CHAPTER III

LA CITTÀ MORTA

Pompeii can never be visited without the same haunting conviction, the

same oppressive thought: how terribly difficult it is to understand the

City of the Dead which holds in so small a space the whole secret of the

antique world! There are far more grandiose and impressive ruins to be

seen in Rome; the city of Timgad in Northern Africa is more complete as a

specimen of a Roman settlement than the half-excavated town near Vesuvius;

yet here, and here only, can the men of the past stretch hands, as it

were, across the barrier of eighteen intervening centuries to the dweller

of to-day, and the dead-and-gone spirits of a highly organized

civilization can whisper into the living ears of the twentieth century.

For Pompeii will speak to us, if we will take the trouble to learn the

tongue in which alone she can convey the secret of her story. It is

needless to say that this language is not obtainable by one or two cursory

visits to the Naples Museum, and a few hurried half-hours given to the

contents of the guide-book; no, the language of Pompeii, which constitutes

the key of access to the hidden chambers of the Roman world, can only be

acquired with much expenditure of precious time and with infinite trouble.

But “life is short and time is fleeting,” and our bustling age expects to

seize its required knowledge in the twinkling of an eye; well, in that

case the story of Pompeii must remain a sealed volume to the traveller,

who is conveyed to the City of the Dead in a train crammed with

fellow-tourists; who eats a heavy unwholesome luncheon to the sound of

mandoline-players twanging sprightly Neapolitan airs; and who is finally

piloted round the sacred area by a chattering guide in the oppressive heat

and glare of a sunny afternoon. Fatigued in mind and body, such an one

will sink with ill-concealed relief upon the dusty velvet cushions of the

returning train, thoroughly disappointed in the vaunted marvels of

Pompeii, which his imagination had led him to expect. A vague impression

of low broken walls, of narrow—to his eyes absurdly narrow—streets, of

broken columns and of peeling frescoes fills his tired brain, as he is

borne back to his hotel in Naples. But this disenchantment is his own

fault, for no one who sets foot within the Sea Gate of the buried city in

the proper spirit of knowledge and appreciation can possibly fail to enjoy

the privilege which has thus been afforded him—

“to stand within the City Disinterred;

And hear the autumnal leaves like light footfalls

Of spirits passing through the streets; and hear

The Mountain’s slumberous voice at intervals

Thrill through those roofless halls.”

Before passing through the Porta Marina into the purlieus of the city, let

us first of all instil into our minds the essential difference that exists

between the ruins of Pompeii and the historic fragments of Rome or Athens.

When we gaze upon the well-known sites of the vanished glories of the

Palatine or the Acropolis, we experience no effort in looking backward

through the vista of the past and in conjuring up some vague

representation of the scenes that were once enacted in these places; the

more imaginative feel the very air vibrating with the unseen spirits of

men and women famous in the world’s history. He must be indeed a

Philistine or a dullard who cannot contrive to arouse a passing exaltation

at the thought of treading in the footsteps of Cicero and the Caesars in

Rome, of Pericles and Socrates in Athens, for the very soil of the Forum

and the stones of the citadel of Pallas seem impregnated with the very

essence of history. But this is far from being the case at Pompeii, where

long careful study of details and a grasp of hard facts are really of more

avail than a poetic imagination in reclothing with flesh the dry bones of

the past, for the importance of the Campanian city is almost purely

social. The _names_ of many of its prominent citizens are certainly

familiar to us from inscriptions found, yet who were these persons that we

should take so deep an interest in their lives and fates? Who were Pansa

the ædile, Eumachia the priestess, Caecilius Jucundus, Aulus Vettius and

Epidius Rufus, and a score of other Pompeian worthies? The answer is, they

were officials or simple dwellers in a flourishing provincial town; they

had no especial literary or public reputation; their names were probably

little known beyond the walls of their own city. Imagine an English

country town, such as Exeter or Shrewsbury, suddenly overwhelmed by some

unforeseen freak of Nature and afterwards embalmed in the manner of

Pompeii as a curiosity for the edification of future ages. To what extent,

we ask, would the discovery of a place of this size and population supply

the existing dweller with a complete impression of our national life and

civilization in the opening years of the twentieth century? The reply will

be that it would give a very good idea of the average provincial town, but

that it would hardly serve as a fair criterion to judge of the life

pursued in the capital, or in the really large cities. Such a comparison

will afford us a certain clue to the unveiling of the mysteries of

Pompeii.

For the city at the mouth of the Sarno was an ancient Campanian

settlement, founded long before the days wherein Greek adventurers beached

their triremes on the shores of the Siren. It was a native community of

Oscans, deriving its name from the Oscan word _pompe_ (five), and, unlike

Paestum, it appears to have retained its original appellation under all

its successive masters. Its primitive inhabitants seem to have

intermingled with their Hellenic victors, and to have grown civilized by

intercourse with them. Temples of heavy Doric architecture were raised;

walls and watch-towers were built; and by the time the city fell into the

hands of the encroaching Romans, it had become a flourishing place with

some twenty to thirty thousand inhabitants, owing its prosperity to its

excellent situation at the mouth of the river, which made Pompeii a

convenient port to serve the rich district of Campania that lies eastward

of Vesuvius. Nuceria (the modern Nocera) and the larger city of Nola were

both dependent on it, for the Sarno was in those days navigable, so that

ships bringing Egyptian corn and Eastern merchandise frequently left the

Pompeian harbour and sailed up stream to unload their cargoes at these

cities. Let us picture then to ourselves a compact town, an irregular oval

in form, surrounded by walls pierced by eight gates and embellished with

twelve towers; its eastern extremity towards Nocera containing the

Amphitheatre, and its most westerly point marked by the Herculaneum gate

leading to the Street of Tombs. Southward, we must imagine the sea much

closer to its walls than at the present day, for the alluvial deposits

have in the course of nearly two thousand years added many acres of solid

ground to the shores of the Bay. Behind the city to the north rose the

mountain side, not seared with the traces of lava as in these days, nor

surmounted by a smoking cone, but radiant with vineyards and gardens which

extended unbroken up to the very rim of the ancient crater. Amidst the

greenery of the luxuriant slopes peeped forth innumerable farms and villas

of wealthy Romans, for this exquisite spot had long become an abode of

cultured leisure. Within the closely packed streets of the town itself

there were to be found few open spaces except the Forum, and perhaps a

small park in front of the amphitheatre, for the place was prosperous,

though not wealthy, and its chief citizens were forced to remain content

with the tiny gardens enclosed within the walls of their own dwellings.

Internally Pompeii presented, like many another Roman town, marks of its

six hundred years of existence. There was at least one perfect Doric

temple; there were Oscan-Grecian buildings, notably the so-called “House

of the Surgeon,” with its air of old-fashioned simplicity; there were

houses of the Republican period; there were numberless dwellings of the

Imperial era; there were unfinished structures that were being completed

at the time of the city’s overthrow. For, sixteen years before Vesuvius

suddenly awoke from its long sleep, the neighbourhood had been visited by

the severe earthquake shock of 63, and the effects produced by this

disaster had not nearly been effaced, when the great event of 79

transformed the town into a huge museum for the delight and instruction of

future generations. Pompeii therefore preserves the marks of more than

half a thousand years of civilization, so that those who will take the

necessary trouble can trace within its area the gradual progress of its

social and political life from the far-off days of Greeks and Oscans to

the reign of the Emperor Titus. The case of a ruined Exeter or Shrewsbury

could not be widely different. The students of ensuing ages would be able

to find in the dead town one or two churches of Norman or Plantagenet

times; portions of medieval city walls and gateways, perhaps even some

undoubted traces of Roman baths or fortifications; some few public

buildings erected under Tudor or Stuart sovereigns; a large number of the

plain roomy mansions of the Georgian period; and, last of all, a

preponderating quantity of nineteenth century structures of every

description—churches, warehouses, factories, inns, barracks, shops,

dwelling-houses. Many would be the inscriptions and monuments we should

find in such a town, alluding to private and public persons utterly

unknown to English history, but more or less noteworthy in local annals:

grandees of civic life, soldiers, philanthropists, clergymen, _et hoc

genus omne_. Future generations of scholars would doubtless strive eagerly

to obtain details of the careers of these provincial worthies, who filled

municipal offices in the reigns of Queen Victoria and King Edward, in

order to throw more light upon the period wherein they flourished. Let us

apply then the same principles to the study of Pompeii _mutatis mutandis_,

for in our quest of better knowledge of the old Roman life we fix

anxiously upon every detail concerning the leading personages of the dead

city. Nevertheless, it is its existence in the aggregate that proves of

surpassing interest to us; we desire to learn of the daily tasks and

occupations of the mass of its population, rather than to become

acquainted with the private histories of its leading individuals; we study

the former, in fact, only as a means to a definite end. We cry for

information, which to a certain extent we can secure, as to how an average

Roman city was administered, provisioned, drained; how its inhabitants

passed their time both in leisure and in business; how they amused

themselves in their homes and in the theatre; what they ate and what they

drank—the endless trifles of human life, in short, which like the

_tesseræ_, the tiny cubes of their own mosaic pavements, go to make up a

complete picture out of a thousand fragments. Not a few of the cubes in

this case are missing, it is true, nor are they ever likely to be found;

nevertheless, we own an abundant supply wherewith we can piece together a

tolerably accurate picture of the life of a Roman provincial city during

the first century of the Christian era.

It is of course quite outside our province to attempt any detailed account

of the wonders of Pompeii. The reader who desires full information must

turn to the elaborate works of Mau and Helbig, of Gell and Overbeck, to

say nothing of the descriptive pages, full of condensed knowledge,

contained in Murray’s and Baedeker’s guide-books in order to obtain a

clear impression of all he wishes to inspect. We can but dwell on a point

here and there, and even then but lightly and superficially, for any

endeavour on our part to add to the statements and theories of the great

archaeologists already cited would be indeed a matter of supererogation

and presumption.

Entering then by the Marine Gate, and pursuing our course eastwards along

the lines of naked broken house-fronts, we reach the great rectangular

space of the Forum. Here at its southern extremity let us select a shady

corner, for the sun beats down fiercely upon the bare ruins at every

season of the year, and even on a winter’s afternoon the air often

shimmers with the heat haze, so that in no place on earth is the use of an

umbrella so necessary or desirable as at Pompeii.

What an ideal spot for the founding of a city! That is our first

impression, as we glance across the broad sunlit enclosure on to the

empurpled slopes of Vesuvius rising grandly above the broken columns of

the great temple of the Capitoline Jove; behind us, we know, is the azure

Bay with Capri and the Sorrentine cape lying on its unruffled bosom, so

that we stand between sea and mountain to north and south, whilst we have

the luxuriant slopes of Vesuvius to westward, and to the east the rich

valley of the Sarno, thickly dotted with groves and hamlets. One element

alone is wanting in the glorious scene before us—Life; it will be our duty

and pleasure to re-invest as far as possible this empty space before us

with the semblance of the busy crowds that once flitted in and out of its

colonnades and porticoes; to rebuild in imagination its shapeless ruins,

so that we may obtain a fleeting picture of the Pompeian Forum in early

Imperial days.

[Illustration: THE FORUM, POMPEII]

Conceive, then, in front of us, instead of this long bare stretch flanked

by broken walls and strewn with shapeless fragments of brick and stone, an

immense double arcade, two stories in height, affording ample protection

against sun or rain and enclosing an oblong pavement whereon are set

numerous statues of emperors or private citizens, occupying lofty

positions of honour above the heads of the surging throng below. Imagine

that group of shattered pillars, which obstructs our full view of the

distant cone of Vesuvius, transformed into an imposing temple, covered

with polychrome decoration, not in the best of taste according to our

modern ideas of art, but gorgeous and cheerful in the clear atmosphere of

the south. Rebuild, in the mind’s eye, the Basilica and the temple of

Apollo on the left, and straight before us, as we look forward from our

coign of vantage at the narrow southern end of the colonnade, let us plant

the three dominant statues of Augustus, Claudius and Agrippina to form our

foreground. If we can construct by stress of fancy some such setting of

classical architecture, gay with primary colours and gilding and graceful

in design, it is easier to people the Pompeian Forum with the masses of

humanity that once mingled here. For we have the knowledge of modern

Italian life to guide us to a certain extent; we have seen the swarms of

citizens who to-day fill the main piazzas of the towns, especially those

of the provincial type, where the morning market is held and the chief

cafés and shops are situated. But if the general use of the piazza is

characteristic of the modern second-class Italian city, this concentration

of life was far more marked in the ancient Roman town, wherein the Forum

must have appeared as the very heart of the whole body social and politic.

Roman city life indeed displayed two strongly antagonistic phases:—the

utmost privacy in the home, the most public exhibition in the Forum, where

every trade and form of business were carried on in the open air, and

whither pursuit of gain, or pleasure, or religious duty led all the

citizens to direct their steps. For, as we have already shown, almost all

the public life of the place was concentrated within this space and its

surroundings; temples, markets, shops, law courts, municipal offices, all

abutted on the Forum; it was not merely the chief, but the only place that

drew together the daily crowd, bent alike on business or amusement. No

chariots were permitted to cross the area sacred to the claims of

money-making, of gossip, and of worship; so that we must picture to

ourselves a great mass of people undisturbed by the passing of vehicles,

or by the shouts and whip-crackings of the noisy charioteers—was ever such

a thing as a quiet Italian coachman, ancient or modern, we digress to

wonder! All was orderly and decorous when compared with the quarrelling,

screaming groups of citizens that block the congested streets of modern

Naples. Happily for us various paintings of the Forum of Pompeii have been

discovered, and these are naturally of immense value in helping us to a

proper understanding of the habits and methods of the people, and of the

general appearance of the Forum itself during its busiest hours. The

costumes of men, women and children; the articles of clothing and of food

ready for sale; the little knots of loiterers or gossips; the citizens

intent on reading the municipal notices that are herein portrayed, all

combine to present us with an authentic picture of Pompeian and therefore

of Roman civic life. “There is nothing new under the sun,” grumbled the

Preacher many centuries before the city under Vesuvius had reached its

zenith of civilization, and it must be confessed that the general

impression conveyed after studying the contemporary pictures of antique

life does not differ very widely from that which we obtain by observing

present Italian conditions. For the frescoes in the Naples Museum and in

certain of the Pompeian houses seem to recall strongly the scenes of the

piazza, where all the elements of society, irrespective of rank or

station, are still wont to congregate. Differences of dress, of manner, of

custom are doubtless evident enough, yet somehow we perceive an essential

sameness in these two representations of classical and modern Italy.

Nevertheless, these simple and often rude wall-paintings furnish us with

many pieces of information that we search for in vain amidst the ancient

authors, who naturally considered the commonplace everyday scenes of life

beneath the notice of contemporary record. We are enabled to learn, for

instance, how the citizens were usually dressed in the Forum, and how, in

an age when hats and umbrellas were practically non-existent, the pointed

hood, like that of the Arab burnous, was often used to cover the head in

cold or wet weather. Again, it is easy to perceive from the same source

that the diet of the Pompeians must have resembled closely that of their

present descendants; even the shape of the loaves has in most cases

continued unchanged to the present day. And one curious coincidence is

certainly worth mentioning, in that a peculiar method of preparing figs

with caraway seeds, which was long supposed to be a local speciality of a

remote town in Central Italy, has now been recognized as a common method

of dressing this fruit for the table at Pompeii, for large quantities of

figs so treated have been unearthed in shops and kitchens. Such grains of

information as the wearing of hoods and the preserving of figs may appear

trifling enough at first sight, yet it is from a number of petty details

such as these that we are assisted to an intimate understanding of a state

of society extinct nearly two thousand years ago.

Close beside us on the eastern side of the Forum is set the Chalcidicum,

the large building of the priestess Eumachia, one of the most gracious

personalities of Pompeii with which the modern world has become

acquainted. It was this lady who generously presented this structure, one

of the handsomest and most solid of the public buildings of the city, to

the fullers to serve as their exchange, wherein goods might be exposed

upon benches and tables for the convenience alike of sellers and

purchasers. “Priestess Eumachia,” remarks a modern critic, “has done the

thing well; no expense has been spared in the building and its

decorations. The columns of the portico are of white marble; the statues

of Piety and Concord, works of art; and the flower-borders along the

panelled walls, prettily conceived and carefully executed. After so much

plaster and stucco, it is a relief to see something so solid and genuine.

When a third-rate city apes the capital, there must needs be a certain

amount of sham. But at Pompeii it is all sham, or next door to it. In the

entire city are not more than half a dozen edifices whose columns are of

real marble, the bas-reliefs and cornices of anything more solid than

stucco; and of these half-dozen, the Exchange heads the list.”

We feel tolerably secure in assigning this fine building to the early

years of the Emperor Tiberius, and in naming the Emperor’s mother, Livia,

as the divinity to whom it was dedicated. The statue of Concord with the

golden horn of plenty doubtless once adorned the large pedestal which

still stands in the eastern apse of the Exchange, but though the figure

and emblem were those of Concordia, the face bore certainly the features

of Imperial Livia. Yet more interesting than the various speculations as

to the actual uses of this edifice and the different names of the statues

which once embellished its alcoves, is the circumstance that the marble

portrait of the foundress herself has been discovered. It is true that

only a copy in plaster now occupies the pedestal at the back of the apse

where Eumachia’s statue once stood, for the original has been removed for

safety to Naples, but it is not difficult to call to mind the calm gentle

face of this Pompeian Lady Bountiful, and her graceful figure in its

flowing robes. The existence of this statue adds undoubtedly a touch of

special human interest to the whole building, and we find our minds

excited by the brief inscription which still informs the curious that the

fullers of Pompeii erected this portrait in marble in grateful

appreciation “to Eumachia, a city-priestess, daughter of Lucius

Eumachius.”

Outside the Chalcidicum, at the corner of the lane usually termed Via

dell’ Abbondanza, is to be seen a pathetic little memorial of the working

life of the city: the fountain of Concordia Augusta, the divinity of

Eumachia’s noble building hard by. Dusty and heating is the business of

fulling cloth, and it generates thirst, so that it is but natural to find

a fountain close at hand, whereat the labourers could refresh their

parched throats. With what eagerness must the exhausted toilers during

those long summers of centuries past have leaned forward to press their

human lips to the cool mouth of the sculptured goddess that ejected with

pleasing gurgles a volume of water into the basin below! That this

fountain proved a boon to weary citizens is evident enough, for the

features of water-spouting Concordia are half worn away by thirsty human

kisses, and her suppliants’ hands have left deep smooth furrows in the

stone-work of the basin, whereon they were wont to support their bodies,

so as to direct the cooling draught into the dry and dusty gullet. In

Italian cities to-day we can frequently observe some exhausted labourer

bend deftly downwards to snatch a drink of water from the mouth of some

fantastic figure in a public fountain. Who has not paused, for instance,

beside Tacca’s famous bronze boar in the Florentine market-place without

noting an incident of this kind? If we ourselves are too dainty to place

our own aristocratic lips where our fellow-mortals have pressed theirs,

not so are the abstemious descendants of the ancient Romans, the Italians,

whose minds remain untroubled by any nasty-nice qualms of possible

infection.

Here then is the setting of the picture, and we must ourselves endeavour

to repeople the empty space with the crowds of high and low that once

collected here.

“It is high change, and the Forum is crowded. All Pompeii is here, and his

wife. _Patres conscripti_, inclined to corpulence, taking their

constitutional, exquisites lazily sauntering up and down the pavements;

decurions discussing the affairs of the nation, and the last news from

Rome; city magnates fussing, merchants chaffering, clients petitioning,

parasites fawning, soldiers swaggering, and Belisarius begging at the

gate.... It is a bright and animated scene. Beneath, the crowded Forum,

with its colonnades and statues, at one end a broad flight of steps

leading to the Temple of Jupiter, at the other a triumphal arch; on one

side the Temple of Venus and the Basilica; on the other the Macellum, the

Temple of Mercury, the Chalcidicum; overhead the deep blue sky. Mingled

with the hum of many voices and the patter of feet on the travertine

pavement are the ringing sounds of the stonemasons’ chisels and hammers,

for the Forum is undergoing a complete restoration. Although fifteen years

have elapsed since the city was last visited by earthquake, the damage

then done to the public buildings has not been entirely repaired. First

the Gods, then the people. The temples of Jupiter, Venus, and Mercury are

completed, but the Forum and Chalcidicum are still in the workmen’s

hands.”(2)

With this fleeting glimpse at the public life of the city, let us now turn

our attention to its domestic arrangements. Of the many houses which have

been excavated of recent years under the truly admirable superintendence

of Signor Fiorelli, none is better calculated to give us a striking

impression of the working details of an upper-class Roman household than

the private dwelling which is known equally under the two names of the

Casa Nuova and the House of the Vettii;—perhaps the former name has now

ceased to own any significance, since the buildings were laid bare as far

back as the winter of 1894-5. An hour or two spent in a careful inspection

of this house and its contents is to most persons worth four times the

same amount of time occupied in aimless wandering amongst the hot glaring

streets of the city, peeping into this courtyard and that, and listening

to the interminable tales of guide or custodian. If we study the Casa

Nuova intelligently, lovingly and minutely, it will not be long before we

obtain a tolerable grasp of Roman life and manners, which will prove of

immense service and of genuine delight. What then is it, the question will

be asked, that makes the House of the Vettii so valuable as an example of

antique architecture and decoration, in preference to other mansions which

can boast an equal and often a greater distinction? The answer is simple

enough: it is because this particular group of buildings has been allowed

to remain as far as practicable in the exact condition wherein it was

originally unearthed, when its various rooms and courts were once more

exposed to the light of day. For until the clearing of this “new house” a

decade or so ago, no proper opportunity had so far been afforded to the

amateur of our own times of judging for himself the interior of a Roman

dwelling in full working order, and with all its furniture, paintings, and

utensils complete. Up to this, almost every object of value had been

removed at once for safety, every fresco even of importance had been cut

bodily out of its setting and placed in one of those immense halls on the

ground floor of the Museum in Naples. How well do we remember those gaunt

chilly chambers, filled from pavement to ceiling with painted fragments of

all sizes, a medley of domestic subjects and of classical myths! Torn from

the walls they were specially executed to adorn, divorced from their

proper scheme of surrounding ornament, these wan dejected ghosts stare at

us like faces out of a mist. The uninitiated cannot find pleasure in them,

for they have no pretention to be called works of art; on the contrary

they form an inherent part of a conventional system of house decoration.

The classical student can of course find many points of interest in the

incidents portrayed, but all charm of local environment is absent;—it is,

in short, impossible to judge of Roman decoration from this collection of

crumbling, fading pieces of painted stucco. It would be as easy to imagine

the effect of a rose-bush in full bloom from the sight of a few withered

rose-buds, pressed until every vestige of colour had left their petals, as

to understand the significance of antique domestic art from the contents

of the Museo Nazionale.

But here, in the House of the Vettii, the public was for the first time

initiated into the mysteries of true Roman life; here it was admitted to

gaze upon the fruits of classical taste and refinement, and to contrast

them, favourably or unfavourably, with prevailing modern standards. The

Casa Nuova has been left as an object lesson, a complete museum in itself,

wherein every daily incident of Pompeian life, every domestic secret,

reveal themselves to our inquisitive eyes. Here in the roofless halls we

can be taken from entrance to dining-hall, from _atrium_ to sleeping

rooms, spying into the minutest detail of shape, size and colour, as

though we were seriously intending to rent the house for our own

habitation. The last tenant has even left his money-chest in his hall, his

pots and pans in the kitchen, and as we inspect his utensils, we wonder if

they would suit our own requirements to-day. Of portable objects of

value—plate, jewels, statuettes of precious metals and the like—belonging

to the late owner, there is certainly no trace, for Signor Fiorelli’s

labourers were not the first to break the deep silence of this buried

mansion. For it was the survivors of the stricken town, the citizens of

Pompeii themselves, who were the foremost pioneers to excavate, and they

carried off every work of art they could conveniently remove. Cutting from

above into the deposit of ashes that filled the streets, they managed to

reach in course of time the level of the ground, after which they

tunnelled from room to room, from house to house, collecting every object

they thought worth the trouble of transporting. Perhaps the owners of the

house, the Vettii themselves, presuming they escaped in the general

catastrophe, may have returned with skilled workmen to recover some of

their treasures; perhaps some “man of three letters”—the colloquial Roman

term for thief (_fur_)—may have forestalled the masters’ efforts—who

knows? And at this distance of time, who cares?

The house once occupied by Aulus Vettius Restitutus and Aulus Vettius

Corvina stands in a quiet district not far from the Capuan Gate, and

consequently at some distance from the Forum. Like all Roman habitations

it was essentially Oriental in its outward aspect, and must have resembled

closely any one of those mysterious dwellings of wealthy Arab citizens

which we constantly encounter in the native quarters of Algiers or Tunis.

The gateway giving on the street was wide, certainly, but it was well

defended both by human and canine porters; its windows were few and small,

and were probably closely latticed like those of the nunneries which we

sometimes perceive overhead in the crowded streets of Naples. There must

have been something austere, even suspicious, in the external appearance

of the Casa de’ Vettii, but snarling dog and grim janitor have long since

disappeared, and we pass unmolested through the _atrium_ and thence into

the Great Peristyle, which is perhaps the most remarkable feature of this

house. The peristyle, as its name implies, is a Greek importation in a

Roman city, and its use would have been scorned by the old-fashioned

citizens, such as the master of the “House of the Surgeon”; yet it was in

truth admirably suited to the character of Southern Italy, where it

afforded shelter from sun and wind, and its arcades protected from the

rainfall. The peristyle of the Vettii, with its gaudily tinted pillars of

stucco, is highly ornate; perhaps it passes the limits of good taste in

certain points of colour and æsthetic decoration, yet the general effect

is undoubtedly pleasing to the eye. This courtyard is at once a lounge

open to the sky; it is a garden; it is an art-gallery; for the cheerful

court of Greek domestic architecture had nothing in common with its

successor of the Middle Ages, the monastic cloister of religious

meditation. Cannot we imagine to ourselves the goodman of the house

proudly leading his guests after a sumptuous meal in the adjacent

dining-room into the cool corridors of his peristyle, in order to point

out to them his statues and vases of bronze or porphyry, and to expatiate

upon their value or elegance of form? On such a festive occasion these

great shallow basins of pure white marble before us would be heaped high

with fragrant pyramids of red and white roses, roses that were perhaps

plucked all dewy in the famous gardens of Paestum on the other side of

Mons Gaurus. For the flowering shrubs in the tiny pleasaunce itself are

far too precious to be stripped of their blossoms in so lavish a manner,

and perhaps if Vettius be anything of an amateur gardener, he may comment

to his visitors upon the rare plants that fill his diminutive flower-beds.

Careful and reverent hands have restored the little garden as near as

possible to its pristine plan and appearance. There are still standing the

two bronze statues of urchins holding in their chubby arms ducks from

whose bills once gushed the limpid water, making a soothing sound amidst

the alleys of the peristyle; corroded and injured they certainly appear,

yet here they hold their original positions in Vettius’ domain long after

temple and tower have fallen to the ground. The marble chairs and tripod

tables likewise remain, and around them still thrive the very plants that

the servants of the house were wont to tend in the days of Titus. For, by

a rare chance, we find depicted on the walls of the excavated house the

actual flowers and herbs that were popular during Vettius’ lifetime, and

these have been replanted by modern hands in the garden of the peristyle.

There are clumps of papyrus, the strange mop-headed rush from the banks of

the Nile, introduced into Italy as a botanical novelty after the conquest

of Egypt; there are rose-bushes, of course; and also masses of shining ivy

trained in the ancient Roman manner upon a cage of wicker-work fixed into

the soil. As we watch the verdure-clad sunlit space there descends,

delicately fluttering, one of those splendid pale yellow brimstone

butterflies of the South with flame-coloured blushes on its wings, and

after some moments of graceful hesitation, this new visitor settles upon

the purple head of an iris bloom. With its vivid colouring and its quick

movements the butterfly brings an atmosphere of life into the courtyard

that was hitherto lacking. Its appearance too suggests the famous

allegory, the unsolved riddle of human existence which so puzzled the

divine Plato and the ancient philosophers of Athens and Syracuse. Here are

we, the living men of to-day, watching the corpse of a departed world upon

which the mystic symbol of Psyche has just alighted. _Tempus breve est_ is

the simple little truism that rises to our reflecting minds. Eighteen

centuries between the Vettii and ourselves! They are gone like a flash,

and we are amazed to note how little has our nature altered either for the

better or the worse within that space of time, long enough if we measure

its limit by the standard of history, trivial if we reckon it by the

progress made in human ethics and human understanding. Surely there are

lessons to be learned in the silent city; Pompeii, we realize, is not

merely a heap of antique dross whence we can pick up precious grains of

knowledge, but it is an oracle in itself, which, if properly consulted,

will give us plain answers to our modern speculations, and will possibly

reprove us for our conceited assumption of omniscience.

[Illustration: LA CASA DEI VETTII, POMPEII]

Still brilliant in their strong prevailing tints of black, yellow and

vermilion are the decorative schemes which make a visit to the house of

the Vettii of such supreme importance for those who wish to understand

fully the artistic tastes of the Romans, and also their artistic

limitations. If the contents of the Museum seem colourless and cold, and

prove unsatisfying and disappointing, here the eye of the artist can feast

upon the classical ornamentation which remains fairly fresh in spite of a

dozen years of exposure to daylight. For this province of art is

peculiarly associated with the opening years of the Empire, and Pompeii is

naturally the chief place for its study, and in Pompeii the untouched Casa

Nuova is all important for the student. According to Pliny, the inventor

of this pleasing style of decoration was a certain Ludius, who flourished

in the reign of Augustus, and first persuaded the Romans to embellish

their flat wall-surfaces with designs of “villas and halls, artificial

gardens, hedges, woods, hills, water basins, tombs, rivers, shores, in as

great a variety as could be desired; figures sitting at ease, mariners,

and those who, riding upon donkeys or in waggons, look after their farms;

fishermen, snarers of birds, hunters and vine-dressers; also swampy

passages before beautiful villas, and women borne by men who stagger under

their burdens, and other witty things of this nature; finally, views of

sea-ports, everything charming and suitable”:—a fairly long and

comprehensive list of subjects, truly, from which a patron might pick and

choose, or an artist might execute!

Although the great architect Vitruvius strongly denounced this new

striving after scenic effect and characterized it as petty and false, yet

none can deny that these cheerful scenes with their bright colours and

their agreeable if trivial subjects were singularly well adapted to

improve the appearance of the bare narrow rooms, the meagre proportions of

which seem to us absolutely incompatible with plain comfort, to say

nothing of luxury. Space may be increased, so far as the eye is concerned,

by an architectural or landscape painting ingeniously conceived, and thus

the restricted rooms seem to obtain by means of this new system of

decoration a wider expansion, and with it an increased sense of ease and

lightness. The invention of Ludius became at once the fashion, the rage;

and all Rome began to cover the walls of its narrow chambers with these

novel designs, which had already found favour in Imperial circles.

Campania, where the old Greek love for polychrome still lingered, was not

slow in imitating the new taste of the Capital, so that Pompeii bears

undoubted testimony to the popularity of this revolution in artistic

ideas, which substituted a lighter freer method for the old conventional

severity of treatment. Experts profess to trace—and none will endeavour to

gainsay them—a marked difference between the frescoes executed before the

earthquake of 63 and those undertaken subsequent to that date. The wall

paintings of the first group, carried out when the art was comparatively

novel, are superior in harmony of colour, in choice of themes and in

technical finish to those which belong to the latter period, the sixteen

years that intervened between the earthquake and the eruption of Vesuvius.

From this circumstance it has been inferred, not without reason, that this

particular house must have passed some time before the year 63 out of the

possession of people of good taste into the hands of vulgarians, ignorant

of the fundamental principles of art and anxious only to obtain what was

startling and garish. As freedmen, the two Vettii would naturally belong

to a class which was not remarkable for culture; nevertheless, they seem

to have had the good sense to leave intact some of their predecessor’s

most cherished works of decoration, and for this exhibition of restraint

we must feel duly grateful towards our dead-and-gone hosts, the maligned

Vettii.

But it is not only for purposes of examining Roman internal decoration _in

situ_ that this art gallery of the Casa Nuova is available. Below the

painted panels of the dining-room runs a long string of ornament, whereon

are represented Cupids and Psyches engaged in the various occupations of

Pompeian daily life. Full of dainty grace and of lively expression, these

little winged figures initiate us into a number of the trades and customs

of the ancients. For they are made to appear before us as goldsmiths,

vine-dressers, makers and sellers of olive oil, dealers in wine, fullers

of cloth, and as partakers in a dozen other scenes of town or country

life. Where learned antiquaries had hitherto doubted and disputed, the

discovery of the paintings of these celestial little mechanics and

merchants helped to solve many a difficulty, for the secret of half the

arts and crafts of Pompeii is revealed to us in this playful guise. Nor

are the designs themselves contemptible from an artistic point of view;

look how intent, for example, is the pose of the tiny jeweller working

with a graver’s tool upon the gold vessel before him; how steadily he

bears himself at a task which requires at once strength of hand and

delicacy of workmanship. Look again at the nervous pose of the pretty elf

who is gingerly pouring wine out of a huge amphora, which he holds in his

arms, into a shallow tasting cup offered by a brother Cupid. How

thoroughly must the unknown artist have enjoyed the task of painting this

frieze! How unfettered his fancy, as his brush glided smoothly and deftly

over the carefully prepared wall-surface! Excellent, no doubt, he thought

his work at the time of execution, but even the most conceited of

Campanian artists could hardly have dreamed that these creations of his

brush would still at the end of two thousand years be admired, commented

upon and even reproduced in thousands, by a process he never dreamed of,

for the benefit of citizens of nations as yet unborn or unforeseen.

As the spring evening softly steals over the city and the shadows of the

colonnades lengthen, let us leave the silent halls and chambers of the

Casa dei Vettii and turn our footsteps westward; and issuing out of the

Gate of Herculaneum, let us traverse the famous Street of Tombs, that

extends along the road leading to the sister buried city. In ancient times

this was the Via Domitiana, a branch road of the Appian Way, and it formed

the most frequented entrance into Pompeii. To Roman ideas, therefore, it

was but natural that tombs should be erected alongside its borders, whilst

the spirits of the passing and repassing crowds were in no wise affected

by the memorials of death attending their exits and entrances. And with

the surging human tide that was ever flowing in this thoroughfare the

funeral processions must constantly have mingled, the wailing of the hired

mourners rising sharply above the din of harsh voices, the creaking of

clumsy wooden wheels and the braying of the heavily laden asses. Now over

all reigns a decorous silence, such as we moderns deem fitting for a

cemetery; only the hum of insects breaks the deep quiet of the atmosphere,

nor are there any living creatures visible at this late hour save the bats

which flit restlessly in and out of the weed-grown piles of brick or stone

that once were stately monuments of wealth or piety. Above our heads the

tall sombre cypresses shoot upward like gigantic spear-heads into the

crystal-clear air, pointing heavenward like our own church spires in a

rural English landscape. This Street of the Dead in the City of the Dead

is in truth a solemn and a soothing spot; nor can we find its precincts

melancholy, when we stand in the midst of such glorious scenery. For Monte

Sant’ Angelo towers to our left against the mellow evening sky, flecked

with lines of peach-blossom cloud, whilst in front of us the dark form of

Capri seems to float in a golden haze between firmament and ocean. Behind

us the dark mass of the Mountain with its breath of ascending smoke seems

like an eternal funeral pyre in honour of the Dead, who were spared the

horrors of that fearful disaster which overwhelmed the living. Upon the

broken tombs and altars the light from the setting sun falls with warm

cheerful radiance, flushing stone and brick-work with a ruddy glow like

jasper; whilst, high in the heavens above the cypress tops, the crescent

moon prepares to turn to gold from silver.

_Beati sunt mortui_: here rest, we know, the priestess Mammia, the

decemvir Aricius, Libella the aedile, and a host of other citizens with

whose names the student or the lover of Pompeii is familiar. How many a

time has this line of roadway rung with the sound of the last sad appeal,

the thrice repeated valediction: “_Vale, vale, vale!_ farewell until the

day when Nature will allow us to follow thee!” How often have the wooden

pyres flung up in these precincts their clouds of perfumed smoke into the

clear air, now redolent with the aroma of yellow broom, of dewy thyme and

of sweet marigolds! Perhaps it was amidst these lines of cypress-set tombs

by the Herculaneum Gate that the poetic genius, whose verses were spurned

by his own generation, composed his famous Ode to Naples, for in its

opening lines Shelley tells us it was the aspect of the “city disinterred”

that gave him inspiration:—

“Around me gleamed many a bright sepulchre

Of whose pure beauty, Time, as if his pleasure

Were to spare Death, had never made erasure;

But every living lineament was clear

As in the sculptor’s thought; and there

The wreaths of stony myrtle, ivy and pine,

Like winter-leaves o’ergrown by moulded snow,

Seemed only not to move and grow,

Because the crystal silence of the air

Weighed on their life....”

Tranquilly and slowly descends night upon the untenanted city, as one by

one the stars begin to peep forth like chrysolites in the heavens, which

have changed from azure to a deep indigo during the sunset hour. Amid

chilly dews, to the sound of the evening bell from the distant church of

Santa Maria di Pompeii, we hasten in the growing darkness from the Street

of the Tombs towards our modest inn outside the Marine Gate, anticipating

with delight a ramble in the city in the freshness of the coming morning.

The Naples Riviera · 第 3 / 13 章