CHAPTER XI

WHY AMERICA WENT TO WAR WITH GERMANY

A STATE of war had been declared April 5, 1917, to exist between the

United States and the Imperial German Government. There is no clearer or

more forceful statement of the reason why we went to war than the

address delivered by President Wilson at Washington on Flag Day, June

14, 1917:

MY FELLOW-CITIZENS: We meet to celebrate Flag Day

because this flag which we honor and under which

we serve is the emblem of our unity, our power,

our thought and purpose as a nation. It has no

other character than that which we give it from

generation to generation. The choices are ours. It

floats in majestic silence above the hosts that

execute those choices, whether in peace or in war.

And yet, though silent, it speaks to us--speaks to

us of the past, of the men and women who went

before us and of the records they wrote upon it.

We celebrate the day of its birth; and from its

birth until now it has witnessed a great history,

has floated on high the symbol of great events, of

a great plan of life worked out by a great people.

We are about to carry it into battle, to lift it

where it will draw the fire of our enemies. We are

about to bid thousands, hundreds of thousands, it

may be millions, of our men, the young, the

strong, the capable men of the nation, to go forth

and die beneath it on fields of blood far

away--for what? For some unaccustomed thing? For

something for which it has never sought the fire

before? American armies were never before sent

across the seas. Why are they sent now? For some

new purpose, for which this great flag has never

been carried before, or for some old, familiar,

heroic purpose for which it has seen men, its own

men, die on every battlefield upon which Americans

have borne arms since the Revolution?

These are questions which must be answered. We are

Americans. We in our turn serve America, and can

serve her with no private purpose. We must use her

flag as she has always used it. We are accountable

at the bar of history and must plead in utter

frankness what purpose it is we seek to serve.

FORCED INTO WAR

It is plain enough how we were forced into the

war. The extraordinary insults and aggressions of

the Imperial German Government left us no

self-respecting choice but to take up arms in

defense of our rights as a free people and of our

honor as a sovereign Government. The military

masters of Germany denied us the right to be

neutral. They filled our unsuspecting communities

with vicious spies and conspirators and sought to

corrupt the opinion of our people in their own

behalf. When they found that they could not do

that, their agents diligently spread sedition

among us and sought to draw our own citizens from

their allegiance--and some of those agents were

men connected with the official embassy of the

German Government itself here in our own capital.

They sought by violence to destroy our industries

and arrest our commerce. They tried to incite

Mexico to take up arms against us and to draw

Japan into a hostile alliance with her--and that,

not by indirection, but by direct suggestion from

the Foreign Office in Berlin. They impudently

denied us the use of the high seas and repeatedly

executed their threat that they would send to

their death any of our people who ventured to

approach the coasts of Europe. And many of our own

people were corrupted. Men began to look upon

their own neighbors with suspicion and to wonder

in their hot resentment and surprise whether there

was any community in which hostile intrigue did

not lurk. What great nation in such circumstances

would not have taken up arms? Much as we had

desired peace, it was denied us, and not of our

own choice. This flag under which we serve would

have been dishonored had we withheld our hand.

But that is only part of the story. We know now as

clearly as we knew before we were ourselves

engaged that we are not the enemies of the German

people and that they are not our enemies. They did

not originate or desire this hideous war or wish

that we should be drawn into it; and we are

vaguely conscious that we are fighting their

cause, as they will some day see it, as well as

our own. They are themselves in the grip of the

same sinister power that has now at last stretched

its ugly talons out and drawn blood from us. The

whole world is at war because the whole world is

in the grip of that power and is trying out the

great battle which shall determine whether it is

to be brought under its mastery or fling itself

free.

THE MASTERS OF GERMANY

The war was begun by the military masters of

Germany, who proved to be also the masters of

Austria-Hungary. These men have never regarded

nations as peoples, men, women, and children of

like blood and frame as themselves, for whom

Governments existed and in whom Governments had

their life. They have regarded them merely as

serviceable organizations which they could by

force or intrigue bend or corrupt to their own

purpose. They have regarded the smaller States, in

particular, and the peoples who could be

overwhelmed by force as their natural tools and

instruments of domination. Their purpose has long

been avowed. The statesmen of other nations, to

whom that purpose was incredible, paid little

attention; regarded what German professors

expounded in their classrooms and German writers

set forth to the world as the goal of German

policy, as rather the dream of minds detached from

practical affairs, as preposterous private

conceptions of German destiny, than as the actual

plans of responsible rulers; but the rulers of

Germany themselves knew all the while what

concrete plans, what well-advanced intrigues lay

back of what the professors and the writers were

saying, and were glad to go forward unmolested,

filling the thrones of Balkan States with German

Princes, putting German officers at the service of

Turkey to drill her armies and make interest with

her Government, developing plans of sedition and

rebellion in India and Egypt, setting their fires

in Persia. The demands made by Austria upon Serbia

were a mere single step in a plan which compassed

Europe and Asia, from Berlin to Bagdad. They hoped

those demands might not arouse Europe, but they

meant to press them whether they did or not, for

they thought themselves ready for the final issue

of arms.

A TOOL OF GERMANY

Their plan was to throw a broad belt of German

military power and political control across the

very center of Europe and beyond the Mediterranean

into the heart of Asia; and Austria-Hungary was

to be as much their tool and pawn as Serbia or

Bulgaria or Turkey or the ponderous States of the

East. Austria-Hungary, indeed, was to become part

of the Central German Empire, absorbed and

dominated by the same forces and influences that

had originally cemented the German States

themselves. The dream had its heart at Berlin. It

could have had a heart nowhere else! It rejected

the idea of solidarity of race entirely. The

choice of peoples played no part in it at all. It

contemplated binding together racial and political

units which could be kept together only by

force--Czechs, Magyars, Croats, Serbs, Rumanians,

Turks, Armenians--the proud States of Bohemia and

Hungary, the stout little commonwealths of the

Balkans, the indomitable Turks, the subtle peoples

of the East. These peoples did not wish to be

united. They ardently desired to direct their own

affairs, would be satisfied only by undisputed

independence. They could be kept quiet only by the

presence of the constant threat of armed men. They

would live under a common power only by sheer

compulsion and await the day of revolution. But

the German military statesmen had reckoned with

all that and were ready to deal with it in their

own way.

THE PRESENT CONDITION

And they have actually carried the greater part of

that amazing plan into execution. Look how things

stand. Austria is at their mercy. It has acted,

not upon its own initiative nor upon the choice of

its own people, but at Berlin's dictation ever

since the war began. Its people now desire peace,

but cannot have it until leave is granted from

Berlin. The so-called Central Powers are in fact

but a single power. Serbia is at its mercy, should

its hands be but for a moment freed; Bulgaria has

consented to its will and Rumania is overrun. The

Turkish armies, which Germans trained, are serving

Germany, certainly not themselves, and the guns of

German warships lying in the harbor at

Constantinople remind Turkish statesmen every day

that they have no choice but to take their orders

from Berlin. From Hamburg to the Persian Gulf the

net is spread.

A FALSE CRY FOR PEACE

Is it not easy to understand the eagerness for

peace that has been manifested from Berlin ever

since the snare was set and sprung? Peace, peace,

peace has been the talk of her Foreign Office now

for a year or more; not peace upon her own

initiative, but upon the initiative of the nations

over which she now deems herself to hold the

advantage. A little of the talk has been public,

but most of it has been private. Through all sorts

of channels it has come to me, and in all sorts of

guises, but never with the terms disclosed which

the German Government would be willing to accept.

That Government has other valuable pawns in its

hands besides those I have mentioned. It still

holds a valuable part of France, though with

slowly relaxing grasp, and practically the whole

of Belgium. Its armies press close upon Russia and

overrun Poland at their will. It cannot go

further; it dare not go back. It wishes to close

its bargain before it is too late, and it has

little left to offer for the pound of flesh it

will demand.

The military masters under whom Germany is

bleeding see very clearly to what point fate has

brought them. If they fall back or are forced back

an inch their power both abroad and at home will

fall to pieces like a house of cards. It is their

power at home they are thinking about now more

than their power abroad. It is that power which is

trembling under their very feet; and deep fear has

entered their hearts. They have but one chance to

perpetuate their military power or even their

controlling political influence. If they can

secure peace now with the immense advantages still

in their hands, which they have up to this point

apparently gained, they will have justified

themselves before the German people; they will

have gained by force what they promised to gain by

it--an immense expansion of German power, an

immense enlargement of German industrial and

commercial opportunities. Their prestige will be

secure, and with their prestige their political

power. If they fail, their people will thrust them

aside; a Government accountable to the people

themselves will be set up in Germany as it has

been in England, in the United States, in France,

and in all the great countries of the modern time

except Germany. If they succeed they are safe and

Germany and the world are undone; if they fail

Germany is saved and the world will be at peace.

If they succeed America will fall within the

menace. We and all the rest of the world must

remain armed, as they will remain, and must make

ready for the next step in their aggression; if

they fail the world may unite for peace and

Germany may be of the union.

Do you not now understand the new intrigue, the

intrigue for peace, and why the masters of Germany

do not hesitate to use any agency that promises to

effect their purpose, the deception of the

nations? Their present particular aim is to

deceive all those who throughout the world stand

for the rights of peoples and the self-government

of nations; for they see what immense strength the

forces of justice and of liberalism are gathering

out of this war.

PROPAGANDA

They are employing liberals in their enterprise.

They are using men, in Germany and without, as

their spokesmen whom they have hitherto despised

and oppressed, using them for their own

destruction--Socialists, the leaders of labor, the

thinkers they have hitherto sought to silence. Let

them once succeed and these men, now their tools,

will be ground to powder beneath the weight of the

great military empire they will have set up; the

revolutionists in Russia will be cut off from all

succor or cooperation in Western Europe and a

counter-revolution fostered and supported; Germany

herself will lose her chance of freedom, and all

Europe will arm for the next, the final, struggle.

The sinister intrigue is being no less actively

conducted in this country than in Russia and in

every country in Europe to which the agents and

dupes of the Imperial German Government can get

access. That Government has many spokesmen here,

in places high and low. They have learned

discretion. They keep within the law. It is

opinion they utter now, not sedition. They

proclaim the liberal purposes of their masters;

declare this a foreign war which can touch America

with no danger to either her lands or her

institutions; set England at the center of the

stage and talk of her ambition to assert economic

dominion throughout the world; appeal to our

ancient tradition of isolation in the politics of

the nations, and seek to undermine the Government

with false professions of loyalty to its

principles.

But they will make no headway. The false betray

themselves always in every accent. It is only

friends and partisans of the German Government

whom we have already identified who utter these

thinly disguised disloyalties. The facts are

patent to all the world, and nowhere are they more

plainly seen than in the United States, where we

are accustomed to deal with facts and not with

sophistries; and the great fact that stands out

above all the rest is that this is a people's war,

a war for freedom and justice and self-government

among all the nations of the world, a war to make

the world safe for the peoples who live upon it

and have made it their own, the German people

themselves included; and that with us rests the

choice to break through all these hypocrisies and

patent cheats and masks of brute force and help

set the world free, or else stand aside and let it

be dominated a long age through by sheer weight of

arms and the arbitrary choices of self-constituted

masters, by the nation which can maintain the

biggest armies and the most irresistible

armaments--a power to which the world has afforded

no parallel and in the face of which political

freedom must wither and perish.

For us there is but one choice. We have made it.

Woe be to the man or group of men that seeks to

stand in our way in this day of high resolution

when every principle we hold dearest is to be

vindicated and made secure for the salvation of

the nations. We are ready to plead at the bar of

history, and our flag shall wear a new luster.

Once more we shall make good with our lives and

fortunes the great faith to which we were born,

and a new glory shall shine in the face of our

people.

The war was now on. All the latent power of the nation of every kind was

to be used in every way to help drive the German menace from the world.

A visit to the new world by Marshal Joffre, Viviani, Lord Asquith and

others helped to accelerate matters. No one will know until the war is

ended just what took place in the councils between these great men of

the old world and the leaders of the new.

Everyone does know, however, the instantaneous activity and enthusiasm

which seized with compelling force upon the people of the United States.

But there must be a military leader. What was more natural than that the

choice should fall upon General John Joseph Pershing? General Funston

had died suddenly at San Antonio, Texas, and there was no one now to

outrank the leader of the punitive expedition into Mexico.

So General Pershing was selected. The man who had feared he was to be

ignored and left forgotten in the jungles of the Philippines was now to

be the Commander of the American Expeditionary Force in France.

Promotion once more had come to the man who had sought first to be

worthy to be promoted.

The Story of General Pershing · 第 11 / 19 章