CHAPTER V. THE AGRICULTURAL REVOLUTION

The Census of 1920 shows that hardly thirty per cent of the people are

today engaged in agriculture, the basic industry of the United States,

as compared with perhaps ninety per cent when the nation began. Yet

American farmers, though constantly diminishing in proportion to

the whole population, have always been, and still are, able to feed

themselves and all their fellow Americans and a large part of the

outside world as well. They bring forth also not merely foodstuffs, but

vast quantities of raw material for manufacture, such as cotton, wool,

and hides. This immense productivity is due to the use of farm machinery

on a scale seen nowhere else in the world. There is still, and always

will be, a good deal of hard labor on the farm. But invention has

reduced the labor and has made possible the carrying on of this vast

industry by a relatively small number of hands.

The farmers of Washington's day had no better tools than had the

farmers of Julius Caesar's day; in fact, the Roman ploughs were probably

superior to those in general use in America eighteen centuries later.

"The machinery of production," says Henry Adams, "showed no radical

difference from that familiar in ages long past. The Saxon farmer of the

eighth century enjoyed most of the comforts known to Saxon farmers of

the eighteenth."* One type of plough in the United States was little

more than a crooked stick with an iron point attached, sometimes with

rawhide, which simply scratched the ground. Ploughs of this sort were

in use in Illinois as late as 1812. There were a few ploughs designed to

turn a furrow, often simply heavy chunks of tough wood, rudely hewn into

shape, with a wrought-iron point clumsily attached. The moldboard was

rough and the curves of no two were alike. Country blacksmiths made

ploughs only on order and few had patterns. Such ploughs could turn a

furrow in soft ground if the oxen were strong enough--but the friction

was so great that three men and four or six oxen were required to turn a

furrow where the sod was tough.

* "History of the United States", vol. I, p. 16.

Thomas Jefferson had worked out very elaborately the proper curves of

the moldboard, and several models had been constructed for him. He was,

however, interested in too many things ever to follow any one to the

end, and his work seems to have had little publicity. The first real

inventor of a practicable plough was Charles Newbold, of Burlington

County, New Jersey, to whom a patent for a cast-iron plough was issued

in June, 1797. But the farmers would have none of it. They said it

"poisoned the soil" and fostered the growth of weeds. One David Peacock

received a patent in 1807, and two others later. Newbold sued Peacock

for infringement and recovered damages. Pieces of Newbold's original

plough are in the museum of the New York Agricultural Society at Albany.

Another inventor of ploughs was Jethro Wood, a blacksmith of Scipio, New

York, who received two patents, one in 1814 and the other in 1819. His

plough was of cast iron, but in three parts, so that a broken part

might be renewed without purchasing an entire plough. This principle of

standardization marked a great advance. The farmers by this time were

forgetting their former prejudices, and many ploughs were sold. Though

Wood's original patent was extended, infringements were frequent, and he

is said to have spent his entire property in prosecuting them.

In clay soils these ploughs did not work well, as the more tenacious

soil stuck to the iron moldboard instead of curling gracefully away. In

1833, John Lane, a Chicago blacksmith, faced a wooden moldboard with an

old steel saw. It worked like magic, and other blacksmiths followed suit

to such an extent that the demand for old saws became brisk. Then came

John Deere, a native of Vermont, who settled first in Grand Detour, and

then in Moline, Illinois. Deere made wooden ploughs faced with steel,

like other blacksmiths, but was not satisfied with them and studied and

experimented to find the best curves and angles for a plough to be used

in the soils around him. His ploughs were much in demand, and his need

for steel led him to have larger and larger quantities produced for

him, and the establishment which still bears his name grew to large

proportions.

Another skilled blacksmith, William Parlin, at Canton, Illinois, began

making ploughs about 1842, which he loaded upon a wagon and peddled

through the country. Later his establishment grew large. Another John

Lane, a son of the first, patented in 1868 a "soft-center" steel plough.

The hard but brittle surface was backed by softer and more tenacious

metal, to reduce the breakage. The same year James Oliver, a Scotch

immigrant who had settled at South Bend, Indiana, received a patent for

the "chilled plough." By an ingenious method the wearing surfaces of the

casting were cooled more quickly than the back. The surfaces which came

in contact with the soil had a hard, glassy surface, while the body

of the plough was of tough iron. From small beginnings Oliver's

establishment grew great, and the Oliver Chilled Plow Works at South

Bend is today one of the largest and most favorably known privately

owned industries in the United States.

From the single plough it was only a step to two or more ploughs

fastened together, doing more work with approximately the same man

power. The sulky plough, on which the ploughman rode, made his work

easier, and gave him great control. Such ploughs were certainly in

use as early as 1844, perhaps earlier. The next step forward was to

substitute for horses a traction engine. Today one may see on thousands

of farms a tractor pulling six, eight, ten, or more ploughs, doing the

work better than it could be done by an individual ploughman. On the

"Bonanza" farms of the West a fifty horsepower engine draws sixteen

ploughs, followed by harrows and a grain drill, and performs the three

operations of ploughing, harrowing, and planting at the same time and

covers fifty acres or more in a day.

The basic ideas in drills for small grains were successfully developed

in Great Britain, and many British drills were sold in the United States

before one was manufactured here. American manufacture of these drills

began about 1840. Planters for corn came somewhat later. Machines to

plant wheat successfully were unsuited to corn, which must be planted

less profusely than wheat.

The American pioneers had only a sickle or a scythe with which to cut

their grain. The addition to the scythe of wooden fingers, against which

the grain might lie until the end of the swing, was a natural step, and

seems to have been taken quite independently in several places, perhaps

as early as 1803. Grain cradles are still used in hilly regions and in

those parts of the country where little grain is grown.

The first attempts to build a machine to cut grain were made in England

and Scotland, several of them in the eighteenth century; and in 1822

Henry Ogle, a schoolmaster in Rennington, made a mechanical reaper,

but the opposition of the laborers of the vicinity, who feared loss

of employment, prevented further development. In 1826, Patrick Bell, a

young Scotch student, afterward a Presbyterian minister, who had

been moved by the fatigue of the harvesters upon his father's farm in

Argyllshire, made an attempt to lighten their labor. His reaper was

pushed by horses; a reel brought the grain against blades which opened

and closed like scissors, and a traveling canvas apron deposited the

grain at one side. The inventor received a prize from the Highland and

Agricultural Society of Edinburgh, and pictures and full descriptions of

his invention were published. Several models of this reaper were built

in Great Britain, and it is said that four came to the United States;

however this may be, Bell's machine was never generally adopted.

Soon afterward three men patented reapers in the United States: William

Manning, Plainfield, New Jersey, 1831; Obed Hussey, Cincinnati, Ohio,

1833; and Cyrus Hall McCormick, Staunton, Virginia, 1834. Just how much

they owed to Patrick Bell cannot be known, but it is probable that all

had heard of his design if they had not seen his drawings or the machine

itself. The first of these inventors, Manning of New Jersey, drops out

of the story, for it is not known whether he ever made a machine other

than his model. More persistent was Obed Hussey of Cincinnati, who soon

moved to Baltimore to fight out the issue with McCormick. Hussey was an

excellent mechanic. He patented several improvements to his machine and

received high praise for the efficiency of the work. But he was soon

outstripped in the race because he was weak in the essential qualities

which made McCormick the greatest figure in the world of agricultural

machinery. McCormick was more than a mechanic; he was a man of vision;

and he had the enthusiasm of a crusader and superb genius for business

organization and advertisement. His story has been told in another

volume of this series.*

* "The Age of Big Business", by Burton J. Hendrick.

Though McCormick offered reapers for sale in 1834, he seems to have

sold none in that year, nor any for six years afterwards. He sold two in

1840, seven in 1842, fifty in 1844. The machine was not really adapted

to the hills of the Valley of Virginia, and farmers hesitated to buy a

contrivance which needed the attention of a skilled mechanic. McCormick

made a trip through the Middle West. In the rolling prairies, mile after

mile of rich soil without a tree or a stone, he saw his future dominion.

Hussey had moved East. McCormick did the opposite; he moved West, to

Chicago, in 1847.

Chicago was then a town of hardly ten thousand, but McCormick foresaw

its future, built a factory there, and manufactured five hundred

machines for the harvest of 1848. From this time he went on from triumph

to triumph. He formulated an elaborate business system. His machines

were to be sold at a fixed price, payable in installments if desired,

with a guarantee of satisfaction. He set up a system of agencies to

give instruction or to supply spare parts. Advertising, chiefly by

exhibitions and contests at fairs and other public gatherings, was

another item of his programme. All would have failed, of course, if he

had not built good machines, but he did build good machines, and was

not daunted by the Government's refusal in 1848 to renew his original

patent. He decided to make profits as a manufacturer rather than accept

royalties as an inventor.

McCormick had many competitors, and some of them were in the field with

improved devices ahead of him, but he always held his own, either by

buying up the patent for a real improvement, or else by requiring his

staff to invent something to do the same work. Numerous new devices

to improve the harvester were patented, but the most important was an

automatic attachment to bind the sheaves with wire. This was patented in

1872, and McCormick soon made it his own. The harvester seemed complete.

One man drove the team, and the machine cut the grain, bound it in

sheaves, and deposited them upon the ground.

Presently, however, complaints were heard of the wire tie. When the

wheat was threshed, bits of wire got into the straw, and were swallowed

by the cattle; or else the bits of metal got among the wheat itself and

gave out sparks in grinding, setting some mills on fire. Two inventors,

almost simultaneously, produced the remedy. Marquis L. Gorham, working

for McCormick, and John F. Appleby, whose invention was purchased by

William Deering, one of McCormick's chief competitors, invented binders

which used twine. By 1880 the self-binding harvester was complete. No

distinctive improvement has been made since, except to add strength and

simplification. The machine now needed the services of only two men, one

to drive and the other to shock the bundles, and could reap twenty acres

or more a day, tie the grain into bundles of uniform size, and dump them

in piles of five ready to be shocked.

Grain must be separated from the straw and chaff. The Biblical threshing

floor, on which oxen or horses trampled out the grain, was still common

in Washington's time, though it had been largely succeeded by the

flail. In Great Britain several threshing machines were devised in the

eighteenth century, but none was particularly successful. They were

stationary, and it was necessary to bring the sheaves to them. The

seventh patent issued by the United States, to Samuel Mulliken of

Philadelphia, was for a threshing machine. The portable horse-power

treadmill, invented in 1830 by Hiram A. and John A. Pitts of Winthrop,

Maine, was presently coupled with a thresher, or "separator," and this

outfit, with its men and horses, moving from farm to farm, soon became

an autumn feature of every neighborhood. The treadmill was later on

succeeded--by the traction engine, and the apparatus now in common use

is an engine which draws the greatly improved threshing machine from

farm to farm, and when the destination is reached, furnishes the power

to drive the thresher. Many of these engines are adapted to the use of

straw as fuel.

Another development was the combination harvester and thresher used on

the larger farms of the West. This machine does not cut the wheat close

to the ground, but the cutter-bar, over twenty-five feet in length,

takes off the heads. The wheat is separated from the chaff and

automatically weighed into sacks, which are dumped as fast as two expert

sewers can work. The motive power is a traction engine or else twenty to

thirty horses, and seventy-five acres a day can be reaped and threshed.

Often another tractor pulling a dozen wagons follows and the sacks are

picked up and hauled to the granary or elevator.

Haying was once the hardest work on the farm, and in no crop has

machinery been more efficient. The basic idea in the reaper, the

cutter-bar, is the whole of the mower, and the machine developed with

the reaper. Previously Jeremiah Bailey, of Chester County, Pennsylvania,

had patented in 1822 a machine drawn by horses carrying a revolving

wheel with six scythes, which was widely used. The inventions of

Manning, Hussey, and McCormick made the mower practicable. Hazard

Knowles, an employee of the Patent Office, invented the hinged

cutter-bar, which could be lifted over an obstruction, but never

patented the invention. William F. Ketchum of Buffalo, New York, in

1844, patented the first machine intended to cut hay only, and dozens of

others followed. The modern mowing machine was practically developed in

the patent of Lewis Miller of Canton, Ohio, in 1858. Several times as

many mowers as harvesters are sold, and for that matter, reapers without

binding attachments are still manufactured.

Hayrakes and tedders seem to have developed almost of themselves.

Diligent research has failed to discover any reliable information on the

invention of the hayrake, though a horserake was patented as early as

1818. Joab Center of Hudson, New York, patented a machine for turning

and spreading hay in 1834. Mechanical hayloaders have greatly

reduced the amount of human labor. The hay-press makes storage and

transportation easier and cheaper.

There are binders which cut and bind corn. An addition shocks the corn

and deposits it upon the ground. The shredder and husker removes the

ears, husks them, and shreds shucks, stalks, and fodder. Power shellers

separate grain and cobs more than a hundred times as rapidly as a pair

of human hands could do. One student of agriculture has estimated that

it would require the whole agricultural population of the United States

one hundred days to shell the average corn crop by hand, but this is an

exaggeration.

The list of labor-saving machinery in agriculture is by no means

exhausted. There are clover hullers, bean and pea threshers, ensilage

cutters, manure spreaders, and dozens of others. On the dairy farm the

cream separator both increases the quantity and improves the quality of

the butter and saves time. Power also drives the churns. On many farms

cows are milked and sheep are sheared by machines and eggs are hatched

without hens.

There are, of course, thousands of farms in the country where machinery

cannot be used to advantage and where the work is still done entirely or

in part in the old ways.

Historians once were fond of marking off the story of the earth and of

men upon the earth into distinct periods fixed by definite dates. One

who attempts to look beneath the surface cannot accept this easy method

of treatment. Beneath the surface new tendencies develop long before

they demand recognition; an institution may be decaying long before its

weakness is apparent. The American Revolution began not with the Stamp

Act but at least a century earlier, as soon as the settlers realized

that there were three thousand miles of sea between England and the rude

country in which they found themselves; the Civil War began, if not

in early Virginia, with the "Dutch Man of Warre that sold us twenty

Negars," at least with Eli Whitney and his cotton gin.

Nevertheless, certain dates or short periods seem to be flowering times.

Apparently all at once a flood of invention, a change of methods, a

difference in organization, or a new psychology manifests itself. And

the decade of the Civil War does serve as a landmark to mark the passing

of one period in American life and the beginning of another; especially

in agriculture; and as agriculture is the basic industry of the country

it follows that with its mutations the whole superstructure is also

changed.

The United States which fought the Civil War was vastly different

from the United States which fronted the world at the close of

the Revolution. The scant four million people of 1790 had grown to

thirty-one and a half million. This growth had come chiefly by natural

increase, but also by immigration, conquest, and annexation. Settlement

had reached the Pacific Ocean, though there were great stretches of

almost uninhabited territory between the settlements on the Pacific and

those just beyond the Mississippi.

The cotton gin had turned the whole South toward the cultivation of

cotton, though some States were better fitted for mixed farming, and

their devotion to cotton meant loss in the end as subsequent events have

proved. The South was not manufacturing any considerable proportion

of the cotton it grew, but the textile industry was flourishing in

New England. A whole series of machines similar to those used in Great

Britain, but not identical, had been invented in America. American mills

paid higher wages than British and in quantity production were far ahead

of the British mills, in proportion to hands employed, which meant being

ahead of the rest of the world.

Wages in America, measured by the world standard, were high, though

as expressed in money, they seem low now. They were conditioned by the

supply of free land, or land that was practically free. The wages paid

were necessarily high enough to attract laborers from the soil which

they might easily own if they chose. There was no fixed laboring class.

The boy or girl in a textile mill often worked only a few years to save

money, buy a farm, or to enter some business or profession.

The steamboat now, wherever there was navigable water, and the railroad,

for a large part of the way, offered transportation to the boundless

West. Steamboats traversed all the larger rivers and the lakes. The

railroad was growing rapidly. Its lines had extended to more than

thirty thousand miles. Construction went on during the war, and the

transcontinental railway was in sight. The locomotive had approached

standardization, and the American railway car was in form similar to

that of the present day, though not so large, so comfortable, or so

strong. The Pullman car, from which has developed the chair car, the

dining car, and the whole list of special cars, was in process of

development, and the automatic air brake of George Westinghouse was soon

to follow.

Thus far had the nation progressed in invention and industry along the

lines of peaceful development. But with the Civil War came a sudden and

tremendous advance. No result of the Civil War, political or social, has

more profoundly affected American life than the application to the farm,

as a war necessity, of machinery on a great scale. So long as labor

was plentiful and cheap, only a comparatively few farmers could be

interested in expensive machinery, but when the war called the young

men away the worried farmers gladly turned to the new machines and

found that they were able not only to feed the Union, but also to export

immense quantities of wheat to Europe, even during the war. Suddenly the

West leaped into great prosperity. And long centuries of economic and

social development were spanned within a few decades.

The Age of Invention: A Chronicle of Mechanical Conquest · 第 5 / 10 章