CHAPTER III. STEAM IN CAPTIVITY

For the beginnings of the enslavement of steam, that mighty giant whose

work has changed the world we live in, we must return to the times of

Benjamin Franklin. James Watt, the accredited father of the modern steam

engine, was a contemporary of Franklin, and his engine was twenty-one

years old when Franklin died. The discovery that steam could be

harnessed and made to work is not, of course, credited to James Watt.

The precise origin of that discovery is unknown. The ancient Greeks had

steam engines of a sort, and steam engines of another sort were pumping

water out of mines in England when James Watt was born. James Watt,

however, invented and applied the first effective means by which steam

came to serve mankind. And so the modern steam engine begins with him.

The story is old, of how this Scottish boy, James Watt, sat on the

hearth in his mother's cottage, intently watching the steam rising

from the mouth of the tea kettle, and of the great role which this boy

afterwards assumed in the mechanical world. It was in 1763, when he was

twenty-eight and had the appointment of mathematical-instrument maker

to the University of Glasgow, that a model of Newcomen's steam pumping

engine was brought into his shop for repairs. One can perhaps imagine

the feelings with which James Watt, interested from his youth in

mechanical and scientific instruments, particularly those which dealt

with steam, regarded this Newcomen engine. Now his interest was

vastly quickened. He set up the model and operated it, noticed how

the alternate heating and cooling of its cylinder wasted power, and

concluded, after some weeks of experiment, that, in order to make the

engine practicable, the cylinder must be kept hot, "always as hot as the

steam which entered it." Yet in order to condense the steam there must

be a cooling of the vessel. The problem was to reconcile these two

conditions.

At length the pregnant idea occurred to him--the idea of the separate

condenser. It came to him on a Sunday afternoon in 1765, as he walked

across Glasgow Green. If the steam were condensed in a vessel separate

from the cylinder, it would be quite possible to keep the condensing

vessel cool and the cylinder hot at the same time. Next morning Watt

began to put his scheme to the test and found it practicable. He

developed other ideas and applied them. So at last was born a steam

engine that would work and multiply man's energies a thousandfold.

After one or two disastrous business experiences, such as fall to the

lot of many great inventors, perhaps to test their perseverance,

Watt associated himself with Matthew Boulton, a man of capital and of

enterprise, owner of the Soho Engineering Works, near Birmingham. The

firm of Boulton and Watt became famous, and James Watt lived till August

19, 1819--lived to see his steam engine the greatest single factor in

the new industrial era that had dawned for English-speaking folk.

Boulton and Watt, however, though they were the pioneers, were by no

means alone in the development of the steam engine. Soon there were

rivals in the field with new types of engines. One of these was Richard

Trevithick in England; another was Oliver Evans of Philadelphia. Both

Trevithick and Evans invented the high-pressure engine. Evans appears to

have applied the high pressure principle before Trevithick, and it has

been said that Trevithick borrowed it from Evans, but Evans himself

never said so, and it is more likely that each of these inventors worked

it out independently. Watt introduced his steam to the cylinder at only

slightly more than atmospheric pressure and clung tenaciously to the

low-pressure theory all his life. Boulton and Watt, indeed, aroused

by Trevithick's experiments in high-pressure engines, sought to have

Parliament pass an act forbidding high pressure on the ground that the

lives of the public were endangered. Watt lived long enough, however, to

see the high-pressure steam engine come into general favor, not only in

America but even in his own conservative country.

Less sudden, less dramatic, than that of the cotton gin, was the

entrance of the steam engine on the American industrial stage, but not

less momentous. The actions and reactions of steam in America provide

the theme for an Iliad which some American Homer may one day write. They

include the epic of the coal in the Pennsylvania hills, the epic of

the ore, the epic of the railroad, the epic of the great city; and, in

general, the subjugation of a continental wilderness to the service of a

vast civilization.

The vital need of better transportation was uppermost in the thoughts of

many Americans. It was seen that there could be no national unity in a

country so far flung without means of easy intercourse between one group

of Americans and another. The highroads of the new country were, for the

most part, difficult even for the man on horseback, and worse for those

who must travel by coach or post-chaise. Inland from the coast and

away from the great rivers there were no roads of any sort; nothing but

trails. Highways were essential, not only for the permanent unity of the

United States, but to make available the wonderful riches of the inland

country, across the Appalachian barrier and around the Great Lakes, into

which American pioneers had already made their way.

Those immemorial pathways, the great rivers, were the main avenues of

traffic with the interior. So, of course, when men thought of improving

transportation, they had in mind chiefly transportation by water; and

that is why the earliest efforts of American inventors were applied to

the means of improving traffic and travel by water and not by land.

The first men to spend their time in trying to apply steam power to the

propulsion of a boat were contemporaries of Benjamin Franklin. Those who

worked without Watt's engine could hardly succeed. One of the earliest

of these was William Henry of Pennsylvania. Henry, in 1763, had the idea

of applying power to paddle wheels, and constructed a boat, but his

boat sank, and no result followed, unless it may be that John Fitch and

Robert Fulton, both of whom were visitors at Henry's house, received

some suggestions from him. James Rumsey of Maryland began experiments

as early as 1774 and by 1786 had a boat that made four miles an hour

against the current of the Potomac.

The most interesting of these early and unsuccessful inventors is John

Fitch, who, was a Connecticut clockmaker living in Philadelphia. He was

eccentric and irregular in his habits and quite ignorant of the steam

engine. But he conceived the idea of a steamboat and set to work to make

one. The record of Fitch's life is something of a tragedy. At the best

he was an unhappy man and was always close to poverty. As a young man he

had left his family because of unhappy domestic relations with his wife.

One may find in the record of his undertakings which he left in the

Philadelphia Library, to be opened thirty years after its receipt,

these words: "I know of nothing so perplexing and vexatious to a man of

feelings as a turbulent Wife and Steamboat building." But in spite of

all his difficulties Fitch produced a steamboat, which plied regularly

on the Delaware for several years and carried passengers. "We reigned

Lord High Admirals of the Delaware; and no other boat in the River

could hold its way with us," he wrote. "Thus has been effected by

little Johnny Fitch and Harry Voight [one of his associates] one of the

greatest and most useful arts that has ever been introduced into the

world; and although the world and my country does not thank me for it,

yet it gives me heartfelt satisfaction." The "Lord High Admirals of the

Delaware," however, did not reign long. The steamboat needed improvement

to make it pay; its backers lost patience and faith, and the inventor

gave up the fight and retired into the fastnesses of the Kentucky

wilderness, where he died.

The next inventor to struggle with the problem of the steamboat, with

any approach to success, was John Stevens of Hoboken. His life was cast

in a vastly different environment from that of John Fitch. He was a rich

man, a man of family and of influence. His father's house--afterwards

his own---at 7 Broadway, facing Bowling Green--was one of the mansions

of early New York, and his own summer residence on Castle Point,

Hoboken, just across the Hudson, was one of the landmarks of the great

river. For many years John Stevens crossed that river; most often in an

open boat propelled by sail or by men at the oars. Being naturally of a

mechanical turn, he sought to make the crossing easier. To his library

were coming the prints that told of James Watt and the steam engine in

England, and John Fitch's boat had interested him.

Robert Fulton's Clermont, of which we shall speak presently, was

undoubtedly the pioneer of practicable steamboats. But the Phoenix,

built by John Stevens, followed close on the Clermont. And its engines

were built in America, while those of the Clermont had been imported

from England. Moreover, in June, 1808, the Phoenix stood to sea, and

made the first ocean voyage in the history of steam navigation. Because

of a monopoly of the Hudson, which the New York Legislature had granted

to Livingston and Fulton, Stevens was compelled to send his ship to the

Delaware. Hence the trip out into the waters of the Atlantic, a journey

that was not undertaken without trepidation. But, despite the fact that

a great storm arose, the Phoenix made the trip in safety; and continued

for many years thereafter to ply the Delaware between Philadelphia and

Trenton.

Robert Fulton, like many and many another great inventor, from Leonardo

da Vinci down to the present time, was also an artist. He was born

November 14, 1765, at Little Britain, Lancaster County, Pennsylvania,

of that stock which is so often miscalled "Scotch-Irish." He was only a

child when his father died, leaving behind him a son who seems to have

been much more interested in his own ideas than in his schoolbooks. Even

in his childhood Robert showed his mechanical ability. There was a firm

of noted gunsmiths in Lancaster, in whose shops he made himself at home

and became expert in the use of tools. At the age of fourteen he

applied his ingenuity to a heavy fishing boat and equipped it with

paddle-wheels, which were turned by a crank, thus greatly lightening the

labor of moving it.

At the age of seventeen young Fulton moved to Philadelphia and set up as

a portrait painter. Some of the miniatures which he painted at this

time are said to be very good. He worked hard, made many good friends,

including Benjamin Franklin, and succeeded financially. He determined

to go to Europe to study--if possible under his fellow Pennsylvanian,

Benjamin West, then rising into fame in London. The West and the Fulton

families had been intimate, and Fulton hoped that West would take him as

a pupil. First buying a farm for his mother with a part of his savings,

he sailed for England in 1786, with forty guineas in his pocket.

West received him not only as a pupil but as a guest in his house and

introduced him to many of his friends. Again Fulton succeeded, and in

1791 two of his portraits were exhibited at the Royal Academy, and the

Royal Society of British Artists hung four paintings by him.

Then came the commission which changed the course of Fulton's life.

His work had attracted the notice of Viscount Courtenay, later Earl

of Devon, and he was invited to Devonshire to paint that nobleman's

portrait. Here he met Francis, third Duke of Bridgewater, the father

of the English canal system, and his hardly less famous engineer, James

Brindley, and also Earl Stanhope, a restless, inquiring spirit. Fulton

the mechanic presently began to dominate Fulton the artist. He studied

canals, invented a means of sawing marble in the quarries, improved

the wheel for spinning flax, invented a machine for making rope, and a

method of raising canal boats by inclined planes instead of locks. What

money he made from these inventions we do not know, but somewhat later

(1796) he speaks hopefully of an improvement in tanning. This same year

he published a pamphlet entitled "A Treatise on the Improvement of

Canal Navigation", copies of which were sent to Napoleon and President

Washington.

Fulton went to France in 1797. To earn money he painted several

portraits and a panorama of the Burning of Moscow. This panorama,

covering the walls of a circular hall built especially for it, became

very popular, and Fulton painted another. In Paris he formed a warm

friendship with that singular American, Joel Barlow, soldier, poet,

speculator, and diplomatist, and his wife, and for seven years lived in

their house.

The long and complicated story of Fulton's sudden interest in torpedoes

and submarine boats, his dealings with the Directory and Napoleon and

with the British Admiralty does not belong here. His experiments and his

negotiations with the two Governments occupied the greater part of his

time for the years between 1797 and 1806. His expressed purpose was

to make an engine of war so terrible that war would automatically

be abolished. The world, however, was not ready for diving boats and

torpedoes, nor yet for the end of war, and his efforts had no tangible

results.*

* The submarine was the invention of David Bushnell, a

Connecticut Yankee, whose "American Turtle" blew up at least

one British vessel in the War of Independence and created

much consternation among the King's ships in American

waters.

During all the years after 1793, at least, and perhaps earlier, the idea

of the steamboat had seldom been out of his mind, but lack of funds and

the greater urgency, as he thought, of the submarine prevented him from

working seriously upon it. In 1801, however, Robert R. Livingston

came to France as American Minister. Livingston had already made some

unsuccessful experiments with the steamboat in the United States, and,

in 1798, had received the monopoly of steam navigation on the waters

of New York for twenty years, provided that he produced a vessel within

twelve months able to steam four miles an hour. This grant had, of

course, been forfeited, but might be renewed, Livingston thought.

Fulton and Livingston met, probably at Barlow's house, and, in 1802,

drew up an agreement to construct a steamboat to ply between New York

and Albany. Livingston agreed to advance five hundred dollars for

experimentation in Europe. In this same year Fulton built a model and

tested different means of propulsion, giving "the preference to a wheel

on each side of the model."* The boat was built on the Seine, but proved

too frail for the borrowed engine. A second boat was tried in August,

1803, and moved, though at a disappointingly slow rate of speed.

* Fulton to Barlow, quoted in Sutcliffe, "Robert Fulton and

the Clermont", p. 124.

Just at this time Fulton wrote ordering an engine from Boulton and Watt

to be transported to America. The order was at first refused, as it was

then the shortsighted policy of the British Government to maintain a

monopoly of mechanical contrivances. Permission to export was given the

next year, however, and the engine was shipped in 1805. It lay for some

time in the New York Customs House. Meanwhile Fulton had studied the

Watt engine on Symington's steamboat, the Charlotte Dundas, on the

Forth and Clyde Canal, and Livingston had been granted a renewal of his

monopoly of the waters of New York.

Fulton arrived at New York in 1806 and began the construction of the

Clermont, so named after Livingston's estate on the Hudson. The building

was done on the East River. The boat excited the jeers of passersby, who

called it "Fulton's Folly." On Monday, August 17, 1807, the memorable

first voyage was begun. Carrying a party of invited guests, the Clermont

steamed off at one o'clock. Past the towns and villages along the

Hudson, the boat moved steadily, black smoke rolling from her stack.

Pine wood was the fuel. During the night, the sparks pouring from her

funnel, the clanking of her machinery, and the splashing of the paddles

frightened the animals in the woods and the occupants of the scattered

houses along the banks. At one o'clock Tuesday the boat arrived at

Clermont, 110 miles from New York. After spending the night at Clermont,

the voyage was resumed on Wednesday. Albany, forty miles away, was

reached in eight hours, making a record of 150 miles in thirty-two

hours. Returning to New York, the distance was covered in thirty hours.

The steamboat was a success.

The boat was then laid up for two weeks while the cabins were boarded

in, a roof built over the engine, and coverings placed over the

paddle-wheels to catch the spray--all under Fulton's eye. Then the

Clermont began regular trips to Albany, carrying sometimes a hundred

passengers, making the round trip every four days, and continued until

floating ice marked the end of navigation for the winter.

Why had Fulton succeeded where others had failed? There was nothing

new in his boat. Every essential feature of the Clermont had been

anticipated by one or other of the numerous experimenters before him.

The answer seems to be that he was a better engineer than any of them.

He had calculated proportions, and his hull and his engine were in

relation. Then too, he had one of Watt's engines, undoubtedly the best

at the time, and the unwavering support of Robert Livingston.

Fulton's restless mind was never still, but he did not turn capriciously

from one idea to another. Though never satisfied, his new ideas were

tested scientifically and the results carefully written down. Some

of his notebooks read almost like geometrical demonstrations; and his

drawings and plans were beautifully executed. Before his death in 1815

he had constructed or planned sixteen or seventeen boats, including

boats for the Hudson, Potomac, and Mississippi rivers, for the Neva in

Russia, and a steam vessel of war for the United States. He was a member

of the commission on the Erie Canal, though he did not live to see that

enterprise begun.

The mighty influence of the steamboat in the development of inland

America is told elsewhere in this Series.* The steamboat has long since

grown to greatness, but it is well to remember that the true ancestor

of the magnificent leviathan of our own day is the Clermont of Robert

Fulton.

* Archer B. Hulbert, "The Paths of Inland Commerce".

The world today is on the eve of another great development in

transportation, quite as revolutionary as any that have preceded. How

soon will it take place? How long before Kipling's vision in "The Night

Mail" becomes a full reality? How long before the air craft comes to

play a great role in the world's transportation? We cannot tell. But,

after looking at the nearest parallel in the facts of history, each of

us may make his own guess. The airship appears now to be much farther

advanced than the steamboat was for many years after Robert Fulton died.

Already we have seen men ride the wind above the sea from the New World

to the Old. Already United States mails are regularly carried through

the air from the Atlantic to the Golden Gate. It was twelve years after

the birth of Fulton's Clermont, and four years after the inventor's

death, before any vessel tried to cross the Atlantic under steam. This

was in 1819, when the sailing packet Savannah, equipped with a ninety

horsepower horizontal engine and paddle-wheels, crossed from Savannah to

Liverpool in twenty-five days, during eighteen of which she used steam

power. The following year, however, the engine was taken out of the

craft. And it was not until 1833 that a real steamship crossed the

Atlantic. This time it was the Royal William, which made a successful

passage from Quebec to London. Four years more passed before the Great

Western was launched at Bristol, the first steamship to be especially

designed for transatlantic service, and the era of great steam liners

began.

If steam could be made to drive a boat on the water, why not a wagon on

the land?

History, seeking origins, often has difficulty when it attempts to

discover the precise origin of an idea. "It frequently happens,"

said Oliver Evans, "that two persons, reasoning right on a mechanical

subject, think alike and invent the same thing without any communication

with each other."* It is certain, however, that one of the first, if not

the first, protagonist of the locomotive in America was the same Oliver

Evans, a truly great inventor for whom the world was not quite ready.

The world has forgotten him. But he was the first engine builder in

America, and one of the best of his day. He gave to his countrymen the

high-pressure steam engine and new machinery for manufacturing flour

that was not superseded for a hundred years.

* Coleman Sellers, "Oliver Evans and His Inventions,"

"Journal of the Franklin Institute", July, 1886: vol. CXXII,

p. 16.

"Evans was apprenticed at the age of fourteen to a wheelwright. He was a

thoughtful, studious boy, who devoured eagerly the few books to which

he had access, even by the light of a fire of shavings, when denied

a candle by his parsimonious master. He says that in 1779, when only

seventeen years old, he began to contrive some method of propelling land

carriages by other means than animal power; and that he thought of a

variety of devices, such as using the force of the wind and treadles

worked by men; but as they were evidently inadequate, was about to give

up the problem as unsolvable for want of a suitable source of power,

when he heard that some neighboring blacksmith's boys had stopped up the

touch-hole of a gun barrel, put in some water, rammed down a tight wad,

and, putting the breech into the smith's fire, the gun had discharged

itself with a report like that of gunpowder. This immediately suggested

to his fertile mind a new source of power, and he labored long to

apply it, but without success, until there fell into his hands a book

describing the old atmospheric steam engine of Newcomen, and he was at

once struck with the fact that steam was only used to produce a vacuum

while to him it seemed clear that the elastic power of the steam if

applied directly to moving the piston, would be far more efficient.

He soon satisfied himself that he could make steam wagons, but could

convince no one else of this possibility."*

* Coleman Sellers, "Oliver Evans and His Inventions,"

"Journal of the Franklin Institute", July, 1886: vol. CXXII,

p. 3.

Evans was then living in Delaware, where he was born, and where he later

worked out his inventions in flour-milling machinery and invented and

put into service the high-pressure steam engine. He appears to have

moved to Philadelphia about 1790, the year of Franklin's death and of

the Federal Patent Act; and, as we have seen, the third patent issued

by the Government at Philadelphia was granted to him. About this time he

became absorbed in the hard work of writing a book, the "Millwright and

Miller's Guide", which he published in 1795, but at a heavy sacrifice

to himself in time and money. A few years later he had an established

engine works in Philadelphia and was making steam engines of his own

type that performed their work satisfactorily.

The Oruktor Amphibolos, or Amphibious Digger, which came out of his shop

in 1804, was a steamdriven machine made to the order of the Philadelphia

Board of Health for dredging and cleaning the docks of the city. It was

designed, as its name suggests, for service either in water or on shore.

It propelled itself across the city to the river front, puffing and

throwing off clouds of steam and making quite a sensation on the

streets.

Evans had never forgotten his dream of the "steam wagon." His Oruktor

had no sooner begun puffing than he offered to make for the Philadelphia

and Lancaster Turnpike Company steamdriven carriages to take the place

of their six-horse Conestoga wagons, promising to treble their profits.

But the directors of the road were conservative men and his arguments

fell on deaf ears.

In the same year Evans petitioned Congress for an extension of the

patent on his flour-milling machinery, which was about to expire. He

had derived little profit from this important invention, as the new

machinery made its way very slowly, but every year more and more millers

were using it and Evans received royalties from them. He felt sure that

Congress would renew his patent, and, with great expectations for the

future, he announced a new book in preparation by himself to be called

"The Young Engineer's Guide". It was to give the most thorough treatment

to the subject of the steam engine, with a profusion of drawings to

illustrate the text. But Evans reckoned without the millers who were

opposing his petition. Though they were profiting by his invention, they

were unwilling to pay him anything, and they succeeded in having his

bill in Congress defeated. It was a hard blow for the struggling author

and inventor. His income cut off, he was obliged to reduce the scale

of his book "and to omit many of the illustrations he had promised."

He wrote the sad story into the name of the book. It came out under the

title of "The Abortion of the Young Engineer's Guide".

Four years later, when Congress restored and extended his patent, Evans

felt that better days were ahead, but, as said already, he was too

far ahead of his time to be understood and appreciated. Incredulity,

prejudice, and opposition were his portion as long as he lived.

Nevertheless, he went on building good engines and had the satisfaction

of seeing them in extensive use. His life came to an end as the result

of what to him was the greatest possible tragedy. He was visiting

New York City in 1819, when news came to him of the destruction by an

incendiary of his beloved shops in Philadelphia. The shock was greater

than he could bear. A stroke of apoplexy followed, from which he died.

The following prophecy, written by Oliver Evans and published in 1812,

seventeen years before the practical use of the locomotive began, tells

us something of the vision of this early American inventor:

"The time will come when people will travel in stages moved by steam

engines from one city to another almost as fast as birds fly--fifteen

to twenty miles an hour. Passing through the air with such

velocity--changing the scenes in such rapid succession--will be the

most exhilarating, delightful exercise. A carriage will set out

from Washington in the morning, and the passengers will breakfast at

Baltimore, dine in Philadelphia, and sup at New York the same day.

"To accomplish this, two sets of railways will be laid so nearly level

as not in any place to deviate more than two degrees from a horizontal

line, made of wood or iron, on smooth paths of broken stone or gravel,

with a rail to guide the carriages so that they may pass each other

in different directions and travel by night as well as by day; and the

passengers will sleep in these stages as comfortably as they do now in

steam stage-boats."*

*Cited by Coleman Sellers, Ibid., p. 13.

Another early advocate of steam carriages and railways was John Stevens,

the rich inventor of Hoboken, who figures in the story of the steamboat.

In February, 1812, Stevens addressed to the commissioners appointed by

the State of New York to explore a route for the Erie Canal an elaborate

memoir calculated to prove that railways would be much more in the

public interest than the proposed canal. He wrote at the same time to

Robert R. Livingston (who, as well as Robert Fulton, his partner in the

steamboat, was one of the commissioners) requesting his influence in

favor of railways. Livingston, having committed himself to the steamboat

and holding a monopoly of navigation on the waters of New York State,

could hardly be expected to give a willing ear to a rival scheme, and

no one then seems to have dreamed that both canal and railway would

ultimately be needed. Livingston, however, was an enlightened statesman,

one of the ablest men of his day. He had played a prominent part in the

affairs of the Revolution and in the ratification of the Constitution;

had known Franklin and Washington and had negotiated with Napoleon the

Louisiana Purchase. His reply to Stevens is a good statement of the

objections to the railway, as seen at the time, and of the public

attitude towards it.

Robert R. Livingston to John Stevens

"Albany, 11th March, 1812.

"I did not, till yesterday, receive yours of the 5th of February; where

it has loitered on the road I am at a loss to say. I had before read

your very ingenious propositions as to the rail-way communication. I

fear, however, on mature reflection, that they will be liable to serious

objections, and ultimately more expensive than a canal. They must be

double, so as to prevent the danger of two such heavy bodies meeting.

The walls on which they are placed must at least be four feet below the

surface, and three above, and must be clamped with iron, and even then,

would hardly sustain so heavy a weight as you propose moving at the rate

of four miles an hour on wheels. As to wood, it would not last a week;

they must be covered with iron, and that too very thick and strong. The

means of stopping these heavy carriages without a great shock, and of

preventing them from running upon each other (for there would be many on

the road at once) would be very difficult. In case of accidental stops,

or the necessary stops to take wood and water &c many accidents would

happen. The carriage of condensed water would be very troublesome. Upon

the whole, I fear the expense would be much greater than that of canals,

without being so convenient."*

* John Stevens, "Documents Tending to Prove the Superior

Advantages of Rail-Ways and Steam-Carriages over Canal

Navigation" (1819). Reprinted in "The Magazine of History

with Notes and Queries", Extra Number 54 (1917).

Stevens, of course, could not convince the commissioners. "The

Communication from John Stevens, Esq.," was referred to a committee,

who reported in March: "That they have considered the said communication

with the attention due to a gentleman whose scientific researches and

knowledge of mechanical powers entitle his opinions to great respect,

and are sorry not to concur in them."

Stevens, however, kept up the fight. He published all the

correspondence, hoping to get aid from Congress for his design, and

spread his propaganda far and wide. But the War of 1812 soon absorbed

the attention of the country. Then came the Erie Canal, completed in

1825, and the extension into the Northwest of the great Cumberland Road.

From St. Louis steamboats churned their way up the Missouri, connecting

with the Santa Fe Trail to the Southwest and the Oregon Trail to the far

Northwest. Horses, mules, and oxen carried the overland travelers, and

none yet dreamed of being carried on the land by steam.

Back East, however, and across the sea in England, there were a few

dreamers. Railways of wooden rails, sometimes covered with iron, on

which wagons were drawn by horses, were common in Great Britain; some

were in use very early in America. And on these railways, or tramways,

men were now experimenting with steam, trying to harness it to do

the work of horses. In England, Trevithick, Blenkinsop, Ericsson,

Stephenson, and others; in America, John Stevens, now an old man but

persistent in his plans as ever and with able sons to help him, had

erected a circular railway at Hoboken as early as 1826, on which he ran

a locomotive at the rate of twelve miles an hour. Then in 1828 Horatio

Allen, of the Delaware and Hudson Canal Company, went over to England

and brought back with him the Stourbridge Lion. This locomotive, though

it was not a success in practice, appears to have been the first to turn

a wheel on a regular railway within the United States. It was a seven

days' wonder in New York when it arrived in May, 1829. Then Allen

shipped it to Honesdale, Pennsylvania, where the Delaware and Hudson

Canal Company had a tramway to bring down coal from the mountains to the

terminal of the canal. On the crude wooden rails of this tramway Allen

placed the Stourbridge Lion and ran it successfully at the rate of ten

miles an hour. But in actual service the Stourbridge Lion failed and was

soon dismantled.

Pass now to Rainhill, England, and witness the birth of the modern

locomotive, after all these years of labor. In the same year of 1829, on

the morning of the 6th of October, a great crowd had assembled to see an

extraordinary race--a race, in fact, without any parallel or precedent

whatsoever. There were four entries but one dropped out, leaving three:

The Novelty, John Braithwaite and John Ericsson; The Sanspareil, Timothy

Hackworth; The Rocket, George and Robert Stephenson. These were

not horses; they were locomotives. The directors of the London and

Manchester Railway had offered a prize of five hundred pounds for the

best locomotive, and here they were to try the issue.

The contest resulted in the triumph of Stephenson's Rocket. The others

fell early out of the race. The Rocket alone met all the requirements

and won the prize. So it happened that George Stephenson came into

fame and has ever since lived in popular memory as the father of

the locomotive. There was nothing new in his Rocket, except his own

workmanship. Like Robert Fulton, he appears to have succeeded where

others failed because he was a sounder engineer, or a better combiner of

sound principles into a working, whole, than any of his rivals.

Across the Atlantic came the news of Stephenson's remarkable success.

And by this time railroads were beginning in various parts of the United

States: the Mohawk and Hudson, from Albany to Schenectady; the Baltimore

and Ohio; the Charleston and Hamburg in South Carolina; the Camden and

Amboy, across New Jersey. Horses, mules, and even sails, furnished the

power for these early railroads. It can be imagined with what interest

the owners of these roads heard that at last a practicable locomotive

was running in England.

This news stimulated the directors of the Baltimore and Ohio to try the

locomotive. They had not far to go for an experiment, for Peter Cooper,

proprietor of the Canton Iron Works in Baltimore, had already designed

a small locomotive, the Tom Thumb. This was placed on trial in August,

1830, and is supposed to have been the first American-built locomotive

to do work on rails, though nearly coincident with it was the Best

Friend of Charleston, built by the West Point Foundry, New York, for the

Charleston and Hamburg Railroad. It is often difficult, as we have seen,

to say which of two or several things was first. It appears as though

the little Tom Thumb was the first engine built in America, which

actually pulled weight on a regular railway, while the much larger Best

Friend was the first to haul cars in regular daily service.

The West Point Foundry followed its first success with the West Point,

which also went into service on the Charleston and Hamburg Railroad, and

then built for the newly finished Mohawk and Hudson (the first link in

the New York Central Lines) the historic De Witt Clinton. This primitive

locomotive and the cars it drew may be seen today in the Grand Central

Station in New York.

Meanwhile, the Stevens brothers, sons of John Stevens, were engaged in

the construction of the Camden and Amboy Railroad. The first locomotive

to operate on this road was built in England by George Stephenson. This

was the John Bull, which arrived in the summer of 1831 and at once went

to work. The John Bull was a complete success and had a distinguished

career. Sixty-two years old, in 1893, it went to Chicago, to the

Columbian Exposition, under its own steam. The John Bull occupies a

place today in the National Museum at Washington.

With the locomotive definitely accepted, men began to turn their minds

towards its improvement and development, and locomotive building soon

became a leading industry in America. At first the British types and

patterns were followed, but it was not long before American designers

began to depart from the British models and to evolve a distinctively

American type. In the development of this type great names have been

written into the industrial history of America, among which the name of

Matthias Baldwin of Philadelphia probably ranks first. But there have

been hundreds of great workers in this field. From Stephenson's Rocket

and the little Tom Thumb of Peter Cooper, to the powerful "Mallets"

of today, is a long distance--not spanned in ninety years save by the

genius and restless toil of countless brains and hands.

If the locomotive could not remain as it was left by Stephenson and

Cooper, neither could the stationary steam engine remain as it was left

by James Watt and Oliver Evans. Demands increasing and again increasing,

year after year, forced the steam engine to grow in order to meet its

responsibilities. There were men living in Philadelphia in 1876, who had

known Oliver Evans personally; at least one old man at the Centennial

Exhibition had himself seen the Oruktor Amphibolos and recalled the

consternation it had caused on the streets of the city in 1804. It

seemed a far cry back to the Oruktor from the great and beautiful

engine, designed by George Henry Corliss, which was then moving all the

vast machinery of the Centennial Exhibition. But since then achievements

in steam have dwarfed even the great work of Corliss. And to do a kind

of herculean task that was hardly dreamed of in 1876 another type of

engine has made its entrance: the steam turbine, which sends its awful

energy, transformed into electric current, to light a million lamps or

to turn ten thousand wheels on distant streets and highways.

The Age of Invention: A Chronicle of Mechanical Conquest · 第 3 / 10 章