+---------------------------------------_The City of the Saints, and Across the Rocky Mountains to California

| | Dis- | to | Camp | No. |

+----------------------------------------+-------+------+------+-----+

|Meadow Creek. | 18·2 | 18·2 | 18·2| 1 |

| | | | | |

|station ¹⁄₄ mile. | 1 | | | |

| | | | | |

|summer would be most probably dry. | 8·9 | 9·9 | 28·1| 2 |

| | | | | |

|Simpson’s Springs, mail station. | 16·2 | 16·2 | 44·3| 3 |

| | | | | |

|Summit, Short-cut Pass. | 21·6 | | | |

| | | | | |

|1·6 miles below summit. | 1·6 | 23·2 | 67·5| 4 |

| | | | | |

|rocks on the right of the road. | 7·8 | | | |

| | | | | |

|A little grass; sage in valley. | 4·8 | | | |

| | | | | |

|Devil’s Hole; water slightly brackish. | 6·7 | | | |

| | | | | |

|Fish Springs, mail station. | 5·4 | 24·7 | 92·2| 5 |

| | | | | |

|Warm Springs. | 3·4 | | | |

| | | | | |

|character. | 26·4 | 29·7 | 121·9| 6 |

| | | | | |

|road; water not drinkable. | 1· | | | |

| | | | | |

|palatable. | 1·5 | 2·5 | 125· | 7 |

| | | | | |

|Spring, Pleasant Valley, mail station. | 13·4 | 13·4 | 138·4| 8 |

| | | | | |

|East side of Antelope Valley. | | 12·5 | 150·9| 9 |

| | | | | |

|bench and slopes. | | 19· | 169·9| 10 |

| | | | | |

|stream; grass all along. | 3·5 | | | |

| | | | | |

|Leave Creek. | 3·5 | | | |

| | | | | |

|Spring, copious; grass fine. | 2·8 | | | |

| | | | | |

|station. | 1·3 | 11·1 | 181·0| 11 |

| | | | | |

|Steptoe Creek; dry in summer. | 6·5 | | | |

| | | | | |

|Mouth of Egan Kanyon. | 6·8 | 13·3 | 194·3| 12 |

| | | | | |

|Spring; source of Egan Creek. | 1·8 | | | |

| | | | | |

|hill. | 16·2 | 18·1 | 212·4| 13 |

| | | | | |

|range. | 12· | 12· | 224·4| 14 |

| | | | | |

|Ruby Valley, mail station. | 9·2 | 9·2 | 233·6| 15 |

| | | | | |

|Huntingdon’s Creek. | 14·4 | | | |

| | | | | |

|Small mountain stream. | 3·3 | 17·6 | 251·2| 16 |

| | | | | |

|Spring left of the road. | 1·2 | | | |

| | | | | |

|Near west foot of Cho-kupe Pass. | 5·8 | 7·1 | 258·3| 17 |

| | | | | |

|Spring in Pah-hun-nupe Valley. | 7·8 | | | |

| | | | | |

|Do. west side of Pah-hun-nupe Valley. | 5·6 | 13·3 | 271·6| 18 |

| | | | | |

|She-a-wi-te (Willow) Creek. | 14·9 | 14·9 | 286·5| 19 |

| | | | | |

|probably not constant. | 11·6 | | | |

| | | | | |

|miles off. | 5·9 | 17·5 | 304· | 20 |

| | | | | |

|Wons-in-dam-me, or Antelope Creek. | 7· | 7· | 311· | 21 |

| | | | | |

|Creek. | 4·3 | | | |

| | | | | |

|Creek west side of valley. | 9·5 | 13·7 | 324·7| 22 |

| | | | | |

|Wan-a-ho-no-pe (Netwood trap) Creek. | 13·6 | | | |

| | | | | |

|Wan-a-ho-no-pe (Netwood trap) Creek. | 4·6 | 18·2 | 342·9| 23 |

| | | | | |

|guide, Colonel Reese. | 4·9 | 4·9 | 347·8| 24 |

| | | | | |

|authority). | 3· | | | |

| | | | | |

|Ford of Reese’s River. | 8·2 | | | |

| | | | | |

|Reese’s River. | 2·6 | 13·8 | 361·6| 25 |

| | | | | |

|Leave Reese’s River. | 3·4 | | | |

| | | | | |

|Pass. | 10· | | | |

| | | | | |

|Lieutenant J. L. Kirby Smith’s Creek. | 7·8 | 21·2 | 382·8| 26 |

| | | | | |

|Engleman’s Creek. | 1·6 | | | |

| | | | | |

|Lieutenant Putnam’s Creek. | 8·6 | 10·2 | 393· | 27 |

| | | | | |

|Lieutenant Putnam’s South Fork. | 2·7 | | | |

| | | | | |

|Rock Creek. | 3· | | | |

| | | | | |

|Rock Creek. | 3·1 | 8·7 | 401·7| 28 |

| | | | | |

|Rock Creek Sinks. | 1·7 | | | |

| | | | | |

|days. Camp from this in alkaline flat. | 5·4 | | | |

| | | | | |

|Gibraltar Gate. | 0·6 | | | |

| | | | | |

|Creek joins Gibraltar Creek. | 4·2 | | | |

| | | | | |

|Middle-Gate Spring. | 3·2 | 14·7 | 416·4| 29 |

| | | | | |

|West Gate. | 3·5 | | | |

| | | | | |

|little of either. Rabbit-bush fuel. | 21·0 | 24·5 | 440·9| 30 |

| | | | | |

|referred to. | | 16·6 | 457·5| 31 |

| | | | | |

|Leave Carson Lake. | 9·7 | | | |

| | | | | |

|Walker’s River. | 21·5 | 31·2 | 488·7| 32 |

| | | | | |

|Walker’s River. | | 10· | 498·7| 33 |

| | | | | |

|Walker’s North Bend. | | 6·3 | 505· | 34 |

| | | | | |

|command; grass ¹⁄₂ mile south. | 14·1| | | |

| | | | | |

|Carson River. | 1·9 | | | |

| | | | | |

|Carson River. | 3·0 | 19·0 | 524· | 35 |

| | | | | |

|station. | 9·0 | 9·0 | 533· | 36 |

| | | | | |

|China Town. Gold diggings. | 7·4 | | | |

| | | | | |

|Carson City. East foot of Sierra Nevada.| 11·6 | 19·0 | 552· | 37 |

| | | | | |

|Genoa. East foot of Sierra Nevada. | 12·9 | 12·9 | 564·9| 38 |

+----------------------------------------+-------+------+------+-----+

+----------------------------------------+-----+-----+------+------+

| | | | | |

| | No. | | | |

| | of | | | |

+----------------------------------------+-----+-----+------+------+

|Camp Floyd, wood and grass in vicinity. | | | W | |

|Meadow Creek. | 1 | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

|summer would be most probably dry. | 2 | W | W | G |

| | | | | |

|Simpson’s Springs, mail station. | 3 | W | W | G |

| | | | | |

| | | Wil-| | |

|Summit, Short-cut Pass. | | low | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

|rocks on the right of the road. | | | | G |

| | | | | |

|A little grass; sage in valley. | | S | | G |

| | | | | |

|Devil’s Hole; water slightly brackish. | | | W | |

| | | | | |

|Fish Springs, mail station. | 5 | Ctw | W | G |

| | | | | |

|Warm Springs. | | GW | W | G |

| | | | | |

|character. | 6 | | | G |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

|palatable. | 7 | W,S | W | G |

| | | | | |

|Spring, Pleasant Valley, mail station. | 8 | W | W | G |

| | | | | |

|East side of Antelope Valley. | 9 | W | W | G |

| | | | | |

|bench and slopes. | 10 | GW | W | G |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

|Leave Creek. | | W | W | G |

| | | | | |

|Spring, copious; grass fine. | | W | W | G |

| | | | | |

|station. | 11 | W | W | G |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

|Mouth of Egan Kanyon. | 12 | W | W | G |

| | | | | |

|Spring; source of Egan Creek. | | W | W | G |

| | | | | |

|hill. | 13 | W | W | G |

| | | | | |

|range. | 14 | W | W | G |

| | | | | |

|Ruby Valley, mail station. | 15 | GW | W | G |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

|Small mountain stream. | 16 | GW | W | G |

| | | | | |

|Spring left of the road. | | GW | W | G |

| | | | | |

|Near west foot of Cho-kupe Pass. | 17 | GW | W | G |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | S,W | | |

|Do. west side of Pah-hun-nupe Valley. | 18 | GW | W | G |

| | | | | |

|She-a-wi-te (Willow) Creek. | 19 | S,W | W | G |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

|miles off. | 20 | S,W | W | G |

| | | | | |

|Wons-in-dam-me, or Antelope Creek. | 21 | W | W | G |

| | | | | |

|Creek. | | S,W | W | G |

| | | | | |

|Creek west side of valley. | 22 | S,W | W | G |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

|Wan-a-ho-no-pe (Netwood trap) Creek. | 23 | S,W | W | G |

| | | | | |

|guide, Colonel Reese. | 24 | S,W | W | G |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

|Ford of Reese’s River. | | | W | G |

| | | | | |

|Reese’s River. | 25 | | W | G |

| | | | | |

|Leave Reese’s River. | | | W | G |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

|Lieutenant J. L. Kirby Smith’s Creek. | 26 | GW | W | G |

| | | | | |

|Engleman’s Creek. | | | W | |

| | | | | |

|Lieutenant Putnam’s Creek. | 27 | S,W | W | G |

| | | | | |

|Lieutenant Putnam’s South Fork. | | W | W | G |

| | | | | |

|Rock Creek. | | W | W | G |

| | | | | |

|Rock Creek. | 28 | W | W | G |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

|days. Camp from this in alkaline flat. | | | W | |

| | | | | |

|Gibraltar Gate. | | | W | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

|Middle-Gate Spring. | 29 | S,W | W | G |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

|camp; water and grass alkaline, and | | Rab.| | |

|little of either. Rabbit-bush fuel. | 30 | bush| W | G |

| | | | | |

|so far north as the connecting creek | | Dry | | |

|referred to. | 31 | rush| W | R,G |

| | | | | |

|Leave Carson Lake. | | | W | R,G |

| | | | | |

|Walker’s River. | 32 | W | W | G |

| | | | | |

|Walker’s River. | 33 | W | W | G |

| | | | | |

|Walker’s North Bend. | 34 | W | W | G |

| | | | | |

|command; grass ¹⁄₂ mile south. | | S,W | W | G |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

|Carson River. | 35 | W | W | G |

| | | | | |

|station. | 36 | W | W | G |

| | | | | |

|China Town. Gold diggings. | | | W | |

| | | | | |

|Carson City. East foot of Sierra Nevada.| 37 | | W | G |

| | | | | |

|Genoa. East foot of Sierra Nevada. | 38 | W | W | G |

+----------------------------------------+-----+-----+------+------+

(Signed), J. H. SIMPSON, Capt. Top. Engineers.

To Brevet Major F. J. Porter, Assist. Adj. Gen., Dept. Utah, Camp

Floyd.

II. DESCRIPTION OF THE MORMON TEMPLE.

[_Extracted from the Deserét News._]

The following is a brief detail of the temple, taken from drawings in

my office in Great Salt Lake City.

The Temple Block is 40 rods square, the lines running north and south,

east and west, and contains 10 acres. The centre of the temple is 156

feet 6 inches due west from the centre of the east line of the block.

The length of said house east and west is 186¹⁄₂ feet, including

towers, and the width 99 feet. On the east end there are three towers,

as also on the west. Draw a line north and south 118¹⁄₂ feet through

the centre of the tower, and you have the north and south extent of

ground-plan, including pedestal.

We depress into the earth at the east end to the depth of 16 feet, and

enlarge all around beyond the lines of wall 3 feet for a footing. The

north and south walls are 8 feet thick clear of pedestal; they stand

upon a footing of 16 feet wall on its bearing, which slopes 3 feet on

each side to the height of 7¹⁄₂ feet. The footing of the towers rise to

the same height as the side, and is one solid piece of masonry of rough

ashlars, laid in good lime mortar.

The basement of the main building is divided into many rooms by walls,

all having footings. The line of the basement floor is 6 inches above

the top of the footing. From the towers on the east to the towers on

the west, the face of the earth slopes 6 feet; 4 inches above the

earth on the east line begins a promenade walk from 11 to 22 feet wide

around the entire building, and approached by stone steps as the earth

slopes and requires them. There are four towers on the four corners

of the building, each starting from their footing of 26 feet square;

these continue 16¹⁄₂ feet high, and come to the line of the base string

course, which is 8 feet above the promenade walk. At this point the

towers are reduced to 25 feet square; they then continue to the height

of 38 feet, or the height of the second string course. At this point

they are reduced to 23 feet square; they then continue 38 feet high to

the third string course. The string courses continue all around the

building, except when separated by buttresses. These string courses are

massive mouldings from solid blocks of stone.

The two east towers then rise 25 feet to a string course or cornice.

The two west towers rise 19 feet, and come to their string course or

cornice. The four towers then rise 9 feet to the top of battlements.

These towers are cylindrical, having 17 feet diameter inside, within

which stairs ascend around a solid column 4 feet in diameter, allowing

landings at the various sections of the building. These towers have

each five ornamental windows on two sides above the basement. The

two centre towers occupy the centre of the east and west ends of the

building, starting from their footings 31 feet square, and break off

in sections in line with corner towers, to the height of the third

string course. The east centre tower then rises 40 feet to the top

of battlements; the west centre tower rises 34 feet to the top of

battlements. All these towers have spires; the east centre tower rises

200 feet, while the west centre tower rises 190 feet. All these towers

at their corners have octagon turrets, terminated by octagon pinnacles

5 feet diameter at base, 4 feet at first story, and three feet from

there up. There are also on each side of these towers two buttresses,

except where they come in contact with the body of the main building.

The top of these buttresses show forty-eight in number, and stand upon

pedestals. The space between the buttresses and turrets is 2 feet at

the first story. On the front of the two centre towers are two large

windows, each 32 feet high, one above the other, neatly prepared for

that place.

On the two west corner towers, and on the west end a few feet below the

top of battlements, may be seen in alto-relievo and bold relief the

great dipper, or Ursa Major, with the pointers ranging nearly toward

the north star. (Moral: the lost may find themselves by the priesthood.)

I will now glance at the main body of the house. I have before stated

that the basement was divided into many rooms. The central one is

arranged for a baptismal font, and is 59 feet long by 35 feet wide,

separated from the main wall by four rooms, two on each side, 19 feet

long by 12 feet wide. On the east and west sides of these rooms are

four passages 12 feet wide; these lead to and from by outside doors,

two on the north and two on the south. Farther east and west from these

passages are four more rooms, two at each end, 28 feet wide by 38¹⁄₂

long. These two thin walls occupy the basement. All the walls start off

their footings, and rise 16¹⁄₂ feet, and there stop with groin ceiling.

We are now up to the line of the base string course, 8 feet above the

promenade or steps rising to the temple, which terminates at the cope

of the pedestal, and to the first floor of said house. This room is

joined to the outer courts, these courts being the width between towers

16 feet by 9 in the clear. We ascend to the floors of these courts

(they being on a line with the first floor of the main house) by four

flights of stone steps 9¹⁄₂ feet wide, arranged in the basement work,

the first step ranging to the outer line of towers. From these courts

doors admit to any part of the building.

The size of the first large room is 120 feet long by 80 feet wide;

the height reaches nearly to the second string course. The room is

arched over in the centre with an elliptical arch, which drops at its

flank 10 feet, and has 38 feet span. The side ceilings have one fourth

elliptical arches, which start from the side walls of the main building

16 feet high, and terminate at the capitals of the columns, or foot

of centre arch, at the height of 24 feet. The columns obtain their

bearings direct from the footings of the said house; these columns

extend up to support the floor above. The outside walls of this story

are 7 feet thick. The space, from the termination of the foot of the

centre arch to the outer wall, is divided into sixteen compartments,

eight in each side, making rooms 14 feet by 14, clear of partitions,

and 10 feet high, leaving a passage of 6 feet wide next to each flank

of the centre arch, which is approached from the ends. These rooms

are each lighted by an elliptical or oval window, whose major axis is

vertical.

The second large room is one foot wider than the room below; this is in

consequence of the wall being but 6 feet thick, falling off 6 inches on

the inner and 6 on the outer side. The second string course provides

for this on the outer side. The rooms of this story are similar to

those below. The side walls have nine buttresses on a side, and have

eight tiers of windows, five in each tier.

The foot of the basement windows are 8 inches above the promenade,

rise 3 feet perpendicular, and terminate in a semicircular head.

The first-story windows have 12 feet long of sash to the top of the

semicircular head. The oval windows have 6¹⁄₂ feet length of sash. The

windows of the second story are the same as those below. All these

frames have 4¹⁄₂ feet width of sash. The pedestals under all the

buttresses project at their base 2 feet; above their base, which is 15

inches by 4¹⁄₂ feet wide, on each front is a figure of a globe 3 feet

11 inches across, whose axis corresponds with the axis of the earth.

The base string course forms a cope for those pedestals. Above this

cope the buttresses are 3¹⁄₂ feet, and continue to the height of 100

feet. Above the promenade, close under the second string course on each

of the buttresses, is the moon, represented in its different phases.

Close under the third string course or cornice is the face of the sun.

Immediately above is Saturn with his rings. The buttresses terminate

with a projected cope.

The only difference between the tower buttresses and the one just

described is, instead of Saturn being on them, we have clouds and rays

of light descending.

All of these symbols are to be chiseled in bas-relief on solid stone.

The side walls continue above the string course or cornice 8¹⁄₂

feet, making the walls 96 feet high, and are formed in battlements

interspersed with stars.

This roof is quite flat, rising only 8 feet, and is to be covered with

galvanized iron or some other metal. The building is to be otherwise

ornamented in many places. The whole structure is designed to symbolize

some of the great architectural work above. The basement windows recede

in from the face of the outer wall to the sash frame 23 inches, and are

relieved by a large cavetto, while on the inside they are approached by

stone steps.

Those windows above the base recede from the face of the wall to

the sash frame 3 feet, and are surrounded by stone jambs formed in

mouldings, and surmounted by labels over each, which terminate at their

horizon, excepting the oval windows, whose labels terminate as columns,

which extend from an enriched string course at the foot of each window

to the centre of the major axis. My chief object in the last paragraph

is to show to the judgment of any who may be baffled how those windows

can be come at, etc., etc. All the windows in the towers are moulded,

and have stone jambs, each being crowned with label mouldings. The

whole house covers an area of 21,850 feet.

For farther particulars, wait till the house is done, then come and see

it.

(Signed), TRUMAN O. ANGELL, _Architect_.

III. THE MARTYRDOM OF JOSEPH SMITH.

BY APOSTLE JOHN TAYLOR.

Being requested by George A. Smith and Willford Woodruff, Church

historians, to write an account of events that transpired before and

took place at the time of the martyrdom of Joseph Smith, in Carthage

jail, in Hancock County, State of Illinois, I write the following

principally from memory, not having access to any public documents

relative thereto farther than a few desultory items contained in Ford’s

“History of Illinois.” I must also acknowledge myself considerably

indebted to George A. Smith, who was with me when I wrote it, and

who, although not there at the time of the bloody transaction, yet

from conversing with several persons who were in the capacity of

Church historians, and aided by an excellent memory, has rendered me a

considerable service. These and the few items contained in the notes

at the end of this account is all the aid I have had. I would farther

add that the items contained in the letter, in relation to dates

especially, may be considered strictly correct.

After having written the whole, I read it over to the Hon. J. M.

Bernhisel, who, with one or two slight alterations, pronounced it

strictly correct. Brother Bernhisel was present most of the time. I

am afraid that, from the length of time that has transpired since the

occurrence, and having to rely almost exclusively on my memory, there

may be some slight inaccuracies, but I believe that in the general

it is strictly correct; as I figured in those transactions from the

commencement to the end, they left no slight impression on my mind.

In the year 1844, a very great excitement prevailed in some parts

of the counties of Hancock, Brown, and other neighboring counties,

in relation to the “Mormons,” and a spirit of vindictive hatred and

persecution was exhibited among the people, which was manifested in the

most bitter and acrimonious language, as well as by acts of hostility

and violence, frequently threatening the destruction of the citizens

of Nauvoo and vicinity, and utter annihilation of the “Mormons” and

“Mormonism,” and in some instances breaking out in the most violent

acts of ruffianly barbarity; persons were kidnapped, whipped,

prosecuted, and falsely accused of various crimes; their cattle and

houses injured, destroyed, or stolen; vexatious prosecutions were

instituted to vex, harass, and annoy. In some remote neighborhoods they

were expelled from their homes without redress, and in others violence

was threatened to their persons and property, while in others every

kind of insult and indignity was heaped upon them, to induce them to

abandon their homes, the county, or the state.

These annoyances, prosecutions, and persecutions were instigated

through different agencies and by various classes of men, actuated by

different motives, but all uniting in the one object, prosecution,

persecution, and extermination of the Saints.

There were a number of wicked and corrupt men living in Nauvoo and

its vicinity who had belonged to the Church, but whose conduct was

incompatible with the Gospel; they were accordingly dealt with by the

Church and severed from its communion; some of these had been prominent

members, and held official stations either in the city or Church. Among

these was John C. Bennett, formerly Mayor; William Law, Councilor to

Joseph Smith; Wilson Law, his natural brother, and general in the

Nauvoo Legion; Dr. R. D. Foster, a man of some property, but with a

very bad reputation; Francis and Chauncey Higbee, the latter a young

lawyer, and both sons of a respectable and honored man in the Church,

known as Judge Elias Higbee, who died about twelve months before.

Besides these, there were a great many apostates, both in the city and

country, of less notoriety, who, for their delinquencies, had been

expelled from the Church. John C. Bennett and Francis and Chauncey

Higbee were cut off from the Church; the former was also cashiered from

his generalship for the most flagrant acts of seduction and adultery;

and such was the scandalous nature of the developments in their cases,

that the high council before whom they were tried had to sit with

closed doors.

William Law, although councilor to Joseph, was found to be his most

bitter foe and maligner, and to hold intercourse, contrary to all

law, in his own house, with a young lady resident with him, and it

was afterward proved that he had conspired with some Missourians to

take Joseph Smith’s life, and was only saved by Josiah Arnold, who,

being on guard at his house, prevented the assassins from seeing him.

Yet, although having murder in his heart, his manners were generally

courteous and mild, and he was well calculated to deceive.

General Wilson Law was cut off from the Church for seduction,

falsehood, and defamation; both the above were also court-martialed by

the Nauvoo Legion and expelled. Foster was also cut off, I believe, for

dishonesty, fraud, and falsehood. I know he was eminently guilty of

the whole, but whether these were the specific charges or not, I don’t

know, but I do know that he was a notoriously wicked and corrupt man.

Besides the above characters and “Mormonic” apostates, there were

other three parties. The first of these may be called religionists,

the second politicians, and the third counterfeiters, blacklegs,

horse-thieves, and cut-throats.

The religious party were chagrined and maddened because “Mormonism”

came in contact with their religion, and they could not oppose it

from the Scriptures; and thus, like the ancient Jews, when enraged

at the exhibition of their follies and hypocrisies by Jesus and his

apostles, so these were infuriated against the Mormons because of their

discomfiture by them; and instead of owning the truth and rejoicing

in it, they were ready to gnash upon them with their teeth, and to

persecute the believers in principles which they could not disprove.

The political party were those who were of opposite politics to us.

There were always two parties, the Whigs and Democrats, and we could

not vote for one without offending the other; and it not unfrequently

happened that candidates for office would place the issue of their

election upon opposition to the “Mormons,” in order to gain political

influence from religious prejudice, in which case the “Mormons” were

compelled, in self-defense, to vote against them, which resulted almost

invariably against our opponents. This made them angry; and, although

it was of their own making, and the “Mormons” could not be expected

to do otherwise, yet they raged on account of their discomfiture, and

sought to wreak their fury on the “Mormons.” As an instance of the

above, when Joseph Duncan was candidate for the office of Governor of

Illinois, he pledged himself to his party that, if he could be elected,

he would exterminate or drive the “Mormons” from the state.[234] The

consequence was that Governor Ford was elected. The Whigs, seeing that

they had been outgeneraled by the Democrats in securing the “Mormon”

vote, became seriously alarmed, and sought to repair their disaster

by raising a kind of crusade against that people. The Whig newspapers

teemed with accounts of the wonders and enormities of Nauvoo, and of

the awful wickedness of a party which could consent to receive the

support of such miscreants. Governor Duncan, who was really a brave,

honest man, and who had nothing to do with getting the “Mormon”

charters passed through the Legislature, took the stump on this subject

in good earnest, and expected to be elected governor almost on this

question alone. The third party, composed of counterfeiters, blacklegs,

horse-thieves, and cut-throats, were a pack of scoundrels that infested

the whole of the Western country at that time. In some districts

their influence was so great as to control important state and county

offices. On this subject Governor Ford says the following:

[234] See his remarks as contained in his History of Illinois, p. 269.

“Then, again, the northern part of the state was not destitute

of its organized bands of rogues, engaged in murders, robberies,

horse-stealing, and in making and passing counterfeit money. These

rogues were scattered all over the north, but the most of them were

located in the counties of Ogle, Winnebago, Lee, and De Kalb.

“In the county of Ogle they were so numerous, strong, and well

organized that they could not be convicted for their crimes. By getting

some of their numbers on the juries, by producing a host of witnesses

to sustain their defense by perjured evidence, and by changing the

venue of one county to another, by continuances from term to term, and

by the inability of witnesses to attend from time to time at distant

and foreign counties, they most generally managed to be acquitted.”[235]

[235] Ford’s History of Illinois, p. 246.

There was a combination of horse-thieves extending from Galena to

Alton. There were counterfeiters engaged in merchandising, trading,

and store-keeping in most of the cities and villages, and in some

districts, I have been credibly informed by men to whom they have

disclosed their secrets, the judges, sheriffs, constables, and jailers,

as well as professional men, were more or less associated with them.

These had in their employ the most reckless, abandoned wretches, who

stood ready to carry into effect the most desperate enterprises,

and were careless alike of human life and property. Their object in

persecuting the “Mormons” was in part to cover their own rascality, and

in part to prevent them from exposing and prosecuting them; but the

principal reason was plunder, believing that if they could be removed

or driven they would be made fat on Mormon spoils, besides having in

the deserted city a good asylum for the prosecution of their diabolical

pursuits.

This conglomeration of apostate Mormons, religious bigots, political

fanatics, and combination of blacklegs, all united their forces against

the “Mormons,” and organized themselves into a party, denominated

“anti-Mormons.” Some of them, we have reason to believe, joined the

Church in order to cover their nefarious practices, and when they were

expelled for their unrighteousness only raged with greater violence.

They circulated every kind of falsehood that they could collect or

manufacture against the Mormons. They also had a paper to assist them

in their propagations called the “Warsaw Signal,” edited by a Mr.

Thomas Sharp, a violent and unprincipled man, who shrunk not from

any enormity. The anti-Mormons had public meetings, which were very

numerously attended, where they passed resolutions of the most violent

and inflammatory kind, threatening to drive, expel, and exterminate the

“Mormons” from the state, at the same time accusing them of all the

vocabulary of crime.

They appointed their meetings in various parts of Hancock, M‘Donough,

and other counties, which soon resulted in the organization of

armed mobs, under the direction of officers who reported to their

head-quarters, and the reports of which were published in the

anti-Mormon paper, and circulated through the adjoining counties. We

also published in the “Times and Seasons” and the “Nauvoo Neighbor”

(two papers published and edited by me at that time) an account, not

only of their proceedings, but our own. But such was the hostile

feeling, so well arranged their plans, and so desperate and lawless

their measures, that it was with the greatest difficulty that we could

get our papers circulated; they were destroyed by postmasters and

others, and scarcely ever arrived at the place of their destination,

so that a great many of the people, who would have been otherwise

peaceable, were excited by their misrepresentations, and instigated to

join their hostile or predatory bands.

Emboldened by the acts of those outside, the apostate “Mormons,”

associated with others, commenced the publication of a libelous paper

in Nauvoo, called the “Nauvoo Expositor.” This paper not only reprinted

from the others, but put in circulation the most libelous, false, and

infamous reports concerning the citizens of Nauvoo, and especially

the ladies. It was, however, no sooner put in circulation than the

indignation of the whole community was aroused; so much so, that they

threatened its annihilation; and I do not believe that in any other

city in the United States, if the same charge had been made against the

citizens, it would have been permitted to remain one day. As it was

among us, under these circumstances, it was thought best to convene the

City Council to take into consideration the adoption of some measures

for its removal, as it was deemed better that this should be done

legally than illegally. Joseph Smith, therefore, who was then mayor,

convened the City Council for that purpose; the paper was introduced

and read, and the subject examined. All, or nearly all present,

expressed their indignation at the course taken by the “Expositor,”

which was owned by some of the aforesaid apostates, associated with one

or two others: Wilson Law, Dr. Foster, Charles Ivins, and the Higbees

before referred to, some lawyers, store-keepers, and others in Nauvoo

who were not “Mormons,” together with the “anti-Mormons” outside of

the city, sustained it. The calculation was, by false statements, to

unsettle the minds of many in the city, and to form combinations there

similar to the anti-Mormon associations outside of the city. Various

attempts had therefore been made by the party to annoy and irritate

the citizens of Nauvoo; false accusations had been made, vexatious

lawsuits instituted, threats made, and various devices resorted to

to influence the public mind, and, if possible, to induce us to the

commission of some overt act that might make us amenable to the law.

With a perfect knowledge, therefore, of the designs of these infernal

scoundrels who were in our midst, as well as of those who surrounded

us, the City Council entered upon an investigation of the matter.

They felt that they were in a critical position, and that any move

made for the abating of that press would be looked upon, or at least

represented, as a direct attack upon the liberty of speech, and that,

so far from displeasing our enemies, it would be looked upon by them as

one of the best circumstances that could transpire to assist them in

their nefarious and bloody designs. Being a member of the City Council,

I well remember the feeling of responsibility that seemed to rest upon

all present; nor shall I soon forget the bold, manly, independent

expressions of Joseph Smith on that occasion in relation to this

matter. He exhibited in glowing colors the meanness, corruption, and

ultimate designs of the “anti-Mormons;” their despicable characters and

ungodly influences, especially of those who were in our midst; he told

of the responsibility that rested upon us, as guardians of the public

interest, to stand up in the defense of the injured and oppressed, to

stem the current of corruption, and, as men and saints, to put a stop

to this flagrant outrage upon this people’s rights. He stated that no

man was a stronger advocate for the liberty of speech and of the press

than himself; yet, when this noble gift is utterly prostituted and

abused, as in the present instance, it loses all claim to our respect,

and becomes as great an agent for evil as it can possibly be for good;

and notwithstanding the apparent advantage we should give our enemies

by this act, yet it behooved us, as men, to act independent of all

secondary influences, to perform the part of men of enlarged minds,

and boldly and fearlessly to discharge the duties devolving upon us

by declaring as a nuisance, and removing this filthy, libelous, and

seditious sheet from our midst.

The subject was discussed in various forms, and after the remarks made

by the mayor, every one seemed to be waiting for some one else to

speak. After a considerable pause, I arose and expressed my feelings

frankly, as Joseph had done, and numbers of others followed in the same

strain; and I think, but am not certain, that I made a motion for the

removal of that press as a nuisance. This motion was finally put, and

carried by all but one; and he conceded that the measure was just, but

abstained through fear.

Several members of the City Council were not in the Church. The

following is the bill referred to:

_Bill for Removing of the Press of the “Nauvoo Expositor.”_[236]

“Resolved by the City Council of the City of Nauvoo, that the

printing-office from whence issues the ‘Nauvoo Expositor’ is a public

nuisance; and also all of said ‘Nauvoo Expositors’ which may be or

exist in said establishment; and the mayor is instructed to cause

said establishment and papers to be removed without delay, in such

manner as he shall direct.

“Passed June 10th, 1844.

GEO. W. HARRIS, President _pro tem._

“W. RICHARDS, Recorder.”

[236] Des. News, No. 29, Sept. 23, 1857, p. 226.

After the passage of the bill, the marshal, John P. Green, was ordered

to abate or remove, which he forthwith proceeded to do by summoning a

posse of men for that purpose. The press was removed or broken, I don’t

remember which, by the marshal, and the types scattered in the street.

This seemed to be one of those extreme cases that require extreme

measures, as the press was still proceeding in its inflammatory course.

It was feared that, as it was almost universally execrated, should it

continue longer, an indignant people might commit some overt act which

might lead to serious consequences, and that it was better to use legal

than illegal means.

This, as was foreseen, was the very course our enemies wished us to

pursue, as it afforded them an opportunity of circulating a very

plausible story about the “Mormons” being opposed to the liberty of the

press and of free speech, which they were not slow to avail themselves

of. Stories were fabricated, and facts perverted; false statements

were made, and this act brought in as an example to sustain the whole

of their fabrications; and, as if inspired by Satan, they labored

with an energy and zeal worthy of a better cause. They had runners

to circulate their reports, not only through Hancock Co., but in all

the surrounding counties; these reports were communicated to their

“anti-Mormon” societies, and these societies circulated them in their

several districts. The “anti-Mormon” paper, the “Warsaw Signal,” was

filled with inflammatory articles and misrepresentations in relation

to us, and especially to this act of destroying the press. We were

represented as a horde of lawless ruffians and brigands, anti-American

and anti-republican, steeped in crime and iniquity, opposed to freedom

of speech and of the press, and all the rights and immunities of a free

and enlightened people; that neither persons nor property were secure;

that we had designs upon the citizens of Illinois and of the United

States, and the people were called upon to rise _en masse_, and put us

down, drive us away, or exterminate us as a pest to society, and alike

dangerous to our neighbors, the state, and commonwealth.

These statements were extensively copied and circulated throughout the

United States. A true statement of the facts in question was published

by us both in the “Times and Seasons” and the “Nauvoo Neighbor,” but it

was found impossible to circulate them in the immediate counties, as

they were destroyed at the post-offices or otherwise by the agents of

the anti-Mormons, and, in order to get the mail to go abroad, I had to

send the papers a distance of thirty or forty miles from Nauvoo, and

sometimes to St. Louis (upward of two hundred miles), to insure its

proceeding on its route, and then one half or two thirds of the papers

never reached the place of destination, being intercepted or destroyed

by our enemies.

These false reports stirred up the community around, of whom many, on

account of religious prejudice, were easily instigated to join the

“anti-Mormons,” and embark in any crusade that might be undertaken

against the “Mormons;” hence their ranks swelled in numbers, and new

organizations were formed, meetings were held, resolutions passed, and

men and means volunteered for the extirpation of the “Mormons.”

These also were the active men in blowing up the fury of the people,

in hopes that a popular movement might be set on foot, which would

result in the expulsion or extermination of the “Mormon” voters. For

this purpose public meetings had been called, inflammatory speeches

had been made, exaggerated reports had been extensively circulated,

committees had been appointed, who rode night and day to spread the

reports and solicit the aid of neighboring counties, and at a public

meeting at Warsaw resolutions were passed to expel or exterminate

the “Mormon” population. This was not, however, a movement which was

unanimously concurred in. The county contained a goodly number of

inhabitants in favor of peace, or who at least desired to be neutral in

such a contest. These were stigmatized by the name of “Jack Mormons,”

and there were not a few of the more furious exciters of the people

who openly expressed their intention to involve them in the common

expulsion or extermination.

A system of excitement and agitation was artfully planned and executed

with tact. It consisted in spreading reports and rumors of the most

fearful character. As examples: On the morning before my arrival at

Carthage I was awakened at an early hour by the frightful report, which

was asserted with confidence and apparent consternation, that the

“Mormons” had already commenced the work of burning, destruction, and

murder, and that every man capable of bearing arms was instantly wanted

at Carthage for the protection of the county.

We lost no time in starting; but when we arrived at Carthage we could

hear no more concerning this story. Again, during the few days that

the militia were encamped at Carthage, frequent applications were made

to me to send a force here, and a force there, and a force all about

the country, to prevent murders, robberies, and larcenies which, it

was said, were threatened by the “Mormons.” No such forces were sent,

nor were any such offenses committed at that time, except the stealing

of some provisions, and there was never the least proof that this was

done by a “Mormon.” Again, on my late visit to Hancock County, I was

informed by some of their violent enemies that the larcenies of the

“Mormons” had become unusually numerous and insufferable. They admitted

that but little had been done in this way in their immediate vicinity,

but they insisted that sixteen horses had been stolen by the “Mormons”

in one night near Lima, and, upon inquiry, was told that no horses

had been stolen in that neighborhood, but that sixteen horses had

been stolen in one night in Hancock County. This last informant being

told of the Hancock story, again changed the venue to another distant

settlement in the northern edge of Adams.[237]

[237] Ford’s History of Illinois, p. 330, 331.

In the mean time legal proceedings were instituted against the members

of the City Council of Nauvoo. A writ, here subjoined, was issued upon

the affidavit of the Laws, Foster, Higbees, and Ivins, by Mr. Morrison,

a justice of the peace in Carthage, the county seat of Hancock, and put

into the hands of one David Bettesworth, a constable of the same place.

_Writ issued upon affidavit by Thomas Morrison, J. P., State of

Illinois, Hancock County, ss._

“The people of the State of Illinois, to all constables, sheriffs,

and coroners of said state, greeting:

“Whereas complaint hath been made before me, one of the justices

of the peace in and for the County of Hancock aforesaid, upon the

oath of Francis M. Higbee, of said county, that Joseph Smith, Samuel

Bennett, John Taylor, William W. Phelps, Hyrum Smith, John P. Green,

Stephen Perry, Dimick B. Huntington, Jonathan Dunham, Stephen

Markham, William Edwards, Jonathan Holmes, Jesse P. Harmon, John

Lytle, Joseph W. Coolidge, Harvey D. Redfield, Porter Rockwell, and

Levi Richards, of said county, did, on the 10th day of June instant,

commit a riot at and within the county aforesaid, wherein they with

force and violence broke into the printing-office of the ‘Nauvoo

Expositor,’ and unlawfully and with force burned and destroyed the

printing-press, type, and fixtures of the same, being the property of

William Law, Wilson Law, Charles Ivins, Francis M. Higbee, Chauncey

L. Higbee, Robert D. Foster, and Charles A. Foster.

“These are therefore to command you forthwith to apprehend the said

Joseph Smith, Samuel Bennett, John Taylor, William W. Phelps, Hyrum

Smith, John P. Green, Stephen Perry, Dimick B. Huntington, Jonathan

Dunham, Stephen Markham, William Edwards, Jonathan Holmes, Jesse P.

Harmon, John Lytle, Joseph W. Coolidge, Harvey D. Redfield, Porter

Rockwell, and Levi Richards, and bring them before me, or some other

justice of the peace, to answer the premises, and farther to be dealt

with according to law.

“Given under my hand and seal at Carthage, in the county aforesaid,

this 11th day of June, A.D. 1844.

THOMAS MORRISON, J. P.” (Seal.)[238]

[238] Des. News, No. 30, Sept. 30, 1857, p. 233.

The council refused not to attend to the legal proceedings in the

case, but, as the law of Illinois made it the privilege of the persons

accused to go “or appear before the issuer of the writ, or any

other justice of peace,” they requested to be taken before another

magistrate, either in the city of Nauvoo or at any reasonable distance

out of it.

This the constable, who was a mobocrat, refused to do; and as this

was our legal privilege, we refused to be dragged, contrary to law,

a distance of eighteen miles, when at the same time we had reason to

believe that an organized band of mobocrats were assembled for the

purpose of extermination or murder, and among whom it would not be safe

to go without a superior force of armed men. A writ of habeas corpus

was called for, and issued by the municipal court of Nauvoo, taking us

out of the hands of Bettesworth, and placing us in the charge of the

city marshal. We went before the municipal court, and were dismissed.

Our refusal to obey this illegal proceeding was by them construed into

a refusal to submit to law, and circulated as such, and the people

either did believe, or professed to believe, that we were in open

rebellion against the laws and the authorities of the state. Hence mobs

began to assemble, among which all through the country inflammatory

speeches were made, exciting them to mobocracy and violence. Soon they

commenced their prosecutions of our outside settlements, kidnapping

some, and whipping and otherwise abusing others.

The persons thus abused fled to Nauvoo as soon as practicable, and

related their injuries to Joseph Smith, then mayor of the city,

and lieutenant general of the Nauvoo Legion; they also went before

magistrates, and made affidavits of what they had suffered, seen,

and heard. These affidavits, in connection with a copy of all our

proceedings, were forwarded by Joseph Smith to Mr. Ford, then Governor

of Illinois, with an expression of our desire to abide law, and a

request that the governor would instruct him how to proceed in the case

of the arrival of an armed mob against the city. The governor sent back

instructions to Joseph Smith that, as he was lieutenant general of the

Nauvoo Legion, it was his duty to protect the city and surrounding

country, and issued orders to that effect. Upon the reception of these

orders Joseph Smith assembled the people of the city, and laid before

them the governor’s instructions; he also convened the officers of the

Nauvoo Legion for the purpose of conferring in relation to the best

mode of defense. He also issued orders to the men to hold themselves in

readiness in case of being called upon. On the following day General

Joseph Smith, with his staff, the leading officers of the Legion, and

some prominent strangers who were in our midst, made a survey of the

outside boundaries of the city, which was very extensive, being about

five miles up and down the river, and about two and a half back in the

centre, for the purpose of ascertaining the position of the ground, and

the feasibility of defense, and to make all necessary arrangements in

case of an attack.

It may be well here to remark that numbers of gentlemen, who were to

us strangers, either came on purpose or were passing through Nauvoo,

who, upon learning the position of things, expressed their indignation

against our enemies, and avowed their readiness to assist us by

their council or otherwise; it was some of these who assisted us in

reconnoitering the city, and finding out its adaptability for defense,

and the best mode of protection against an armed force. The Legion was

called together and drilled, and every means made use of for defense;

at the call of the officers both old and young men came forward, both

denizens from the city and from the outside regions, and I believe at

one time they mustered to the number of about five thousand.

In the mean time our enemies were not idle in mustering their forces

and committing depredations, nor had they been; it was, in fact, their

gathering that called ours into existence; their forces continued to

accumulate; they assumed a threatening attitude, and assembled in large

bodies, armed and equipped for war, and threatened the destruction

and extermination of the “Mormons.” An account of their outrages and

assemblages was forwarded to Governor Ford almost daily, accompanied

by affidavits furnished by eyewitnesses of their proceedings. Persons

were also sent out to the counties around with pacific intentions, to

give them an account of the true state of affairs, and to notify them

of the feelings and dispositions of the people of Nauvoo, and thus, if

possible, quell the excitement. In some of the more distant counties

these men were very successful, and produced a salutary influence upon

the minds of many intelligent and well-disposed men. In neighboring

counties, however, where “anti-Mormon” influence prevailed, they

produced little effect. At the same time, guards were stationed around

Nauvoo, and picket-guards in the distance. At length opposing forces

gathered so near that more active measures were taken; reconnoitering

parties were sent out, and the city proclaimed under martial law.

Things now assumed a belligerent attitude, and persons passing through

the city were questioned as to what they knew of the enemy, while

passes were in some instances given to avoid difficulty with the

guards. Joseph Smith continued to send on messengers to the governor

(Philip B. Lewis and other messengers were sent). Samuel James, then

residing at La Harpe, carried a message and dispatches to him, and in

a day or two after Bishop Edward Hunter and others went again with

fresh dispatches, representations, affidavits, and instructions;

but as the weather was excessively wet, the rivers swollen, and the

bridges washed away in many places, it was with great difficulty

that they proceeded on their journeys. As the mobocracy had at last

attracted the governor’s attention, he started in company with some

others from Springfield to the scene of trouble, and missed, I believe,

both Brothers James and Hunter on the road, and of course did not see

their documents. He came to Carthage, and made that place, which was a

regular mobocratic den, his head-quarters; as it was the county-seat,

however, of Hancock County, that circumstance might, in a measure,

justify his staying there.

To avoid the appearance of all hostility on our part, and to fulfill

the law in every particular, at the suggestion of Judge Thomas, judge

of that judicial district, who had come to Nauvoo at the time, and who

stated that we had fulfilled the law, but, in order to satisfy all, he

would counsel us to go before Esquire Wells,[239] who was not in our

Church, and have a hearing. We did so, and after a full hearing we were

again dismissed.

[239] Now a member of the First Presidency.--Ed.

The governor on the road collected forces, some of whom were

respectable; but on his arrival in the neighborhood of the difficulties

he received as militia all the companies of the mob forces who united

with him. After his arrival at Carthage he sent two gentlemen from

there to Nauvoo as a committee to wait upon General Joseph Smith,

informing him of the arrival of his excellency, with a request that

General Smith would send out a committee to wait upon the governor and

represent to him the state of affairs in relation to the difficulties

that then existed in the county. We met this committee while we were

reconnoitering the city, to find out the best mode of defense as

aforesaid. Dr. J. M. Bernhisel and myself were appointed as a committee

by General Smith to wait upon the governor. Previous to going, however,

we were furnished with affidavits and documents in relation both to our

proceedings and those of the mob; in addition to the general history of

the transaction, we took with us a duplicate of those documents which

had been forwarded by Bishop Hunter, Brother James, and others. We

started from Carthage in company with the aforesaid gentleman at about

7 o’clock on the evening of the 21st of June, and arrived at Carthage

at about 11 P.M. We put up at the same hotel with the governor, kept by

a Mr. Hamilton; on our arrival we found the governor in bed, but not so

with the other inhabitants. The town was filled with a perfect set of

rabble and rowdies, who, under the influence of Bacchus, seemed to be

holding a grand saturnalia, whooping, yelling, and vociferating as if

Bedlam had broken loose.

On our arrival at the hotel, and while supper was preparing, a man came

to me, dressed as a soldier, and told me that a man named David Carn

had just been taken prisoner, and was about to be committed to jail,

and wanted me to go bail for him. Believing this to be a ruse to get me

out alone, and that some violence was intended, after consulting with

Dr. Bernhisel, I told the men that I was well acquainted with Mr. Carn,

that I knew him to be a gentleman, and did not believe that he had

transgressed law, and, moreover, that I considered it a very singular

time to be holding courts and calling for security, particularly as the

town was full of rowdyism.

I informed him that both Dr. Bernhisel and myself would, if necessary,

go bail for him in the morning, but that we did not feel ourselves safe

among such a set at that late hour of the night.

After supper, on retiring to our room, we had to pass through another,

which was separated from ours only by a board partition, the beds in

each room being placed side by side, with the exception of this fragile

partition. On the bed that was in the room which we passed through I

discovered a man by the name of Jackson, a desperate character, and

a reputed, notorious cut-throat and murderer. I hinted to the doctor

that things looked rather suspicious, and looked to see that my arms

were in order. The doctor and I both occupied one bed. We had scarcely

laid down when a knock at the door, accompanied by a voice, announced

the approach of Chauncey Higbee, the young lawyer and apostate before

referred to.

He addressed himself to the doctor, and stated that the object of

his visit was to obtain the release of Daniel Carn; that Carn he

believed to be an honest man; that if he had done any thing wrong, it

was through improper counsel, and that it was a pity that he should

be incarcerated, particularly when he could be so easily released;

he urged the doctor, as a friend, not to leave so good a man in such

an unpleasant situation; he finally prevailed upon the doctor to go

and give bail, assuring him that on his giving bail Carn would be

immediately dismissed.

During this conversation I did not say a word. Higbee left the doctor

to dress, with the intention of returning and taking him to the court.

As soon as Higbee had left, I told the doctor that he had better not

go; that I believed this affair was all a ruse to get us separated;

that they knew we had documents with us from General Smith to show

to the governor; that I believed their object was to get possession

of those papers, and, perhaps, when they had separated us, to murder

one or both. The doctor, who was actuated by the best of motives in

yielding to the assumed solicitude of Higbee, coincided with my views;

he then went to Higbee, and told him that he had concluded not to go

that night, but that he and I would both wait upon the justice and Mr.

Carn in the morning.

That night I lay awake with my pistols under my pillow, waiting for any

emergency. Nothing more occurred during the night. In the morning we

arose early, and after breakfast sought an interview with the governor,

and were told that we could have an audience, I think, at 10 o’clock.

In the mean time we called upon Mr. Smith, a Justice of the Peace, who

had Mr. Carn in charge. We represented that we had been called upon

the night before by two different parties to go bail for a Mr. Daniel

Carn, whom we were informed he had in custody, and that, believing Mr.

Carn to be an honest man, we had come now for that purpose, and were

prepared to enter into recognizances for his appearance, whereupon Mr.

Smith, the magistrate, remarked “that, under the present excited state

of affairs, he did not think he would be justified in receiving bail

from Nauvoo, as it was a matter of doubt whether property would not be

rendered valueless there in a few days.”

Knowing the party we had to deal with, we were not much surprised at

this singular proceeding; we then remarked that both of us possessed

property in farms out of Nauvoo in the country, and referred him to

the county records. He then stated that such was the nature of the

charge against Mr. Carn that he believed he would not be justified in

receiving any bail. We were thus confirmed in our opinion that the

night’s proceedings before, in relation to their desire to have us give

bail, was a mere ruse to separate us. We were not permitted to speak

with Carn, the real charge against whom was that he was traveling in

Carthage or its neighborhood; what the fictitious one was, if I then

knew, I have since forgotten, as things of this kind were of daily

occurrence.

After waiting the governor’s pleasure for some time we had an audience;

but such an audience! He was surrounded by some of the vilest and

most unprincipled men in creation; some of them had an appearance of

respectability, and many of them lacked even that. Wilson, and, I

believe, William Law, were there, Foster, Frank and Chauncey Higbee,

Mr. Mar, a lawyer from Nauvoo, a mobocratic merchant from Warsaw, the

aforesaid Jackson, a number of his associates, among whom was the

governor’s secretary, in all some fifteen or twenty persons, most of

whom were recreant to virtue, honor, integrity, and every thing that

is considered honorable among men. I can well remember the feelings

of disgust that I had in seeing the governor surrounded by such an

infamous group, and on being introduced to men of so questionable a

character; and had I been on private business, I should have turned to

depart, and told the governor that if he thought proper to associate

with such questionable characters, I should beg leave to be excused;

but coming as we did on public business, we could not, of course,

consult our private feelings.

We then stated to the governor that, in accordance with his request,

General Smith had, in response to his call, sent us to him as a

committee of conference; that we were acquainted with most of the

circumstances that had transpired in and about Nauvoo lately, and were

prepared to give him all information; that, moreover, we had in our

possession testimony and affidavits confirmatory of what we should

say, which had been forwarded to him by General Joseph Smith; that

communications had been forwarded to his excellency by Mr. Hunter,

James, and others, some of which had not reached their destination,

but of which we had duplicates with us. We then, in brief, related an

outline of the difficulties, and the course we had pursued from the

commencement of the troubles up to the present, and handing him the

documents, respectfully submitted the whole. During our conversation

and explanations with the governor we were frequently rudely and

impudently contradicted by the fellows he had around him, and of whom

he seemed to take no notice.

He opened and read a number of the documents himself, and as he

proceeded he was frequently interrupted by “that’s a lie,” “that’s a

God damned lie,” “that’s an infernal falsehood,” “that’s a blasted

lie,” etc.

These men evidently winced at an exposure of their acts, and thus

vulgarly, impudently, and falsely repudiated them. One of their

number, Mr. Mar, addressed himself several times to me while in

conversation with the governor. I did not notice him until after a

frequent repetition of his insolence, when I informed him “that my

business at that time was with Governor Ford,” whereupon I continued my

conversation with his excellency. During the conversation the governor

expressed a desire that Joseph Smith, and all parties concerned in

passing or executing the city law in relation to the press, had better

come to Carthage; that, however repugnant it might be to our feelings,

he thought it would have a tendency to allay public excitement, and

prove to the people what we professed, that we wished to be governed

by law. We represented to him the course he had taken in relation to

this matter, and our willingness to go before another magistrate other

than the Municipal Court; the illegal refusal of our request by the

constable; our dismissal by the Municipal Court, a legally constituted

tribunal; our subsequent trial before Squire Wells at the instance of

Judge Thomas (the circuit judge), and our dismissal by him; that we had

fulfilled the law in every particular; that it was our enemies who were

breaking the law, and, having murderous designs, were only making use

of this as a pretext to get us into their power. The governor stated

that the people viewed it differently, and that, notwithstanding our

opinions, he would recommend that the people should be satisfied. We

then remarked to him that, should Joseph Smith comply with his request,

it would be extremely unsafe, in the present excited state of the

country, to come without an armed force; that we had a sufficiency

of men, and were competent to defend ourselves, but that there might

be danger of collision should our forces and that of our enemies be

brought into such close proximity. He strenuously advised us not to

bring any arms, and _pledged his faith as governor, and the faith of

the state, that we should be protected, and that he would guarantee our

perfect safety_.

We had at that time about five thousand men under arms, one thousand of

which would have been amply sufficient for our protection.

At the termination of our interview, and previous to our withdrawal,

after a long conversation and the perusal of the documents which we

had brought, the governor informed us that he would prepare a written

communication for General Joseph Smith, which he desired us to wait

for. We were kept waiting for this instrument some five or six hours.

About 5 o’clock in the afternoon we took our departure with not the

most pleasant feelings. The associations of the governor, the spirit

that he manifested to compromise with these scoundrels, the length of

time that he had kept us waiting, and his general deportment, together

with the infernal spirit that we saw exhibited by those whom he had

admitted to his councils, made the prospect any thing but promising.

We returned on horseback, and arrived at Nauvoo, I think, at about 8

or 9 o’clock at night, accompanied by Captain Yates in command of a

company of mounted men, who came for the purpose of escorting Joseph

Smith and the accused in case of their complying with the governor’s

request, and going to Carthage. We went directly to Brother Joseph’s,

when Captain Yates delivered to him the governor’s communication. A

council was called consisting of Joseph’s brother Hyrum, Dr. Richards,

Dr. Bernhisel, myself, and one or two others, when the following letter

was read from the governor:

_Governor Ford’s Letter to the Mayor and Common Council of Nauvoo._

“Head Quarters, Carthage, June 21st, 1844.

“To the Hon. the Mayor and Common Council of the City of Nauvoo:

“GENTLEMEN,--Having heard of the excitement in this part of the

country, and judging that my presence here might be necessary to

preserve the peace and enforce the laws, I arrived at this place

this morning. Both before and since my arrival, complaints of a

grave character have been made to me of certain proceedings of your

honorable body. As chief magistrate, it is my duty to see that

impartial justice shall be done, uninfluenced by the excitement here

or in your city.

“I think, before any decisive measure shall be adopted, that I ought

to hear the allegations and defenses of all parties. By adopting this

course I have some hope that the evils of war may be averted; and, at

any rate, I will be enabled by it to understand the true merits of

the present difficulties, and shape my course with reference to law

and justice.

“For these reasons, I have to request that you will send out to me,

at this place, one or more well-informed and discreet persons, who

will be capable of laying before me your version of the matter, and

of receiving from me such explanations and resolutions as may be

determined on.

“Colonel Elam S. Freeman will present you this note in the character

of a herald from the governor. You will respect his character as

such, and permit him to pass and repass free from molestation.

“Your messengers are assured of protection in person and property,

and will be returned to you in safety.

“I am, gentlemen, with high considerations, most respectfully your

obedient servant,

THOMAS FORD, Governor and Commander-in-Chief.”[240]

[240] Des. News, No. 33, Oct. 21, 1857, p. 257.

We then gave a detail of our interview with the governor. Brother

Joseph was very much dissatisfied with the governor’s letter and with

his general deportment, and so were the council, and it became a

serious question as to the course we should pursue. Various projects

were discussed, but nothing definitely decided upon for some time. In

the interim two gentlemen arrived; one of them, if not both, sons of

John C. Calhoun. They had come to Nauvoo, and were very anxious for

an interview with Brother Joseph. These gentlemen detained him for

some time; and as our council was held in Dr. Bernhisel’s room in the

Mansion House, the doctor lay down; and as it was now between 2 and 3

o’clock in the morning, and I had had no rest on the previous night, I

was fatigued, and thinking that Brother Joseph might not return, I left

for home and rest.

Being very much fatigued, I slept soundly, and was somewhat surprised

in the morning by Mrs. Thompson entering my room about 7 o’clock, and

exclaiming in surprise, “What, you here! the brethren have crossed the

river some time since.” “What brethren?” I asked. “Brother Joseph, and

Hyrum, and Brother Richards.” I immediately arose upon learning that

they had crossed the river, and did not intend to go to Carthage. I

called together a number of persons in whom I had confidence, and had

the type, stereotype plates, and most of the valuable things removed

from the printing-office, believing that, should the governor and his

force come to Nauvoo, the first thing they would do would be to burn

the printing-office, for I knew that they would be exasperated if

Brother Joseph went away. We had talked over these matters the night

before, but nothing was decided upon. It was Brother Joseph’s opinion

that, should we leave for a time, public excitement, which was then

so intense, would be allayed; that it would throw on the governor

the responsibility of keeping the peace; that, in the event of any

outrage, the onus would rest upon the governor, who was amply prepared

with troops, and could command all the forces of the state to preserve

order; and that the acts of his own men would be an overwhelming proof

of their seditious designs, not only to the governor, but to the

world. He moreover thought that, in the East, where he intended to go,

public opinion would be set right in relation to these matters, and

its expression would partially influence the West, and that, after the

first ebullition, things would assume a shape that would justify his

return. I made arrangements for crossing the river, and Brother Elias

Smith and Joseph Cain, who were both employed in the printing-office

with me, assisted all that lay in their power, together with Brother

Brower and several hands in the printing-office. As we could not find

out the exact whereabouts of Joseph and the brethren, I crossed the

river in a boat furnished by Brothers Cyrus H. Wheelock and Alfred

Bell; and after the removal of the things of the printing-office,

Joseph Cain brought the account-books to me, that we might make

arrangements for their adjustment; and Brother Elias Smith, cousin

to Brother Joseph, went to obtain money for the journey, and also to

find out and report to me the location of the brethren. As Cyrus H.

Wheelock was an active, enterprising man, and in the event of not

finding Brother Joseph I calculated to go to Upper Canada for the time

being, and should need a companion, I said to Brother Wheelock, “Can

you go with me ten or fifteen hundred miles?” He answered “Yes.” “Can

you start in half an hour?” “Yes.” However, I told him that he had

better see his family, who lived over the river, and prepare a couple

of horses and the necessary equipage for the journey, and that, if we

did not find Brother Joseph before, we would start at nightfall. A

laughable incident occurred on the eve of my departure. After making

all the preparations I could previous to leaving Nauvoo, and having

bid adieu to my family, I went to a house adjoining the river owned by

Brother Eddy. There I disguised myself so as not to be known, and so

effectually was the transformation that those who had come after me

with a boat did not know me. I went down to the boat and sat in it.

Brother Bell, thinking it was a stranger, watched my moves for some

time very impatiently, and then said to Brother Wheelock, “I wish that

old gentleman would go away; he has been pottering around the boat

for some time, and I am afraid Elder Taylor will be coming.” When he

discovered his mistake, he was not a little amused. I was conducted by

Brother Bell to a house that was surrounded by timber on the opposite

side of the river. There I spent several hours in a chamber with

Brother Joseph Cain, adjusting my accounts; and I made arrangements

for the stereotype plates of the “Book of Mormon,” and “Doctrine and

Covenants,” to be forwarded East, thinking to supply the company with

subsistence money through the sale of these books in the East.

My horses were reported ready by Brother Wheelock, and funds on hand

by Brother Elias Smith. In about half an hour I should have started,

when Brother Elias Smith came to me with word that he had found the

brethren; that they had concluded to go to Carthage, and wished me to

return to Nauvoo and accompany them. I must confess that I felt a good

deal disappointed at this news, but I immediately made preparations

to go. Escorted by Brother Elias Smith, I and my party went to the

neighborhood of Montrose, where we met Brother Joseph, Hyrum, Brother

Richards, and others. Dr. Bernhisel thinks that W. W. Phelps was not

with Joseph and Hyrum in the morning, but that he met him, myself,

Joseph, and Hyrum, W. Richards, and Brother Calhoun, in the afternoon,

near Montrose, returning to Nauvoo. On meeting the brethren I learned

that it was not Brother Joseph’s desire to return, but that he came

back by request of some of the brethren, and that it coincided more

with Brother Hyrum’s feelings than with those of Brother Joseph. In

fact, after his return, Brother Hyrum expressed himself as perfectly

satisfied with the course taken, and said that he felt much more at

ease in his mind than he did before. On our return the calculation was

to throw ourselves under the immediate protection of the governor, and

to trust to his word and faith for our preservation.

A message was, I believe, sent to the governor that night, stating that

we should come to Carthage in the morning, the party that came along

with us to escort us back, in case we returned to Carthage, having

returned. It would seem from the following remarks of General Ford that

there was a design on foot, which was, that if we refused to go to

Carthage at the governor’s request, there should be an increased force

called for by the governor, and that we should be destroyed by them. In

accordance with this project, Captain Yates returned with his posse,

accompanied by the constable who held the writ. The following is the

governor’s remark in relation to this affair: “The constable and his

escort returned. The constable made no effort to arrest any of them,

nor would he or the guard delay their departure one minute beyond the

time, to see whether an arrest could be made. Upon their return they

reported that they had been informed that the accused had fled, and

could not be found. I immediately proposed to a council of officers

to march into Nauvoo with the small force then under my command, but

the officers were of opinion that it was too small, and many of them

insisted upon a farther call of the militia. Upon reflection I was of

opinion that the officers were right in the estimate of our force, and

the project for immediate action was abandoned. I was soon informed,

however, of the conduct of constable and guard, and then I was

perfectly satisfied that a most base fraud had been attempted; that,

in fact, it was feared that the ‘Mormons’ would submit, and thereby

entitle themselves to the protection of the law. It was very apparent

that many of the bustling, active spirits were afraid that there would

be no occasion for calling out an overwhelming militia force, for

marching it into Nauvoo, for probable mutiny when there, and for the

extermination of the ‘Mormon’ race. It appeared that the constable

and the escort were fully in the secret, and acted well their part to

promote the conspiracy.”[241]

[241] Ford’s History of Illinois, page 333.

In the morning Brother Joseph had an interview with the officers of

the Legion, with the leading members of the City Council, and with

the principal men of the city. The officers were instructed to dismiss

their men, but to have them in a state of readiness to be called upon

in any emergency that might occur.

About half past 6 o’clock the members of the City Council, the

marshal, Brothers Joseph and Hyrum, and a number of others, started

for Carthage, all on horseback. We were instructed by Brother Joseph

Smith not to take any arms, and we consequently left them behind.

We called at the house of Brother Fellows on our way out. Brother

Fellows lived about four miles from Carthage. While at Brother Fellows’

house, Captain Dunn, accompanied by Mr. Coolie, one of the governor’s

aid-de-camps, came up from Carthage _en route_ for Nauvoo with a

requisition from the governor for the state arms. We all returned to

Nauvoo with them; the governor’s request was complied with, and, after

taking some refreshments, we all returned to proceed to Carthage. We

arrived there late in the night. A great deal of excitement prevailed

on and after our arrival. The governor had received into his company

all of the companies that had been in the mob; these fellows were

riotous and disorderly, hallooing, yelling, and whooping about the

streets like Indians, many of them intoxicated; the whole presented a

scene of rowdyism and low-bred ruffianism only found among mobocrats

and desperadoes, and entirely revolting to the best feelings of

humanity. The governor made a speech to them to the effect that he

would show Joseph and Hyrum Smith to them in the morning. About here

the companies with the governor were drawn up into line, and General

Demming, I think, took Joseph by the arm and Hyrum (Arnold says that

Joseph took the governor’s arm), and as he passed through between the

ranks, the governor leading in front, very politely introduced them as

General Joseph Smith and General Hyrum Smith.[242] All were orderly

and courteous except one company of mobocrats--the Carthage Grays--who

seemed to find fault on account of too much honor being paid to the

Mormons. There was afterward a row between the companies, and they came

pretty near having a fight; the more orderly not feeling disposed to

endorse or submit to the rowdyism of the mobocrats. The result was that

General Demming, who was very much of a gentleman, ordered the Carthage

Grays, a company under the command of Captain Smith, a magistrate in

Carthage, and a most violent mobocrat, under arrest. This matter,

however, was shortly afterward adjusted, and the difficulty settled

between them. The mayor, aldermen, councilors, as well as the marshal

of the city of Nauvoo, together with some persons who had assisted

the marshal in removing the press in Nauvoo, appeared before Justice

Smith, the aforesaid captain and mobocrat, to again answer the charge

of destroying the press; but as there was so much excitement, and as

the man was an unprincipled villain before whom we were to have our

hearing, we thought it most prudent to give bail, and consequently

became security for each other in $500 bonds each, to appear before the

County Court at its next session. We had engaged as counsel a lawyer by

the name of Wood, of Burlington, Iowa; and Reed, I think, of Madison,

Iowa. After some little discussion the bonds were signed, and we were

all dismissed.

[242] The “Deserét News” gives the following account of Joseph and

Hyrum Smith’s passing through the troops in Carthage:

“Carthage, June 25th, 1844.

“Quarter past 9. The governor came and invited Joseph to walk with

him through the troops. Joseph solicited a few moment’s private

conversation with him, which the governor refused.

“While refusing, the governor looked down at his shoes, as though

he was ashamed. They then walked through the crowd, with Brigadier

General Miner, R. Demming, and Dr. Richards, to General Demming’s

quarters. The people appeared quiet until a company of Carthage

Grays flocked round the doors of General Demming in an uproarious

manner, of which notice was sent to the governor. In the mean time

the governor had ordered the M‘Donough troops to be drawn up in line,

for Joseph and Hyrum to pass in front of them, they having requested

that they might have a clear view of the General Smiths. _Joseph had

a conversation with the governor for about ten minutes, when he again

pledged the faith of the state that he and his friends should be

protected from violence._

“Robinson, the post-master, said, on report of martial law being

proclaimed in Nauvoo, he had stopped the mail, and notified the

post-master general of the state of things in Hancock County.

“From the general’s quarters Joseph and Hyrum went in front of the

lines, in a hollow square of a company of Carthage Grays; at seven

minutes before 10 they arrived in front of the lines, and passed

before the whole, Joseph being on the right of General Demming and

Hyrum on his left, Elders Richards, Taylor, and Phelps following.

Joseph and Hyrum were introduced by Governor Ford about twenty times

along the line as General Joseph Smith and General Hyrum Smith, the

governor walking in front on the left. The Carthage Grays refused to

receive them by that introduction, and some of the officers threw

up their hats, drew their swords, and said they would introduce

themselves to the damned Mormons in a different style. The governor

mildly entreated them not to act so rudely, but their excitement

increased; the governor, however, succeeded in pacifying them by

making a speech, and promising them that they should have ‘full

satisfaction.’ General Smith and party returned to their lodgings at

five minutes past 10.”--_Des. News_, No. 35, Nov. 4, 1857, page 274.

Almost immediately after our dismissal, two men--Augustine Spencer and

Norton--two worthless fellows, whose words would not have been taken

for five cents, and the first of whom had a short time previously

been before the mayor in Nauvoo for maltreating a lame brother, made

affidavits that Joseph and Hyrum Smith were guilty of treason; and

a writ was accordingly issued for their arrest, and the constable

Bettesworth, a rough, unprincipled man, wished immediately to hurry

them away to prison without any hearing. His rude, uncouth manner in

the administration of what he considered the duties of his office made

him exceedingly repulsive to us all. But, independent of these acts,

the proceedings in this case were altogether illegal. Providing the

court was sincere, which it was not, and providing these men’s oaths

were true, and that Joseph and Hyrum were guilty of treason, still the

whole course was illegal.

The magistrate made out a mittimus, and committed them to prison

without a hearing, which he had no right legally to do. The statute of

Illinois expressly provides that “all men shall have a hearing before

a magistrate before they shall be committed to prison;” and Mr. Robert

H. Smith, the magistrate, had made out a mittimus committing them to

prison contrary to law without such hearing. As I was informed of this

illegal proceeding, I went immediately to the governor and informed him

of it. Whether he was apprised of it before or not, I do not know; but

my opinion is that he was.

I represented to him the characters of the parties who had made oath,

the outrageous nature of the charge, the indignity offered to men

in the position which they occupied, and declared to him that he

knew very well it was a vexatious proceeding, and that the accused

were not guilty of any such crime. The governor replied, “He was

very sorry that the thing had occurred; that he did not believe the

charges, but that he thought the best thing to be done was to let the

law take its course.” I then reminded him that we had come out there

at his instance, not to satisfy the law, which we had done before,

but the prejudices of the people, in relation to the affair of the

press; that at his instance we had given bonds, which we could not by

law be required to do to satisfy the people, and that it was asking

too much to require gentlemen in their position in life to suffer

the degradation of being immured in a jail at the instance of such

worthless scoundrels as those who had made this affidavit. The governor

replied “that it was an unpleasant affair, and looked hard; but that

it was a matter over which he had no control, as it belonged to the

judiciary; that he, as the executive, could not interfere with their

proceedings, and that he had no doubt but that they would immediately

be dismissed.” I told him “that we had looked to him for protection

from such insults, and that I thought we had a right to do so from

the solemn promises which he had made to me and to Dr. Bernhisel in

relation to our coming without guard or arms; that we had relied upon

his faith, and had a right to expect him to fulfill his engagements

after we had placed ourselves implicitly under his care, and complied

with all his requests, although extra-judicial.”

He replied “that he would detail a guard, if we required it, and see

us protected, but that he could not interfere with the judiciary.” I

expressed my dissatisfaction at the course taken, and told him “that,

if we were to be subject to mob rule, and to be dragged, contrary to

law, into prison at the instance of every infernal scoundrel whose

oaths could be bought for a dram of whisky, his protection availed very

little, and we had miscalculated his promises.”

Seeing there was no prospect of redress from the governor, I returned

to the room, and found the constable Bettesworth very urgent to

hurry Brothers Joseph and Hyrum to prison, while the brethren were

remonstrating with him. At the same time a great rabble was gathered in

the streets and around the door, and from the rowdyism manifested I was

afraid there was a design to murder the prisoners on the way to jail.

Without conferring with any person, my next feeling was to procure a

guard, and, seeing a man habited as a soldier in the room, I went to

him and said, “I am afraid there is a design against the lives of the

Messrs. Smith; will you go immediately and bring your captain; and, if

not convenient, any other captain of a company, and I will pay you well

for your trouble?” He said he would, and departed forthwith, and soon

returned with his captain, whose name I have forgotten, and introduced

him to me. I told him of my fears, and requested him immediately to

fetch his company; he departed forthwith, and arrived at the door with

them just at the time when the constable was hurrying the brethren

down stairs. A number of the brethren went along, together with one or

two strangers; and all of us, safely lodged in prison, remained there

during the night.

At the request of Joseph Smith for an interview with the governor, he

came the next morning, Thursday, June 26th, at half past 9 o’clock,

accompanied by Colonel Geddes, when a lengthy conversation was

entered into in relation to the existing difficulties; and after

some preliminary remarks, at the governor’s request, Brother Joseph

gave him a general outline of the state of affairs in relation to

our difficulties, the excited state of the country, the tumultuous

mobocratic movements of our enemies, the precautionary measures used by

himself (Joseph Smith), the acts of the city council, the destruction

of the press, and the moves of the mob and ourselves up to that time.

The following report is, I believe, substantially correct:

_Governor._ “General Smith, I believe you have given me a general

outline of the difficulties that have existed in the country in

the documents forwarded to me by Dr. Bernhisel and Mr. Taylor;

but, unfortunately, there seems to be a great discrepancy between

your statements and those of your enemies. It is true that you are

substantiated by evidence and affidavit, but for such an extraordinary

excitement as that which is now in the country there must be some

cause, and I attribute the last outbreak to the destruction of the

‘Expositor,’ and to your refusal to comply with the writ issued by

Esquire Morrison. The press in the United States is looked upon as the

great bulwark of American freedom, and its destruction in Nauvoo was

represented and looked upon as a high-handed measure, and manifests

to the people a disposition on your part to suppress the liberty of

speech and of the press. This, with your refusal to comply with the

requisitions of a writ, I conceive to be the principal cause of this

difficulty; and you are moreover represented to me as turbulent, and

defiant of the laws and institutions of your country.”

_General Smith._ “Governor Ford, you, sir, as governor of this state,

are aware of the persecutions that I have endured. You know well that

our course has been peaceable and law-abiding, for I have furnished

this state ever since our settlement here with sufficient evidence

of my pacific intentions, and those of the people with whom I am

associated, by the endurance of every conceivable indignity and lawless

outrage perpetrated upon me and upon this people since our settlement

here; and you yourself know that I have kept you well posted in

relation to all matters associated with the late difficulties. If you

have not got some of my communications, it has not been my fault.

“Agreeably to your orders, I assembled the Nauvoo Legion for the

protection of Nauvoo and the surrounding country against an armed band

of marauders; and ever since they have been mustered I have almost

daily communicated with you in regard to all the leading events that

have transpired; and whether in the capacity of mayor of the city, or

lieutenant general of the Nauvoo Legion, I have striven, according

to the best of my judgment, to preserve the peace and to administer

even-handed justice; but my motives are impugned, my acts are

misconstrued, and I am grossly and wickedly misrepresented. I suppose

I am indebted for my incarceration to the oath of a worthless man,

who was arraigned before me and fined for abusing and maltreating his

lame, helpless brother. That I should be charged by you, sir, who know

better, of acting contrary to law, is to me a matter of surprise. Was

it the Mormons or our enemies who first commenced these difficulties?

You know well it was not us; and when this turbulent, outrageous people

commenced their insurrectionary movements, I made you acquainted with

them officially, and asked your advice, and have followed strictly your

counsel in every particular. Who ordered out the Nauvoo Legion? I did,

under your direction. For what purpose? To suppress the insurrectionary

movements. It was at your instance, sir, that I issued a proclamation

calling upon the Nauvoo Legion to be in readiness at a moment’s warning

to guard against the incursions of mobs, and gave an order to Jonathan

Dunham, acting major general, to that effect.

“Am I, then, to be charged for the acts of others? and because

lawlessness and mobocracy abound, am I, when carrying out your

instructions, to be charged with not abiding law? Why is it that I

must be made accountable for other men’s acts? If there is trouble in

the country, neither I nor my people made it; and all that we have

ever done, after much endurance on our part, is to maintain and uphold

the Constitution and institutions of our country, and to protect an

injured, innocent, and persecuted people against misrule and mob

violence.

“Concerning the destruction of the press to which you refer, men may

differ somewhat in their opinions about it; but can it be supposed that

after all the indignities to which they have been subjected outside,

that people could suffer a set of worthless vagabonds to come into

their city, and, right under their own eyes and protection, vilify and

calumniate not only themselves, but the character of their wives and

daughters, as was impudently and unblushingly done in that infamous and

filthy sheet?

“There is not a city in the United States that would have suffered such

an indignity for twenty-four hours. Our whole people were indignant,

and loudly called upon our city authorities for a redress of their

grievances, which, if not attended to, they themselves would have

taken into their own hands, and have summarily punished the audacious

wretches as they deserved. The principles of equal rights that have

been instilled into our bosoms from our cradles as American citizens

forbid us submitting to every foul indignity, and succumbing and

pandering to wretches so infamous as these. But, independent of this,

the course that we pursued we considered to be strictly legal; for,

notwithstanding the result, we were anxious to be governed strictly by

law, and therefore we convened the city council; and being desirous

in our deliberations to abide by law, we summoned legal counsel to be

present on the occasion. Upon investigating the matter, we found that

our city charter gave us power to remove all nuisances. Furthermore,

after consulting Blackstone upon what might be considered a nuisance,

it appeared that that distinguished lawyer, who is considered

authority, I believe, in all our courts, states among other things that

‘a libelous and filthy press may be considered a nuisance, and abated

as such.’ Here, then, one of the most eminent English barristers, whose

works are considered standard with us, declares that a libelous and

filthy press may be considered a nuisance; and our own charter, given

us by the Legislature of this state, gives us the power to remove

nuisances; and by ordering that press to be abated as a nuisance, we

conceived that we were acting strictly in accordance with law. We made

that order in our corporate capacity, and the city marshal carried it

out. It is possible there may have been some better way, but I must

confess that I could not see it.

“In relation to the writ served upon us, we were willing to abide

the consequences of our own acts, but were unwilling, in answering

a writ of that kind, to submit to illegal exactions, sought to be

imposed upon us under the pretense of law, when we knew they were in

open violation of it. When that document was presented to me by Mr.

Bettesworth, I offered, in the presence of more than twenty persons,

to go to any other magistrate, either in our city, in Appanoose, or

in any other place where we should be safe, but we all refused to

put ourselves into the power of a mob. What right had that constable

to refuse our request? He had none according to law; for you know,

Governor Ford, that the statute law in Illinois is, that the parties

served with the writ ‘shall go before him who issued it, or some other

justice of the peace.’ Why, then, should we be dragged to Carthage,

where the law does not compel us to go? Does not this look like many

others of our persecutions with which you are acquainted? and have we

not a right to expect foul play? This very act was a breach of law

on his part, an assumption of power that did not belong to him, and

an attempt, at least, to deprive us of our legal and constitutional

rights and privileges. What could we do, under the circumstances,

different from what we did do? We sued for, and obtained a writ of

habeas corpus from the Municipal Court, by which we were delivered from

the hands of Constable Bettesworth, and brought before and acquitted

by the Municipal Court. After our acquittal, in a conversation with

Judge Thomas, although he considered the acts of the party illegal, he

advised that, to satisfy the people, we had better go before another

magistrate who was not in our Church. In accordance with his advice,

we went before Esquire Wells, with whom you are well acquainted; both

parties were present, witnesses were called on both sides, the case

was fully investigated, and we were again dismissed. And what is this

pretended desire to enforce law, and wherefore are these lying, base

rumors put into circulation but to seek through mob influence, under

pretense of law, to make us submit to requisitions which are contrary

to law and subversive of every principle of justice? And when you, sir,

required us to come out here, we came, not because it was legal, but

because you required it of us, and we were desirous of showing to you,

and to all men, that we shrunk not from the most rigid investigation of

our acts. We certainly did expect other treatment than to be immured in

a jail at the instance of these men, and I think, from your plighted

faith, we had a right so to expect, after disbanding our own forces,

and putting ourselves entirely in your hands. And now, after having

fulfilled my part, sir, as a man and an American citizen, I call upon

you, Governor Ford, to deliver us from this place, and rescue us

from this outrage that is sought to be practiced upon us by a set of

infamous scoundrels.”

_Governor Ford._ “But you have placed men under arrest, detained men as

prisoners, and given passes to others, some of which I have seen.”

_John P. Green, City Marshal._ “Perhaps I can explain. Since these

difficulties have commenced, you are aware that we have been placed

under very peculiar circumstances; our city has been placed under a

very rigid police guard; in addition to this, frequent guards have

been placed outside the city to prevent any sudden surprise, and those

guards have questioned suspected or suspicious persons as to their

business. To strangers, in some instances, passes have been given to

prevent difficulty in passing those guards; it is some of these passes

that you have seen. No person, sir, has been imprisoned without a legal

cause in our city.”

_Governor._ “Why did you not give a more speedy answer to the posse

that I sent out?”

_General Smith._ “We had matters of importance to consult upon; your

letter showed any thing but an amiable spirit. We have suffered

immensely in Missouri from mobs, in loss of property, imprisonment,

and otherwise. It took some time for us to weigh duly these matters;

we could not decide upon matters of such importance immediately, and

your posse were too hasty in returning; we were consulting for a large

people, and vast interests were at stake. We had been outrageously

imposed upon, and knew not how far we could trust any one; besides, a

question necessarily arose, How shall we come? Your request was that we

should come unarmed. It became a matter of serious importance to decide

how far promises could be trusted, and how far we were safe from mob

violence.”

_Colonel Geddes._ “It certainly did look, from all I have heard, from

the general spirit of violence and mobocracy that here prevails, that

it was not safe for you to come unprotected.”

_Governor Ford._ “I think that sufficient time was not allowed by the

posse for you to consult and get ready. They were too hasty; but I

suppose they found themselves bound by their orders. I think, too,

there is a great deal of truth in what you say, and your reasoning

is plausible, but I must beg leave to differ from you in relation to

the acts of the city council. That council, in my opinion, had no

right to act in a legislative capacity and in that of the judiciary.

They should have passed a law in relation to the matter, and then the

Municipal Court, upon complaint, could have removed it; but for the

city council to take upon themselves the law-making and the execution

of the law is in my opinion wrong; besides, these men ought to have had

a hearing before their property was destroyed; to destroy it without

was an infringement on their rights; besides, it is so contrary to

the feelings of American people to interfere with the press. And,

furthermore, I can not but think that it would have been more judicious

for you to have gone with Mr. Bettesworth to Carthage, notwithstanding

the law did not require it. Concerning your being in jail, I am sorry

for that; I wish it had been otherwise. I hope you will soon be

released, but I can not interfere.”

_Joseph Smith._ “Governor Ford, allow me, sir, to bring one thing to

your mind that you seem to have overlooked. You state that you think it

would have been better for us to have submitted to the requisition of

Constable Bettesworth, and to have gone to Carthage. Do you not know,

sir, that that writ was served at the instance of an ‘anti-Mormon’ mob,

who had passed resolutions, and published them, to the effect that they

would exterminate the ‘Mormon’ leaders? and are you not informed that

Captain Anderson was not only threatened when coming to Nauvoo, but

had a gun fired at his boat by this said mob in Warsaw when coming up

to Nauvoo, and that this very thing was made use of as a means to get

us into their hands; and we could not, without taking an armed force

with us, go there without, according to their published declarations,

going into the jaws of death? To have taken a force would only have

fanned the excitement, and they would have stated that we wanted to

use intimidation; therefore we thought it the most judicious to avail

ourselves of the protection of law.”

_Governor Ford._ “I see, I see.”

_Joseph Smith._ “Furthermore, in relation to the press, you say that

you differ from me in opinion. Be it so; the thing, after all, is only

a legal difficulty, and the courts, I should judge, are competent to

decide on that matter. If our act was illegal, we are willing to meet

it; and although I can not see the distinction that you draw about

the acts of the city council, and what difference it could have made

in point of fact, law, or justice between the city councils acting

together or separate, or how much more legal it would have been for the

Municipal Court, who were a part of the city council, to act separate

instead of with the councilors, yet, if it is deemed that we did a

wrong in destroying that press, we refuse not to pay for it; we are

desirous to fulfill the law in every particular, and are responsible

for our acts. You say that the parties ought to have had a hearing.

Had it been a civil suit, this, of course, would have been proper; but

there was a flagrant violation of every principle of right--a nuisance;

and it was abated on the same principle that any nuisance, stench, or

putrefied carcass would have been removed. Our first step, therefore,

was to stop the foul, noisome, filthy sheet, and then the next in our

opinion would have been to have prosecuted the man for a breach of

public decency. And furthermore, again let me say, Governor Ford, I

shall look to you for our protection. I believe you are talking of

going to Nauvoo; if you go, sir, I wish to go along. I refuse not to

answer any law, but I do not consider myself safe here.”

_Governor._ “I am in hopes that you will be acquitted, and if I go I

will certainly take you along. I do not, however, apprehend danger. I

think you are perfectly safe either here or any where else. I can not,

however, interfere with the law. I am placed in peculiar circumstances,

and seem to be blamed by all parties.”

_Joseph Smith._ “Governor Ford, I ask nothing but what is legal; I

have a right to expect protection, at least from you; for, independent

of law, you have pledged your faith and that of the state for my

protection, and I wish to go to Nauvoo.”

Governor. “And you shall have protection, General Smith. I did not make

this promise without consulting my officers, who all pledged their

honor to its fulfillment. I do not know that I shall go to-morrow to

Nauvoo, but if I do I will take you along.”

At a quarter past ten o’clock the governor left.

At about half past twelve o’clock, Mr. Reed, one of Joseph’s counsel,

came in, apparently much elated; he stated that, “upon an examination

of the law, he found that the magistrate had transcended his

jurisdiction, and that, having committed them without an examination,

his jurisdiction ended; that he had him upon a pin-hook; that he ought

to have examined them before he committed them, and that, having

violated the law in this particular, he had no farther power over them;

for, once committed, they were out of his jurisdiction, as the power

of the magistrate extended no farther than their committal, and that

now they could not be brought out except at the regular session of the

Circuit Court, or by a writ of habeas corpus; but that if Justice Smith

would consent to go to Nauvoo for trial, he would compromise matters

with him, and overlook this matter.”

Mr. Reed farther stated that “the ‘anti-Mormons,’ or mob, had concocted

a scheme to get out a writ from Missouri, with a demand upon Governor

Ford for the arrest of Joseph Smith and his conveyance to Missouri, and

that a man by the name of Wilson had returned from Missouri the night

before the burning of the press for this purpose.”

At half past two o’clock Constable Bettesworth came to the jail with

a man named Simpson, professing to have some order, but he would not

send up his name, and the guard would not let him pass. Dr. Bernhisel

and Brother Wasson went to inform the governor and council of this. At

about twenty minutes to three Dr. Bernhisel returned, and stated that

he thought the governor was doing all he could. At about ten minutes to

three Hyrum Kimball appeared with news from Nauvoo.

Soon after Constable Bettesworth came with an order from Esquire Smith

to convey the prisoners to the court-house for trial. He was informed

that the process was illegal, that they had been placed there contrary

to law, and that they refused to come unless by legal process. I was

informed that Justice Smith (who was also Captain of the Carthage

Grays) went to the governor and informed him of the matter, and that

the governor replied, “You have your forces, and of course can use

them.” The constable certainly did return, accompanied by a guard of

armed men, and by force, and under protest, hurried the prisoners to

the court.

About four o’clock the case was called by Captain Robert F. Smith, J.

P. The counsel of the prisoners called for subpœnas to bring witnesses.

At twenty-five minutes past four he took a copy of the order to bring

the prisoners from jail to trial, and afterward he took names of

witnesses.

Counsel present for the state: Higbee, Skinner, Sharpe, Emmons, and

Morrison. Twenty-five minutes to five the writ was returned as served,

June 25th.

Many remarks were made at the court that I paid but little attention

to, as I considered the whole thing illegal and a complete burlesque.

Wood objected to the proceedings in toto, in consequence of its

illegality, showing that the prisoners were not only illegally

committed, but that, being once committed, the magistrate had no

farther power over them; but as it was the same magistrate before whom

he was pleading who imprisoned them contrary to law, and the same who,

as captain, forced them from jail, his arguments availed but little.

He then urged that the prisoners be remanded until witnesses could be

had, and applied for a continuance for that purpose. Skinner suggested

until twelve o’clock next day. Wood again demanded until witnesses

could be obtained; that the court meet at a specified time, and that,

if witnesses were not present, again adjourn, without calling the

prisoners. After various remarks from Reed, Skinner, and others, the

court stated that the writ was served yesterday, and that it will give

until to-morrow at twelve M. to get witnesses.

We then returned to jail. Immediately after our return Dr. Bernhisel

went to the governor, and obtained from him an order for us to occupy

a large open room containing a bedstead. I rather think that the same

room had been appropriated to the use of debtors; at any rate, there

was free access to the jailer’s house, and no bars or locks except

such as might be on the outside door of the jail. The jailer, Mr.

George W. Steghall, and his wife, manifested a disposition to make us

as comfortable as they could; we ate at their table, which was well

provided, and of course paid for it.

I do not remember the names of all who were with us that night and the

next morning in jail, for several went and came; among those that we

considered stationary were Stephen Markham, John S. Fulmer, Captain

Dan Jones, Dr. Williard Richards, and myself. Dr. Bernhisel says that

he was there from Wednesday in the afternoon until eleven o’clock next

day. We were, however, visited by numerous friends, among whom were

Uncle John Smith, Hyrum Kimball, Cyrus H. Wheelock, besides lawyers,

as counsel. There was also a great variety of conversation, which was

rather desultory than otherwise, and referred to circumstances that had

transpired; our former and present grievances; the spirit of the troops

around us, and the disposition of the governor; the devising for legal

and other plans for deliverance; the nature of testimony required; the

gathering of proper witnesses; and a variety of other topics, including

our religious hopes, etc.

During one of these conversations Dr. Richards remarked: “Brother

Joseph, it is necessary that you die in this matter, and if they will

take me in your stead, I will suffer for you.” At another time, when

conversing about deliverance, I said, “Brother Joseph, if you will

permit it, and say the word, I will have you out of this prison in

five hours, if the jail has to come down to do it.” My idea was to go

to Nauvoo, and collect a force sufficient, as I considered the whole

affair a legal farce, and a flagrant outrage upon our liberty and

rights. Brother Joseph refused.

Elder Cyrus Wheelock came in to see us, and when he was about leaving

drew a small pistol, a six-shooter, from his pocket, remarking

at the same time, “Would any of you like to have this?” Brother

Joseph immediately replied, “Yes, give it to me;” whereupon he took

the pistol, and put it in his pantaloons pocket. The pistol was a

six-shooting revolver, of Allen’s patent; it belonged to me, and was

one that I furnished to Brother Wheelock when he talked of going with

me to the East, previous to our coming to Carthage. I have it now in

my possession. Brother Wheelock went out on some errand, and was not

suffered to return. The report of the governor having gone to Nauvoo

without taking the prisoners along with him caused very unpleasant

feelings, as we were apprised that we were left to the tender mercies

of the Carthage Grays, a company strictly mobocratic, and whom we knew

to be our most deadly enemies, and their captain, Esquire Smith, was a

most unprincipled villain. Besides this, all the mob forces, comprising

the governor’s troops, were dismissed, with the exception of one or two

companies, which the governor took with him to Nauvoo. The great part

of the mob was liberated, the remainder was our guard.

We looked upon it not only as a breach of faith on the part of

the governor, but also as an indication of a desire to insult us,

if nothing more, by leaving us in the proximity of such men. The

prevention of Wheelock’s return was among the first of their hostile

movements.

Colonel Markham then went out, and he was also prevented from

returning. He was very angry at this, but the mob paid no attention

to him; they drove him out of town at the point of the bayonet, and

threatened to shoot him if he returned; he went, I am informed, to

Nauvoo for the purpose of raising a company of men for our protection.

Brother Fulmer went to Nauvoo after witnesses: it is my opinion that

Brother Wheelock did also.

Some time after dinner we sent for some wine. It has been reported by

some that this was taken as a sacrament. It was no such thing; our

spirits were generally dull and heavy, and it was sent for to revive

us. I think it was Captain Jones who went after it, but they would not

suffer him to return. I believe we all drank of the wine, and gave some

to one or two of the prison guards. We all of us felt unusually dull

and languid, with a remarkable depression of spirits. In consonance

with those feelings I sang the following song, that had lately been

introduced into Nauvoo, entitled, “A poor wayfaring man of grief,” etc.

1. A poor wayfaring man of grief

Hath often cross’d me on my way,

Who sued so humbly for relief

That I could never answer Nay.

2. I had not power to ask his name,

Whither he went, or whence he came;

Yet there was something in his eye

That won my love, I know not why.

3. Once, when my scanty meal was spread,

He enter’d--not a word he spake!

Just perishing for want of bread;

I gave him all: he bless’d it, brake,

4. And ate, but gave me part again;

Mine was an angel’s portion then,

For while I fed with eager haste,

The crust was manna to my taste.

5. I spied him where a fountain burst

Clear from the rock--his strength was gone--

The heedless water mock’d his thirst;

He heard it, saw it hurrying on.

6. I ran and raised the suff’rer up;

Thrice from the stream he drain’d my cup,

Dipp’d, and return’d it running o’er;

I drank, and never thirsted more.

7. ’Twas night; the floods were out; it blew

A winter hurricane aloof;

I heard his voice abroad, and flew

To bid him welcome to my roof.

8. I warm’d, I clothed, I cheer’d my guest,

I laid him on my couch to rest;

Then made the earth my bed, and seem’d

In Eden’s garden while I dream’d.

9. Stripp’d, wounded, beaten nigh to death,

I found him by the highway side;

I roused his pulse, brought back his breath,

Revived his spirit, and supplied

The City of the Saints, and Across the Rocky Mountains to California · 第 19 / 21 章