replies a

critic, is contemptible; and yet one feels that the death scene, with

this strange mixture of cynicism, spite, and superstition, half redeemed

by imperturbable good temper, would not be unworthy of a place in

Wycherley's own school of comedy. One could wish that Pope had shown a

little more perception of the tragic side of such a conclusion.

Pope was still almost a boy when he broke with Wycherley; but he was

already beginning to attract attention, and within a surprisingly short

time he was becoming known as one of the first writers of the day. I

must now turn to the poems by which this reputation was gained, and the

incidents connected with their publication. In Pope's life, almost more

than in that of any other poet, the history of the author is the history

of the man.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] The letter is, unluckily, of doubtful authenticity; but it

represents Pope's probable sentiments.

[2] See Elwin's Pope, Vol. I., cxxxv.

Alexander Pope · 第 1 / 9 章