1633-1637
Conquests in Lorraine--The return of Monsieur--The fate of
Puylaurens--France involved in the Thirty Years’ War--Last adventures
of the Duc de Rohan--Defeat, invasion, and panic--The turn of the
tide--Narrow escape of the Cardinal--The flight of the Princes.
From the year 1630, Richelieu had employed historians and antiquaries
in hunting up documents to justify his plans for the greater glory
of France. Amazing were the pretensions that these learned persons
encouraged him to make for his King. According to them, Louis XIII.
might claim sovereign rights over England, Spain, Milan, Naples, and
Sicily, not to mention Flanders, Artois, Franche-Comté, Lorraine,
and other frontier provinces. How far Richelieu’s dreams of conquest
really extended, it is difficult to say. But the year 1633 found him
resolved at least, in his own words, to “re-establish the monarchy in
its original greatness” by asserting “the ancient rights of the Crown”;
and Duke Charles of Lorraine soon gave him his desired opportunity of
annexing a large part of the old Austrasian province.
Relying on imperial support and on his sister’s marriage with the
heir-presumptive of France, the Duke had broken treaties and had
neglected to pay homage for his French fief, the duchy of Bar. In the
summer of 1633 the Parliament of Paris was directed by Richelieu to
declare that duchy confiscated to France. In August a French army, led
by the King and the Cardinal, marched once more upon the frontier of
Lorraine.
The Duke tried to gain time, hoping for the help of a Spanish army
under the Duke of Feria, which was advancing from Italy. He sent his
brother, Cardinal Nicolas-François, to negotiate with the French,
offering not only to consent to the dissolution of his sister’s
marriage, but that the Cardinal, who had taken only minor orders,
should ally himself with Richelieu by marrying Madame de Combalet. This
proposal was coolly put aside by Richelieu, who observed that he had
not advised the King to enter Lorraine with a powerful army for his
private family ends. He insisted that Nancy, the capital, with Princess
Marguerite in person, should be placed in the King’s hands as a pledge
of submission.
As to his sister, Duke Charles was willing enough, being painfully
aware that the alliance with Gaston was a mistake which might ruin him;
but he would not consent to surrender his capital, protesting, with
oaths, that he would rather burn it down. Nevertheless, the city did
not stand a long siege; but when Louis XIII. and Richelieu made their
entry, their promised captive had escaped. By the help of her brother
the Cardinal, and with great spirit and courage on her own part, Madame
Marguerite had slipped out of Nancy at the beginning of the blockade,
and in a page’s disguise had joined her husband at Brussels. There she
was formally received as Duchess of Orléans by the Queen-mother and the
Infanta, and the marriage was confirmed by the Archbishop of Malines.
Richelieu was not altogether displeased. Well convinced of his power
to separate Monsieur from his new wife as soon as the Prince himself
should return to France and his duty, he was not sorry to have an
honourable excuse for going to extremes with the Duke of Lorraine.
No hostage, no capital. Duke Charles was helpless; his sister was no
longer in his hands; his Spanish allies, checked on their way by a
Protestant army, failed to come to his aid. He had to see a parliament
established in Metz and almost the whole of his province garrisoned by
French troops. When the King returned to Paris the lilies of France
were flying over Lorraine. Town after town submitted, fortress after
fortress. In January 1634 Charles abdicated for the time in favour of
his brother the Cardinal, and with the small remains of his army took
service under the Emperor.
Then Cardinal de Richelieu bent all his energies to forcing on
Gaston’s return to France and reconciliation with his brother. He
regarded this as a necessity of State, and he was equally resolved
that the Queen-mother, who had made some overtures on her own account,
should never again set foot in France. Both Marie and Gaston, while
quarrelling between themselves, played the Minister’s game by their own
foolishness. A murderer, caught at Metz, was suspected with reason of
being sent from Brussels by Chanteloube, Marie’s unwise counsellor, to
attempt the life of Richelieu: he lost his own. The same fate befell
others, in Lorraine and elsewhere, charged with the same designs; and
while this secret campaign went on, Gaston and his favourite Puylaurens
made an independent treaty with Spain, promising to invade France with
a foreign army to be supplied by the Imperial generals in the Low
Countries.
Well served by spies, Richelieu knew all this. He replied to Monsieur’s
treason by representing to the King that such a prince, who could
promise French fortresses to the enemy, was not fit to wear the crown;
and with a bold decision before which, at such a crisis, not even the
hereditary monarchy was sacred, he proposed a league of nobles and
princes of the blood who should pledge themselves, in case of Louis’
death, against the unconditional succession of his brother. France
after all, in the eyes of Richelieu, was greater than her kings.
By the autumn of 1634 Puylaurens and his master knew that they had
made a huge mistake in allying themselves with Spain. No troops were
forthcoming, and it began to be evident that the prospect was not one
of triumph and revenge, but of ruin and perpetual exile. All through
September M. de Puylaurens was negotiating secretly with Cardinal de
Richelieu, promising for Monsieur, among other things, the renunciation
of his marriage, and also making a good bargain for himself.
Gaston left Brussels one day in October, and galloped hard to the
frontier. He had been an exile for two years, and was enchanted to
see France again. His little daughter, Mademoiselle, now seven years
old, met him at Limours, and flew joyfully into the arms of a gay and
fascinating father.
As to Madame, left behind in Flanders, her marriage was solemnly
declared null and void by an assembly of French clergy, as having
been contracted against the civil law. In this decision, however, the
clergy acted on Gallican lines, independently of the Pope, who was of
a different opinion; and although, after long resistance, Monsieur
formally submitted, he had protected himself in advance by a letter
to Urban VIII. refusing to be bound by any extorted promise. The
consequence was, that Richelieu’s apparent triumph in this affair of
the Lorraine marriage only lasted his life. Gaston and Marguerite
remained faithful to each other; and the stiff Madame who reigned in
after years at Blois and at the Luxembourg was the same Princess,
the heroine, in her adventurous girlhood, of a secret marriage and a
romantic escape.
It was that private letter of Gaston’s to the Pope which brought about
the ruin of the unlucky Puylaurens. He had gained high favour with
Richelieu, who had purchased his faithful service, as he thought, by
making him a duke and a peer of France and by marrying him to his own
first cousin, Mademoiselle Philippe de Pontchâteau, younger daughter
of his aunt, Louise du Plessis, his father’s sister. The marriage took
place in Paris at the end of November 1634, and on the same day the
Duc de la Valette, son of the Duc d’Épernon and widower of Henry IV.’s
daughter, Mademoiselle de Verneuil, was married to the elder sister,
Marie de Pontchâteau, and the Comte, afterwards Maréchal, de Guiche
to another cousin, Mademoiselle du Plessis de Chivray. The Cardinal
celebrated the triple wedding by a magnificent fête. At this time the
first nobles in France found it politic to quarrel for the honour of
his alliance, and it was matter of general talk in society that he
meant to marry Monsieur to Madame de Combalet, the Lorraine marriage
being set aside. This report even reached the ears of Monsieur’s little
daughter, and filled her with just indignation.
A few weeks after the wedding the Cardinal’s spies brought him not only
the secret, well kept by Puylaurens, of Monsieur’s letter to Rome, but
proofs of a fresh treasonable correspondence carried on by the new
Duke with Spain. Swiftly fell Richelieu’s vengeance. Puylaurens, with
several of his friends, was arrested at the Louvre on February 14, and
carried off by royal order to Vincennes. The entreaties of Monsieur,
newly reconciled at Court, delayed his trial, but he died after four
months of prison. “His good fortune,” says Richelieu, “withdrew him
from this world, and saved him from the infamy of a shameful death,
which he could not have escaped.”
Whether the fatal atmosphere of the dungeons of Vincennes was assisted
by poison of a more active kind, will never be known. That suspicion
hung about the deaths of many of the Cardinal’s prisoners. Richelieu
consoled the young widow of Puylaurens by marrying her to the Comte
d’Harcourt, of the House of Lorraine, younger brother of the Duc
d’Elbeuf, a queer personage, but a fine soldier. He had fought a
successful duel with Bouteville, in itself a distinction. He proved
himself worthy of the Cardinal’s favour by serving His Eminence
faithfully for the rest of his life.
But for Richelieu, the Thirty Years’ War might have ended with the
death of Wallenstein and the imperial victories which followed it. Even
the Protestant princes of Germany were ready for a compromise with the
Emperor. But Richelieu had no intention of accepting a general peace
which would leave his Swedish friends weak and dissatisfied, his own
conquests incomplete, Spain and Austria easily predominant in Italy
and the Low Countries. He resolved that France, as an ally of Sweden,
Holland, and the German Protestants, should now take an active part in
the war, and he prepared for the actual declaration by a treaty with
the Dutch for the partition of the Spanish Netherlands, to be followed
by one with the Dukes of Savoy, Parma, and Mantua, for the conquest
and division of the Milanese.
In May 1635, after some military provocation on the part of Spain,
Louis XIII. sent his herald-at-arms to Brussels--a noble Gascon, Jean
Gratiollet, Captain of Abbeville--and solemnly declared war against
his brother-in-law, Philip IV., while publicly inviting the Low
Countries to rebel against Spain. “Europe was amazed,” says a modern
French writer, “to see Richelieu suddenly take up arms for those same
Huguenots whom he had crushed with such good will at La Rochelle.”
Europe was amazed: and what of the French nation, flung unconsulted
into the struggle with Catholic Europe which might easily have become
a fight for its own existence? The three Estates of the realm had each
its own separate point of view. The princes and nobles loved war; but
the majority, Catholic and hating Richelieu, were rebels at heart.
However, each man had his orders: content or malcontent, each governor
found himself dispatched to his own province, each commander to his
post, while generals dashed hither and thither in pursuit of armies
which had to be hired, recruited, disciplined, poured in half-a-dozen
directions over the frontier--Germany, Flanders, Lorraine, Switzerland,
Italy. Richelieu, the directing brain, at this moment of high energy,
moved the members even against their will.
To most of the clergy, again, the war was of the nature of sacrilege;
and still more so, later on, the demand of an enormous payment of
arrears for lands held under the Crown, which had been suffered to go
free for nearly a hundred years. But at a time when the taxes of France
had rolled up to more than a hundred million francs a year, a gigantic
and as yet unheard-of sum, Richelieu could no longer grant the clergy
the privilege of paying no tax but their prayers, which he had himself
claimed for them at the States-General of 1613.
“The people give their goods, the nobles their blood, the clergy their
prayers.” As ever, the patience of the most heavily taxed seemed
almost inexhaustible; and it was not till France was deeply engaged
in the war, her middle class and her peasantry crushed by Richelieu’s
intendants and financiers under burdens every week more enormous,
that in the south and the north populations made some effort to
save themselves; made it by rioting, their only resource, and found
themselves--_Croquants_ in Guienne, _Va-nu-pieds_ in Normandy--in a
last state worse than the first.
In spite of all these discontents there were ways in which Frenchmen
now realized the national unity which was Richelieu’s dream. The
famous leader, Duke Henry de Rohan, was again in arms, not now as a
Huguenot chief, but commanding an army against the Duke of Lorraine,
fighting for his duchy with imperial troops behind him. In the spring
of 1635, it was to Rohan that Richelieu committed the task of preparing
for his designs on Milan by a new occupation of the Valtelline, thus
once more playing the old game of blocking the chief military road
between Austria and Spain. All went well at first, the Duke proving
himself a loyal subject and a good general. The cause that finally
discomfited him and drove him at last to throw up his command and to
retire to Geneva was the failure of Richelieu’s government to pay a
promised indemnity to the Grisons, rightful possessors of the valley,
who after two years’ French occupation, secretly encouraged by Spain,
rebelled suddenly against Rohan and insisted on the evacuation of their
territory. Blamed by Richelieu for a failure which was no fault of
his, and broken by severe illness, the Huguenot hero was still ready
to bear arms for France. In the spring of 1638 he volunteered to serve
under Duke Bernard of Saxe-Weimar--the great soldier who, if actually
fighting for his own hand, nevertheless gave Alsace to France--and died
of his wounds after the siege of Rheinfeld, having lived long enough to
know with what swift brilliance Bernard had turned defeat into victory.
For many months, as readers of history know, the fortune of war went
against Richelieu. The ravages of the French and the Dutch armies
in the Netherlands, under the Prince of Orange and the Marshals de
Châtillon and de Brézé, did not incline the population to change
masters. In Germany, one town after another fell into imperialist
hands, and it was only with difficulty that the French held their own
in Lorraine. The invasion of the Milanese failed; and later on the
deaths of the Dukes of Savoy and of Mantua deprived France of two
important allies.
The French fleet, though making a fine show for those days--forty-seven
men-of-war--wasted its strength in vainly flourishing about the coast;
and owing to the quarrels of its commanders, the Comte d’Harcourt and
the Archbishop of Bordeaux, with M. de Vitry, governor of Provence--the
slayer of Concini--did not for a long time succeed in even recovering
the Isles of Lérins, seized by Spain at the opening of the war.
And then, in July 1636, a terrible disaster threatened France. Imperial
troops crossed the frontier, and had taken two strong places in
Picardy, La Capelle and Le Catelet, before the French commanders were
ready to oppose them. Imperial cavalry crossed the Somme and advanced
to the Oise, the Comte de Soissons retreating before them, and spread a
very natural terror throughout the country. They were mostly Croats and
Hungarians, fierce and savage men, whose road was marked by robbery,
fire, and slaughter. Their leader was the Bavarian, John of Werth, a
name of fear in the campaigns of his day.
Paris was in a state of terror and fury. The black shadows of the
streets, in the sweltering heat of late July and early August, were
loud with raging men and women, whose voices taught the Cardinal-Duc
his unpopularity. Paris was ill fortified, ill defended, and part of
her strong old walls had been destroyed by him for the sake of his
Palais-Cardinal. They cried against him because of that; because of
his ingratitude to the Queen-mother, his failure, so far, in the war
he had undertaken, his alliance with heretics. And Richelieu knew that
their fear, if not their hatred, was too well justified. The Comte de
Soissons, whose army, camping in the forests and holding the fords of
the Oise, protected Paris, was not above suspicion as to his loyalty;
the Duc de Chaulnes, governor of Picardy, was lazy and negligent;
money and men were lacking for the defence of a divided, discontented,
panic-stricken country.
The first news of the invasion found the King and the Cardinal absent
from Paris as usual in the heat of summer. They returned at once to the
stifling, frantic city.
Then “the great Armand” showed the stuff he was made of. “Remember, I
pray you,” he wrote to the Comte de Soissons, “on such occasions as
these, moments are worth years.” Paris being always and before all
things a Catholic city, he appealed to her religion. All the bishops
in the kingdom were commanded to hold processions within and without
their cathedrals, with the special devotions of the Forty Hours. From
every church in Paris and in the whole of France, with every chapel of
convent or monastery, the bells clanged out, calling the faithful to
pray for their country. In his own person, the Cardinal vowed to the
Paris convent of the Filles du Calvaire, in the Marais, Père Joseph’s
favourite foundation, a large sum of money and a silver lamp to burn
perpetually before Our Lady’s altar.
Whatever his own personal faith may have been, he knew the spiritual
needs of the people. That he did not fear their angry voices he proved
by driving alone, “at a foot’s pace, without suite and without guards,”
through the wild crowds in the streets, from the Palais-Cardinal to
the Hôtel de Ville, bearing the royal order that the city trades and
companies should assemble for the purpose of giving their help to the
King. His courage triumphed. The people, says Montglat, “dared not say
a word to him.”
Royal decrees followed thick and fast; their succession was like
the sending round of the Fiery Cross, summoning men to serve their
country. Those Parisians who had planned to escape John of Werth
and his pillaging horde by flying with all their movable goods to
Orléans or some other city of the west, found the gates of Paris
shut against them. All privileges and exemptions were abolished in
the city. All men capable of bearing arms were ordered to present
themselves for enrolment, either at the Hôtel de Ville, where the old
Maréchal de la Force sat on the steps to receive them, or mounted and
armed at Saint-Denis. All the workshops of Paris were closed; all
building stopped; no master of a trade, excepting bakers, butchers,
armourers, gun-makers, saddlers, and the like, might keep more than one
apprentice; the rest, with masons, stone-cutters, carpenters, artisans
of every sort, must serve the King. From each owner of a coach, a horse
was demanded; and every house in Paris was expected to furnish a man
with belt and sword. The peasants of the surrounding villages were set
to work on new fortifications at Saint-Denis.
A day sufficed to change terror into enthusiasm. On August 5
representatives of all the trade guilds and syndicates were received
by Louis XIII. in the great gallery of the Louvre, “and offered him
their persons and their goods with so great gaiety and affection, that
most of them embraced and kissed his knees.” Louis rose to the occasion
and kissed them all, not excepting the chief of the cobblers, whose
guild made the noble gift of 5,000 francs. The Parliament--not without
grudging conditions--the municipality, the colleges, monasteries, and
other bodies, poured money at the King’s feet: there was enough to pay
and keep, for three months at least, twelve thousand foot and three
thousand horse.
In the meanwhile, the news that the enemy had taken Corbie on the
Somme, thus drawing alarmingly near to Amiens, on the direct road to
Paris, fanned the flame so fiercely that “tout le jeune bourgeois,”
says Montglat, “à toute force, vouloit aller à la guerre.” Not many
days later, the King and the Cardinal advanced to Amiens, and a strong
army, commanded by Monsieur and the Comte de Soissons, held the enemy
in effectual check along the banks of the Somme. By the middle of
September, all the actual danger of invasion was past, though the
Imperialists still held Corbie. John of Werth and his merry men, loaded
with booty, had galloped back across the frontier of Artois.
Corbie was not retaken till November, but the Cardinal Infant, his
aunt’s successor as ruler of the Netherlands, with the other Spanish
and Imperialist generals, discouraged by the advance of the French
army, had already withdrawn from French territory; and it seemed,
as the autumn advanced, as if the fortune of war was changing in
Richelieu’s favour. The enemy was repulsed everywhere: in Burgundy,
by Weimar, Condé, and the Cardinal de la Valette; on the Spanish
frontier, where St. Jean de Luz was taken, but further advance was
resisted by the old Duc d’Épernon and the Comte de Grammont, governors
of Guyenne and of Béarn; on the Morbihan coast, where a Spanish force,
disembarking near Vannes, attacked the Abbey of Prières. The sturdy
monks defended themselves so gallantly that the country-side had time
to rise against the invaders, who fled back in disorder to their ships.
At this moment of danger, the two young men whom Richelieu had
called to the command of the King’s armies were busily plotting his
destruction. To them and their like the death of the Minister and the
anarchy that must follow were not only desirable for their own ends,
but the best medicines for the ills of France.
Monsieur and the Comte de Soissons were seldom friends, except when
they joined hands against Richelieu, and it happened that at this time
each was nursing special grievances: Monsieur, as to his forbidden
marriage and the death of Puylaurens; Soissons, because the Cardinal
had dared to offer him his niece in marriage, had refused him the
command of the army in Alsace, and more recently had shown distrust
by setting Monsieur over him as Commander-in-Chief of the army on the
Oise. There were not wanting faithful friends who pointed out to both
princes that now was the moment to revenge themselves. The army was
theirs; the Cardinal was at Amiens; the King, staying at the Château de
Demuin, a few miles away, rode constantly into the city to hold council
with his Ministers. It was natural that the princes in command of the
army should attend the council. The rest was easily thought out, with
the help of M. de Montrésor, a follower of Monsieur, M. de Saint-Ibal,
in M. le Comte’s confidence, and two “solid men,” Varicarville and
Bardouville. These six conspirators fixed a day on which the Cardinal
should be stabbed to death after the King had left the council.
All went well for their purpose. On the appointed day, “the council
being ended, the King went away with all his guards, and the Cardinal
remained alone in the courtyard with Monsieur and the Comte de
Soissons. Immediately,” writes the Marquis de Montglat, “Varicarville,
who knew the secret, stationed himself behind the Cardinal, expecting
the signal which Monsieur was to give, while Saint-Ibal and Bardouville
took their stand, one on the right, the other on the left. But instead
of commanding that the projected deed should be done, Monsieur, seized
with fear, remounted the staircase without a word; while Montrésor,
surprised at the change, followed him, telling him that his enemy was
in his power, and that he had only to speak.”
It was not the first time that Richelieu had owed his life to Gaston’s
temperament. So _éperdu_ was the Prince, so utterly had his nerve
failed him, that he could only mutter something about “another time,”
and escaped as quickly as possible, leaving the Comte de Soissons,
“dans la dernière confusion,” face to face with Richelieu. Unaware of
his danger, and the King’s brother having disappeared, the Cardinal
bade his other enemy farewell and retired to his lodging. The
fingers of Saint-Ibal, Varicarville, Bardouville, relaxed on their
dagger-hilts, and one may imagine that these three gentlemen stared
rather blankly on each other as their doomed victim walked away.
When the story became known, which was not immediately, many persons
blamed the Comte de Soissons that he had not made up for Monsieur’s
weakness by finishing the affair. “He excused himself,” says Montglat,
“by the respect he owed Monsieur, so that he dared undertake nothing
in his presence without his command.” He was too wise to act alone in
such a matter: the position of Gaston’s cat’s-paw, to be disclaimed and
forsaken and left to the King’s justice, was not attractive. The army
might rally round the heir to the throne in sudden rebellion; the Comte
de Soissons was not equally secure.
Three days later there was another chance, for Richelieu visited the
camp; but he was attended by his own guards, and the assassination was
“judged impossible.” On this occasion a whisper of the plot reached his
ears, and with his usual fearlessness he spoke of it to the Comte de
Soissons, haughtily reprimanding him.
The princes were frightened, for their plots had gone beyond the
death of Richelieu. They had disloyally done their best to delay the
relief of Corbie; they had attempted to draw the Duc d’Épernon into
the project of a rising, already favoured by the Duc de Bouillon
and others, the object of which was to lay hold on the government,
to reinstate the Queen-mother, and to make peace with Spain. They
failed; the various successes of the autumn were against them; the Duc
d’Épernon, though two of his sons were on their side, refused to listen
to them. After the re-taking of Corbie, having returned from the army
to Paris, they were seized with a great fear of the Cardinal. He was
certain to know all; he was of a temper that never forgave; the Court,
they felt assured, was not a safe place for them. They took counsel
with each other and resolved to fly, at once, on a dark November night,
while Paris was singing and rejoicing over the good news of victory.
Both princes, before leaving Paris, paid a separate visit to the
Tuileries. There, under the care of M. de Montglat’s mother, Madame de
Saint-Georges, lived Mademoiselle de Montpensier, Gaston’s daughter,
now nine years old, a person of decided character, and one of
Richelieu’s most hearty haters. The Comte de Soissons paid great court
to this little lady, the richest heiress in France if not in Europe.
Though four years older than her father and twenty-three years older
than herself, and having failed ten years earlier to run away with her
mother, he proposed to marry her, and Gaston was ready to consent. This
plan was one of the links that now united them. Mademoiselle herself
liked Monsieur le Comte, and accepted his compliments and sugar-plums
with satisfaction: but at this time she did not understand his object.
It is doubtful if the royal consent would ever have been given to this
marriage. But a curious little passage in the Cardinal’s own _Memoirs_
shows how keenly he noticed every detail in the lives of the princes,
and on what slight if sure grounds he accused them of conspiracy.
“The next day at evening, which was the night of the 19th to the 20th,
Monsieur and he (M. le Comte) left Paris; and that it was plotted
between them is shown by this: Monsieur having arrived in Paris, and
visiting Mademoiselle his daughter, Madame de Saint-Georges told him
that M. le Comte had but just gone out. He leaned his head against
a chimney-piece, remained long thoughtful, then said, and repeated
several times, ‘What! Monsieur le Comte is here? What! He has not gone
to Champagne!’ Which showed plainly that there was a plot between them.”
Disguised and almost alone, the princes retired in different
directions: Monsieur to his castle of Blois, the Comte de Soissons
to neutral ground at Sedan, held by its sovereigns of the House of
Bouillon for more than a hundred years. From these retreats they sent
their demands and remonstrances to Louis XIII., while on the other hand
they corresponded with the Queen-mother and with Spain.
Richelieu seems to have treated the discontents of the Comte de
Soissons with some scorn. He allowed negotiations with him to drag on
for some months, and then advised the King not only to forgive him, but
to allow him to remain four years at Sedan unless he chose to return to
the Court: a leniency for which the Cardinal has been blamed; dangerous
to the State and fatal to Soissons himself.
As to Monsieur, a mixture of threats and entreaties, the advance of
royal troops to Orléans, the clever management of M. de Chavigny, the
Cardinal’s most trusted agent, soon brought about a change in his
weathercock mind. He met the King at Orléans in February 1637, “with
many demonstrations of friendship.” Indeed, “dissimulation went so far,
that there appeared to be a sincere reconciliation between Monsieur and
the Cardinal.”