IMPEACHMENT.
The determination of the President to proceed with his own plan of
restoring the states lately in insurrection to their former status, in
violation of all law, and of the rights of the Legislative branch of the
Government, to whom this work had been confided by the constitution, as
well as the defiant and hostile spirit he manifested toward all who
opposed his course, led many of the members of both houses of Congress
to feel that it would be necessary to check his career by impeachment.
Still there was a very great reluctance to resort to such an extreme
measure, except under circumstances of extraordinarily aggravated
offence. Many of the Republican members believed for months that Mr.
Johnson’s course was merely experimental, and that he would ere long
return to harmony and co-operation with the party which had elected him
to the Vice-Presidency; and entertaining this view, they were unwilling
to resort to any measures which should alienate him still more.
The more advanced Republicans were convinced that these views were
erroneous; that Mr. Johnson really sought a breach with the Republicans;
that he was at heart a Democrat, and in sympathy with the Rebel leaders;
that his violations of the laws and of the rights of Congress had been
deliberate and intentional, and that he intended to continue his course
so long as he could do it with impunity.
The first positive movement looking toward impeachment, was made on the
17th of December, 1866, when the Hon. James M. Ashley, of Ohio, moved a
suspension of the rules to enable him to report, from the Committee on
Territories, a resolution for the appointment of a select committee of
seven by the Speaker, to inquire whether any acts had been done by any
officer of the Government of the United States, which in contemplation
of the constitution, were high crimes, or misdemeanors, &c. The
suspension of the rules was refused, (two-thirds being necessary). Yeas,
90; nays, 49.
On the 7th of January, 1867, Hon. Ben. F. Loan, of Missouri, moved a
resolution, (which was referred to the Committee on Reconstruction),
declaring it the imperative duty of the Thirty-Ninth Congress, (among
other things), to take, without delay, such action as would accomplish
the impeachment of the officer now exercising the functions pertaining
to the office of President of the United States of America, and his
removal from said office upon his conviction, in due form of law, of the
high crimes and misdemeanors of which he is manifestly and notoriously
guilty, and which render it unsafe longer to permit him to exercise the
powers he has unlawfully assumed.
On the same day, Hon. John R. Kelso, of Missouri, offered a resolution
of nearly similar tenor, which was referred to the Committee on the
Judiciary.
On the same day, Hon. James M. Ashley, of Ohio, offered, as a question
of privilege, the following:
“I do impeach Andrew Johnson, Vice-President and acting President of
the United States, of high crimes and misdemeanors.
“I charge him with a usurpation of power and violation of law;
“In that he has corruptly used the appointing power;
“In that he has corruptly used the pardoning power;
“In that he has corruptly used the veto power;
“In that he has corruptly disposed of public property of the United
States;
“In that he has corruptly interfered in elections, and committed
acts which, in contemplation of the Constitution, are high crimes
and misdemeanors; Therefore,
_Be it resolved_, That the Committee on the Judiciary be, and they
are hereby authorized to inquire into the official conduct of Andrew
Johnson, Vice-President of the United States, discharging the powers
and duties of the office of President of the United States, and to
report to this House whether, in their opinion, the said Andrew
Johnson, while in said office, has been guilty of acts which are
designed or calculated to overthrow, subvert, or corrupt the
Government of the United States, or any department or office
thereof; and whether the said Andrew Johnson has been guilty of any
act, or has conspired with others to do acts, which, in
contemplation of the Constitution, are high crimes and misdemeanors,
requiring the interposition of the constitutional power of this
House; and that said committee have power to send for persons and
papers, and to administer the customary oath to witnesses.”
This resolution was adopted by a vote of 108 to 39. The subject was
frequently discussed during the session.
The Judiciary Committee, on the 3d of March, reported that it had
not concluded its investigation, but that, in the opinion of the
majority, eight to one, “sufficient testimony had been brought to
the notice of the Committee to justify and demand a further
prosecution of the investigation.” The Judiciary Committee of the
XLth Congress was empowered to continue the investigation, by action
had on the 7th of March.
The Judiciary Committee reported November 25th, 1867. The majority,
consisting of Messrs. George S. Boutwell, Francis Thomas, Thomas
Williams, William Lawrence, and John C. Churchill, favored
impeachment. Messrs. James F. Wilson and Frederick E. Woodbridge
united in a report opposed thereto, and Marshall and Eldridge signed
another minority report. Debate on these reports began in the House
December 5th, and closed the 7th. The impeachment resolution was
then lost, 57 to 108. The affirmative were all Republicans. In the
negative were 67 Republicans and 41 Democrats; there were 20
absentees, 16 Republicans and 4 Democrats. The following is the vote
in detail:
YEAS.—Anderson, of Missouri; Arnell, of Tenn.; Ashley, of Ohio;
Boutwell, of Mass; Bromwell, of Illinois; Broomall, of Penn;
Butler, of Mass; Churchill of N. Y.; Clarke, of Ohio; Clarke, of
Kansas; Cobb, of Wisconsin; Coburn, of Indiana; Covode, of Penn.;
Collum, of Illinois; Donnelly, of Minn.; Eckley, of Ohio; Ela, of
New Hampshire; Farnsworth, of Illinois; Gravelly, of Missouri;
Harding, of Illinois; Higby, of California; Hopkins, of Wisconsin;
Hunter, of Indiana; Judd, of Illinois; Julian, of Indiana; Kelley,
of Penn.; Kelsey, of New York; Lawrence of Ohio; Loan, of
Missouri; Logan, of Illinois; Lynch, of Maine; Maynard, of Tenn.;
McClurg, of Missouri; Mercer, of Penn.; Mullins, of Tenn.; Myers,
of Penn.; Newcomb, of Missouri; Nunn, of Tenn.; O’Neil, of Penn;
Orth, of Indiana; Paine, of Wisconsin; Pile, of Missouri; Price,
of Iowa; Schenck, of Ohio; Shanks, of Indiana; Stevens, of New
Hampshire; Stevens, of Penn.; Stokes, of Tenn.; Thomas, of
Maryland; Trimble, of Tenn.; Trowbridge, of Michigan; Van Horn, of
Missouri; Ward, of New York; Williams, of Penn.; Williams, of
Indiana; Wilson, of Pennsylvania.—57.
NAYS.—Republicans in Roman, Democrats in _italic_.
_Adams_, of Kentucky; Allison, of Iowa; Ames, of Mass.; _Archer_, of
Maryland; Ashley, of Nevada; _Axtell_, of California; Bailey, of New
York; Baker, of Illinois; Baldwin, of Mass; Banks, of Mass; _Barnum_
of Conn.; Beaman, of Michigan; _Beck_, of Kentucky; Benjamin, of
Missouri; Benton, of N. H.; Bingham, of Ohio; Blaine, of Maine;
_Boyer_, of Penn.; _Brooks_, of New York; Buckland, of Ohio; Burr,
of Illinois; _Carey_, of Ohio; _Chanler_, of New York; Cook, of
Illinois; Dawes, of Mass; Dixon, of R. I.; Dodge, of Iowa; Driggs,
of Michigan; Eggleston, of Ohio; _Eldridge_, of Wisconsin; Eliot, of
Mass; Ferris, of New York; Ferry, of Michigan; Fields, of New York;
Garfield, of Ohio; _Getz_, of Penn.; _Glossbrenner_, of Penn.;
_Golladay_, of Kentucky; Griswold, of New York; _Grover_, of
Kentucky; _Haight_, of New Jersey; Halsey, of New Jersey; Hamilton,
of Ohio; Hawkins, of Tenn.; Hill, of New Jersey; _Holman_, of
Indiana; Hooper, of Mass; _Hotchkiss_, of Conn; Hubbard, of Iowa;
Hubbard, of West Va.; _Hubbard_, of Conn; Hubbard, of New York;
_Humphrey_, of New York; Ingersoll, of Illinois; _Johnson_, of Cal.;
Jones, of Kentucky; _Kerr_, of Indiana; Ketchum, of New York; Knott,
of Kentucky; Koontz, of Penn.; Laflin, of New York; Lawrence, of
Penn.; Lincoln, of New York; _Marshall_, of Illinois; Marvin, of New
York; McCarty, of New York; _McCullough_, of Maryland; Miller, of
Penn.; Morehead, of Penn.; _Morgan_, of Ohio; _Mungen_, of Ohio;
_Niblack_, of Indiana; _Nicholson_, of Delaware; Perham, of Maine;
Peters, of Maine; _Phelps_, of Maryland; Pike, of Maine; Plants, of
Ohio; Poland, of Vermont; Polsley, of West Va.; _Pruyn_, of New
York; _Randall_, of Penn.; Robertson, of New York; _Robinson_, of
New York; _Ross_, of Illinois; Sawyer, of Wisconsin; _Sitgreaves_,
of New Jersey; Smith, of Vermont; Spalding, of Ohio; Starkweather,
of Conn.; _Stewart_, of New York; _Stone_, of Maryland; _Taber_, of
New York; Taylor, of Penn.; Upson, of Michigan; Van Aernam, of New
York; _Van Auken_, of Penn.; _Van Trump_, of Ohio; Van Wyck, of New
York; Washburne, of Wisconsin; Washburne, of Indiana; Washburne, of
Illinois; Washburn, of Mass.; Welker, of Ohio; Wilson, of Iowa;
Wilson, of Ohio; Woodbridge, of Vermont; _Woodward_, of
Pennsylvania.—108.
ABSENTEES.—Messrs. Blair, Michigan; Cornell, New York; Finney,
Penn.; Jenckes, Rhode Island; Kitchen, West Va.; Mallory, Oregon;
Morrell, Penn.; Pomeroy, New York; Raum, Illinois; Selye, New York;
Scofield, Penn.; Shellabarger, Ohio; Taffe, Neb.; Twitchell, Mass;
Van Horn, New York; Windom, Minn.; all Republicans: and Barnes, Fox,
and Morrissey, all of New York, and Democrats.
It was conceded on all hands that this was the end of impeachment for
that time at least, and it was thought that, the President, feeling that
his conduct had brought down upon him the censure of a large body of the
Members of Congress, who though they were not willing to proceed to
extremities, still disapproved of his course, would, for the future, act
more wisely, and refrain from those overt acts which might bring him
into further collision with Congress.
But those who reasoned thus with regard to Andrew Johnson, knew nothing
of his character. Elated with his victory, he could not conceal his
disposition to show his defiance to Congress by further and more
considerable acts of aggression. He interfered in several of the
desolated states which were about voting upon the question of calling a
convention, and electing delegates to prepare a new constitution,
suggesting to them ways and means of thwarting the reconstruction
measures; continued so far as possible his systematic removals of loyal
and incorruptible officers, and nominated to their places corrupt men,
whom the Senate could not confirm without becoming partners in
corruption; and in every way possible made known his determination to
defy Congress, which he believed he could now do, with impunity.
On the 13th of January, 1868, Congress having decided that his
suspension of Secretary Stanton was illegal, and that he must be
reinstated, General Grant, who had been Secretary _ad interim_, quietly
relinquished the War Office to Secretary Stanton, and notified the
President that he had done so.
A very bitter correspondence ensued between the President and General
Grant, (the General, however, keeping his temper), in which the
President charged Grant with duplicity, treachery and inveracity because
he had not given him previous notice of his intention of surrendering
the office to Secretary Stanton, so that he (Johnson) might have put
some one in possession who would have prevented Secretary Stanton’s
reinstatement. The whole issue between the President and the General
was, in fact, that the President had intended to violate the Tenure of
Office Act and defy the Senate, and General Grant by his judicious
course, had prevented him from doing so.
The excitement growing out of this correspondence, and of the attempts
of Mr. Johnson to compel General Grant not to issue his orders through
the War Department, had not died out, when Mr. Johnson prepared, by a
new act of aggression, to show his defiance of Congress.
On the 21st of February, 1868, he sent the following order to Secretary
Stanton, by Brevet Major-General Lorenzo Thomas, Adjutant-General of the
Army, a subordinate of the Secretary:
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, D. C., Feb. 21, 1868.
SIR: By virture of the power and authority vested in me as President
by the Constitution and laws of the United States, you are hereby
removed from office as Secretary of War, and your functions as such
will terminate upon receipt of this communication.
You will transfer to Brevet Major-Gen. Lorenzo Thomas,
Adjutant-General of the Army, who has this day been authorized to
act as Secretary of War _ad interim_, all records, books, papers,
and other public property now in your custody and charge.
Respectfully yours,
ANDREW JOHNSON, President.
To the Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Washington, D. C.
Secretary Stanton being satisfied that under the Tenure of Office Act,
the President had no power to remove him, refused obedience, and ordered
Gen. Thomas to his own office. The General refused to go, and expressed
his determination to obtain possession by force, if necessary. That he
understood at the time that the President had authorized him to use
force if necessary, there can be no doubt; whether he understood Mr.
Johnson correctly, may be a question.
Mr. Stanton continued in possession, and notified Congress of the action
of the President, and of what he had done.
This act was so plainly a violation both of the Tenure of Office Act,
and the rights of the Senate, that it produced at once the most intense
excitement, and convinced those who had hitherto doubts, that
impeachment was necessary.
On the same day, February 21st, Mr. Covode, of Pennsylvania, offered a
resolution that the President be impeached, which was referred to the
Committee on Reconstruction. On the 22d of February, (Saturday,) Mr.
Stevens, of Pennsylvania, from the Committee on Reconstruction, made the
following report:
That, in addition to the papers referred to, the Committee find that
the President, on the 21st day of February, 1868, signed and ordered
a commission or letter of authority to one Lorenzo Thomas, directing
and authorizing said Thomas to act as Secretary of War _ad interim_,
and to take possession of the books, records, papers, and other
public property in the War Department, of which the following is a
copy:
EXECUTIVE MANSION, }
WASHINGTON, D. C., Feb. 21, 1868. }
SIR: The Hon. Edwin M. Stanton having been removed from office as
Secretary of the Department of War, you are hereby authorized and
empowered to act as Secretary of War _ad interim_, and will
immediately enter upon the discharge of the duties pertaining to
that office. Mr. Stanton has been instructed to transfer to you all
records, books, papers, and other public property intrusted to his
charge.
Respectfully yours,
ANDREW JOHNSON.
To Brevet Major-Gen. Lorenzo Thomas, Adjutant-General U. S. A.
(Official copy.)—Respectfully furnished to Hon. Edwin M. Stanton.
L. THOMAS, Secretary of War _ad
interim_.
Upon the evidence collected by the Committee, which is hereafter
presented, and in virtue of the powers with which they have been
invested by the House, they are of the opinion that Andrew Johnson,
President of the United States, be impeached of high crimes and
misdemeanors. They, therefore, recommend to the House the adoption
of the accompanying resolution:
THADDEUS STEVENS,
GEORGE A. BOUTWELL,
JOHN A. BINGHAM,
F. C. BEAMAN,
C. T. HULBURD,
JOHN F. FARNSWORTH,
H. E. PAINE.
_Resolved_, That Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, be
impeached of high crimes and misdemeanors.
On the 24th of February, (Monday), this resolution passed the House by
126 yeas to 47 nays; the yeas being all Republicans, and the nays all
Democrats, except Mr. Cary, of Ohio, who was elected as an Independent.
The names of those who voted on the question were as follows:
YEAS.—Allison, Ames, Anderson, Arnell, Ashley (Nev.), Ashley (Ohio),
Bailey, Baker, Baldwin, Banks, Beaman, Beatty, Benton, Bingham,
Blaine, Blair, Boutwell, Bromwell, Broomall, Buckland, Butler, Cake,
Churchill, Clarke (Kan.), Clark (Ohio), Cobb, Coburn, Cook, Cornell,
Covode, Cullum, Dawes, Dodge, Driggs, Eckley, Eggleston, Eliot,
Farnsworth, Ferris, Ferry, Fields, Gravelly, Griswold, Halsey,
Harding, Higby, Hill, Hooper, Hopkins, Hubbard (Iowa), Hubbard (W.
V.), Hulburd, Hunter, Ingersoll, Jenckes, Judd, Julian, Kelley,
Kelsey, Ketcham, Kitchen, Laflin, Lawrence (Pa.), Lawrence (Ohio),
Lincoln, Loan, Logan, Loughridge, Lynch, Mallory, Marvin, McCarthy,
McClurg, Mercer, Miller, Moore, Moorhead, Morrill, Mullins, Myers,
Newcomb, Nunn, Orth, O’Neill, Paine, Perham, Peters, Pike, Pile,
Plants, Poland, Polsley, Price, Raum, Robertson, Sawyer, Schenck,
Scofield, Selye, Shanks, Smith, Spalding, Starkweather, Stevens (N.
H.), Stevens (Pa.), Stokes, Taffe, Taylor, Trowbridge, Twitchell,
Upson, Van Aernam, Van Horn (N. Y.), Van Wyck, Ward, Washburn
(Wis.), Washburne (Ill.), Washburn (Mass.), Welker, Williams (Pa.),
Wilson (Iowa), Wilson (Ohio), Wilson (Pa.), Windom, Woodbridge, The
Speaker—126.
NAYS.—Adams, Archer, Axtell, Barnes, Barnum, Beck, Boyer, Brooks,
Burr, Cary (Ind.), Chanler, Eldridge, Fox, Getz, Glossbrenner,
Golladay, Grover, Haight, Holman, Hotchkiss, Hubbard (Conn.),
Humphrey, Johnson, Jones, Kerr, Knott, Marshall, McCormick,
McCullough, Morgan, Morrissey, Mungen, Niblack, Nicholson, Phelps,
Pruyn, Randall, Ross, Sitgreaves, Stewart, Stone, Taber, Trimble
(Ky.), Van Auken, Van Trump, Wood, Woodward—47.
Mr. Stevens of Pennsylvania, then moved that a committee of two be
appointed to go to the Senate and at the bar thereof, in the name of the
House of Representatives, and of all the people of the United States,
impeach Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, of high crimes
and misdemeanors. This motion prevailed, and on the 25th of February,
Messrs. Thaddeus Stevens and John A. Bingham, of the House of
Representatives, appeared before the bar of the Senate, and read the
following announcement:
“MR. PRESIDENT: In obedience to the order of the House of
Representatives, we have appeared before you, and in the name of the
House of Representatives and of all the people of the United States,
we do impeach Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, of
high crimes and misdemeanors in office; and we further inform the
Senate that the House of Representatives will in due time exhibit
particular articles of impeachment against him, and make good the
same; and in their name we demand that the Senate take due order for
the appearance of the said Andrew Johnson, to answer to the said
Impeachment.”
The President _pro tem._ replied: The Senate will take order in the
premises.
A committee of seven, appointed by the President, and consisting of
Messrs. Howard, Trumbull, Conkling, Edmunds, Morton, Pomeroy, and
Johnson, were on motion of Mr. Howard, directed to consider and report
upon this announcement.
Between this date and the 4th of March, the action of the House was
mainly confined to the preparation of the Articles of Impeachment, their
adoption, and the election of Managers of the Impeachment. The Managers
elected were Mr. Stevens of Pennsylvania, Mr. Butler of Massachusetts,
Mr. Bingham of Ohio, Mr. Boutwell of Massachusetts, Mr. Wilson of Iowa,
Mr. Williams of Pennsylvania, and Mr. Logan of Illinois.
On Wednesday, March 4th, the series of Articles of Impeachment which had
passed the House, were presented to the Senate by a House Committee.
They were as follows:
ARTICLE 1. That said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States,
on the 21st day of February, in the year of our Lord one thousand
eight hundred and sixty-eight, at Washington, in the District of
Columbia, unmindful of the high duties of his office, his oath of
office, and of the requirement of the Constitution that he should
take care that the laws be faithfully executed, did unlawfully and
in violation of the Constitution and laws of the United States,
issue an order in writing for the removal of Edwin M. Stanton from
the office of Secretary for the Department of War, said Edwin M.
Stanton having been, theretofore, duly appointed and commissioned by
and with the consent of the Senate of the United States as such
Secretary; and said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States,
on the 12th day of August, in the year of our Lord one thousand
eight hundred and sixty-seven, and during the recess of the said
Senate, having suspended by his order Edwin M. Stanton from said
office, and within twenty days after the first day of the next
meeting of the Senate, on the 12th day of December, in the year of
our Lord aforesaid, having reported to said Senate such suspension,
with the evidence and reasons for his action in the case, and the
name of the person designated to perform the duties of such office
temporarily until the next meeting of the Senate, and said Senate
there-afterward on the 13th day of January, in the year of our Lord
1868, having duly considered the evidence and reasons reported by
said Andrew Johnson for said suspension, did refuse to concur in
said suspension, whereby, and by force of provision of an act
entitled “An act regulating the tenure of certain civil offices,”
passed March 2, 1867, said Edwin M. Stanton did forthwith resume the
functions of his office, whereof the said Andrew Johnson had then
and there due notice, and said Edwin M. Stanton, by reason of the
premises on said 21st day of February, was lawfully entitled to hold
said office of Secretary for the Department of War, which said order
for the removal of said Edwin M. Stanton is, in substance, as
follows, that is to say:
EXECUTIVE MANSION, }
WASHINGTON, D. C., Feb. 21, 1868, }
SIR: By virtue of the power and authority vested in me as President
by the Constitution and laws of the United States, you are hereby
removed from office as Secretary for the Department of War, and your
functions as such will terminate upon receipt of this communication.
You will transfer to Brevet Major-Gen. Lorenzo Thomas,
Adjutant-General of the Army, who has this day been authorized and
empowered to act as Secretary of War _ad interim_, all records,
books, papers, and other public property now in your custody and
charge.
Respectfully yours,
ANDREW JOHNSON.
To the Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Washington, D. C.
Which order was unlawfully issued, with intent then and there to
violate an act entitled “An act regulating the tenure of certain
civil offices,” passed March 21, 1867, and contrary to the
provisions of said act and in violation thereof, and contrary to the
provisions of the Constitution of the United States, and without the
advice and consent of the Senate of the United States, the said
Senate then and there being in session, to remove said Edwin M.
Stanton from the office of Secretary for the Department of War,
whereby said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, did
then and there commit and was guilty of a high misdemeanor in
office.
ART. 2. That on the said 21st day of February, in the year of our
Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-eight, at Washington, in
the District of Columbia, said Andrew Johnson, President of the
United States, unmindful of the high duties of his office, of his
oath of office, and in violation of the Constitution of the United
States, and contrary to the provisions of an act entitled “An act
regulating the tenure of certain civil offices,” passed March 2,
1867, without the advice and consent of the Senate of the United
States, said Senate then and there being in session, and without
authority of law, did appoint one Lorenzo Thomas to be Secretary of
War _ad interim_, by issuing to the said Lorenzo Thomas a letter of
authority in substance as follows, that is to say:
EXECUTIVE MANSION, }
WASHINGTON, D. C., Feb. 21, 1868. }
SIR: The Hon. Edwin M. Stanton having been this day removed from
office as Secretary for the Department of War, you are hereby
authorized and empowered to act as Secretary of War _ad interim_,
and will immediately enter upon the discharge of the duties
pertaining to that office.
Mr. Stanton has been instructed to transfer to you all the records,
books, papers, and other public property now in his custody and
charge.
Respectfully yours,
ANDREW JOHNSON.
To Brevet Major-Gen. Lorenzo Thomas, Adjutant-General U. S. A.,
Washington, D. C.
Whereby the said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, did
then and there commit and was guilty of a high misdemeanor in
office.
ART. 3. That said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, on
the 21st day of February, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight
hundred and sixty-eight, at Washington, in the District of Columbia,
did commit and was guilty of a high misdemeanor in office, in this:
That, without authority of law, while the Senate of the United
States was then and there in session, he did appoint one Lorenzo
Thomas to be Secretary for the Department of War _ad interim_,
without the advice and consent of the Senate, and in violation of
the Constitution of the United States; no vacancy having happened in
said office of Secretary for the Department of War during the recess
of the Senate, and no vacancy existing in said office at the time,
and which said appointment, so made by the said Andrew Johnson, of
the said Lorenzo Thomas, is in substance as follows: (See Art. 2.)
ART. 4. That said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States,
unmindful of the high duties of his office, and of his oath of
office, in violation of the Constitution and laws of the United
States, on the twenty-first day of February, in the year of our Lord
one thousand eight hundred and sixty-eight, at Washington, in the
District of Columbia, did unlawfully conspire with one Lorenzo
Thomas, and with other persons to the House of Representatives
unknown, with intent by intimidation and threats to hinder and
prevent Edwin M. Stanton, then and there the Secretary for the
Department of War, duly appointed under the laws of the United
States, from holding said office for Secretary of the Department of
War, contrary to and in violation of the Constitution of the United
States, and of the provision of an act, entitled “An act to define
and punish certain conspiracies,” approved July 21, 1861, whereby
said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, did then and
there commit and was guilty of a high crime in office.
ART. 5. That the said Andrew Johnson, President of the United
States, unmindful of the high duties of his office, and of his oath
of office, on the 21st day of February, in the year of our Lord
1868, and on divers other days and times in said year, before the
28th day of said February, at Washington, in the District of
Columbia, did unlawfully conspire with one Lorenzo Thomas, and with
other persons to the House of Representatives unknown, by force to
prevent and hinder the execution of an act entitled “An act
regulating the tenure of certain civil offices,” passed March 2,
1867, and in pursuance of said conspiracy did attempt to prevent
Edwin M. Stanton, then and there being Secretary for the Department
of War, duly appointed and commissioned under the laws of the United
States, from holding such office, whereby the said Andrew Johnson,
President of the United States, did then and there commit and was
guilty of a high misdemeanor in office.
ART. 6. That the said Andrew Johnson, President of the United
States, unmindful of the duties of his high office, and of his oath
of office, on the twenty-first day of February, in the year of our
Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-eight, at Washington, in
the District of Columbia, did unlawfully conspire with one Lorenzo
Thomas by force, to seize and take possession of property of the
United States in the War Department, contrary to the provisions of
an act entitled “An act to define and punish certain conspiracies,”
approved July 21, 1861, and with intent to violate and disregard an
act entitled “An act regulating the tenure of certain civil
offices,” passed March 2, 1867, whereby said Andrew Johnson,
President of the United States, did then and there commit a high
crime in office.
ART. 7. That said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States,
unmindful of the high duties of his office, and of his oath of
office, on the 21st day of February, in the year of our Lord one
thousand eight hundred and sixty-eight, and on divers other days in
said year, before the 28th day of February, at Washington, in the
District of Columbia, did unlawfully conspire with one Lorenzo
Thomas to prevent and hinder the execution of an act of the United
States, entitled “An act regulating the tenure of certain civil
offices,” passed March 5, 1867, and in pursuance of said conspiracy
did unlawfully attempt to prevent Edwin M. Stanton, then and there
being Secretary for the Department of War, under the laws of the
United States, from holding said office, to which he had been duly
appointed and commissioned, whereby said Andrew Johnson, President
of the United States, did then and there commit, and was guilty of
high misdemeanor in office.
ART. 8. That said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States,
unmindful of the high duties of his office, and of his oath of
office, on the 21st day of February, in the year of our Lord one
thousand eight hundred and sixty, eight, at Washington, in the
District of Columbia, did unlawfully conspire with one Lorenzo
Thomas to seize and take possession of the property of the United
States in the War Department with intent to violate and disregard
the act entitled “An act regulating the tenure of certain civil
offices,” passed March 2, 1867, whereby said Andrew Johnson,
President of the United States, did then and there commit a high
misdemeanor in office.
ART. 9. That said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States,
unmindful of the high duties of his office, and of his oath of
office, with intent unlawfully to control the disbursement of the
moneys appropriated for the military service and for the Department
of War, on the 21st day of February, in the year of our Lord one
thousand eight hundred and sixty-eight, at Washington, in the
District of Columbia, did unlawfully and contrary to the provisions
of an act entitled “An act regulating the tenure of certain civil
offices,” passed March 2, 1867, and in violation of the Constitution
of the United States, and without the advice and consent of the
Senate of the United States, and while the Senate was then and there
in session, there being no vacancy in the office of Secretary for
the Department of War, appoint Lorenzo Thomas Secretary of War _ad
interim_, and then and there deliver to said Lorenzo Thomas letter
of authority, in writing, in substance as follows, that is to say:
(See Art. 2.)
Whereby said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, did
then and there commit, and was guilty of high misdemeanor in office.
ART. 10. That said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States,
on the 22d day of February, in the year of our Lord 1868, at
Washington, in the District of Columbia, in disregard of the
Constitution and the laws of Congress duly enacted, as
Commander-in-Chief of the Army of the United States, did bring
before him then and there, William H. Emory, a Major-General by
brevet in the Army of the United States, actually in command of the
Department of Washington, and the military forces thereof, and did
then and there, as such Commander-in-Chief, declare to and instruct
said Emory, that part of a law of the United States, passed March 2,
1867, entitled “An act making appropriations for the support of the
army for the year ending June 30, 1868, and for other purposes,”
especially the second section thereof, which provides among other
things, that “all orders in instructions relating to military
operations issued by the President or Secretary of War shall be
issued through the General of the Army, and in case of his
inability, through the next in rank,” was unconstitutional and in
contravention of the commission of said Emory, and therefore not
binding on him as an officer in the Army of the United States, which
said provision of law had been theretofore duly and legally
promulgated by general order for the government and direction of the
Army of the United States, as the said Andrew Johnson then and there
well knew, with intent thereby to induce said Emory in his official
capacity as Commander of the Department of Washington to violate the
provisions of said act, and to take and receive, act upon, and obey
such orders as he, the said Andrew Johnson, might make and give, and
which should not be issued through the General of the Army of the
United States, according to the provisions of said act, whereby said
Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, did then and there
commit and was guilty of a high misdemeanor in office; and the House
of Representatives, by protestation, saving to themselves the
liberty of exhibiting at any time hereafter any further articles or
other accusation or impeachment against the said Andrew Johnson,
President of the United States, and also of replying to his answer
which he shall make to the articles herein preferred against him,
and of offering proof to the same and every part thereof, and to all
and every other article, accusation or impeachment which shall be
exhibited by them as the case shall require, do demand that the said
Andrew Johnson may be put to answer the high crimes and misdemeanors
in office herein charged against him, and that such proceedings,
examinations, trials and judgments may be thereupon had and given as
may be agreeable to law and justice.
To these Articles was afterward added:
ART. 11. That the said Andrew Johnson, President of the United
States, unmindful of the high duties of his office and of the
dignity and proprieties thereof, and of the harmony and courtesies
which ought to exist and be maintained between the executive and
legislative branches of the Government of the United States,
designing and intending to set aside the rightful authority and
powers of Congress, did attempt to bring into disgrace, ridicule,
hatred, contempt, and reproach, the Congress of the United States
and the several branches thereof, to impair and destroy the regard
and respect of all the good people of the United States for the
Congress and legislative power thereof, which all officers of the
Government ought inviolately to preserve and maintain, and to excite
the odium and resentment of all the good people of the United States
against Congress and the laws by it duly and constitutionally
enacted; and in pursuance of his said design and intent, openly and
publicly, and before divers assemblages of the citizens of the
United States convened in divers parts thereof, to meet and receive
said Andrew Johnson as the Chief Magistrate of the United States,
did on the 18th day of August, in the year of our Lord 1866, and on
divers other days and times, as well before as afterward, make and
deliver, with a loud voice, certain intemperate, inflammatory and
scandalous harangues, and did therein utter loud threats and bitter
menaces, as well against Congress as the laws of the United States,
duly enacted thereby, amid the cries, jeers, and laughter of the
multitude then assembled and in hearing, which are set forth in the
several specifications hereinafter written, in substance and effect;
that is to say:
_Specification 1._—In this, that at Washington, in the District of
Columbia, in the Executive Mansion, to a committee of citizens who
called upon the President of the United States, speaking of and
concerning the Congress of the United States, said Andrew Johnson,
President of the United States, heretofore, to wit: on the 18th day
of August, in the year of our Lord, 1866, did in a loud voice
declare, in substance and effect, among other things, that is to
say:
“So far as the Executive Department of the Government is concerned,
the effort has been made to restore the Union, to heal the breach,
to pour oil into the wounds which were consequent upon the struggle,
and to speak in a common phrase, to prepare, as the learned and wise
physician would, a plaster healing in character, and coextensive
with the wound. We thought, and we think, that we had partially
succeeded, but as the work progresses, as reconstruction seemed to
be taking place, and the country was becoming reunited, we found a
disturbing and marring element opposing us. In alluding to that
element I shall go no further than your Convention, and the
distinguished gentleman who has delivered to me the report of the
proceedings. I shall make no reference to it that I do not believe
the time and the occasion justify. We have witnessed in one
department of the Government every endeavor to prevent the
restoration of peace, harmony and union. We have seen hanging upon
the verge of the Government, as it were, a body called, or which
assumes to be the Congress of the United States, while in fact it is
a Congress of only part of the States. We have seen this Congress
pretend to be for the Union, when its every step and act tended to
perpetuate disunion, and make a disruption of the States inevitable.
We have seen Congress gradually encroach, step by step, upon
Constitutional rights, and violate day after day, and month after
month, fundamental principles of the Government. We have seen a
Congress that seemed to forget that there was a limit to the sphere
and scope of legislation. We have seen a Congress in a minority
assume to exercise power, which if allowed to be consummated, would
result in despotism, in monarchy itself.”
_Specification 2._—In this, that at Cleveland, in the State of Ohio,
heretofore, to wit: on the 3d day of September, in the year of our
Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-six, before a public
assemblage of citizens and others, said Andrew Johnson, President of
the United States, speaking of and concerning the Congress of the
United States, did in a loud voice declare in substance and effect,
among other things, that is to say:
“I will tell you what I did do. I called upon your Congress, that is
trying to break up the Government. In conclusion, besides, that
Congress had taken much pains to poison their constituents against
him. But what has Congress done? Have they done anything to restore
the Union of these States? No! On the contrary, they had done
everything to prevent it, and, because he stood now where he did
when the Rebellion commenced, he had been denounced as a traitor.
Who had run greater risks or made greater sacrifices than himself?
But Congress, factious and domineering, had undertaken to poison the
minds of the American people.”
_Specification 3._—In this, that at St. Louis, in the State of
Missouri, heretofore, to wit, on the 8th day of September, in the
year of our Lord, 1866, before a public assemblage of citizens and
others, said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States,
speaking of and concerning the Congress of the United States, did in
a loud voice declare in substance and effect, among other things,
that is to say:
“Go on; perhaps if you had a word or two on the subject of New
Orleans you might understand more about it than you do, and if you
will go back and ascertain the cause of the riot at New Orleans,
perhaps you will not be so prompt in calling out ‘New Orleans.’ If
you will take up the riot of New Orleans and trace it back to its
source or its immediate cause, you will find out who was responsible
for the blood that was shed there. If you will take up the riot at
New Orleans and trace it back to the Radical Congress, you will find
that the riot at New Orleans was substantially planned. If you will
take up the proceedings in their caucuses, you will understand that
they there knew that a Convention was to be called, which was
extinct, by its power having expired; that it was said that the
intention was that a new government was to be organized, and on the
organization of that government the intention was to enfranchise one
portion of the population, called the colored population, who had
just been emancipated, and at the same time disfranchise white men.
When you design to talk about New Orleans you ought to understand
what you are talking about. When you read the speeches that were
made, and take up the facts on the Friday and Saturday before that
Convention sat, you will find that speeches were made, incendiary in
their character, exciting that portion of the population—the black
population—to arm themselves and prepare for the shedding of blood.
You will also find that that Convention did assemble in violation of
law, and the intention of that Convention was to supersede the
organized authorities in the State government of Louisiana, which
had been organized by the Government of the United States, and every
man engaged in that rebellion, in that Convention, with the
intention of superseding and upturning the civil government which
had been recognized by the United States, I say that he was a
traitor to the Constitution of the United States, and hence you find
that another rebellion was commenced, having its origin in the
Radical Congress. So much for the New Orleans riot; and there was
the cause and the origin of the blood that was shed, and every drop
of blood that was shed is upon their skirts, and they are
responsible for it. I could test this thing a little closer, but
will not do it here to-night; but when you talk about the causes and
consequences that resulted from proceedings of that kind, perhaps as
I have been introduced here and you have provoked questions of this
kind, though it does not provoke me, I will tell you a few wholesome
things that have been done by this Radical Congress, in connection
with New Orleans, and the extension of elective franchise. I know
that I have been traduced and abused. I know that it has come in
advance of me here as elsewhere. That _I have attempted to exercise
an arbitrary power in resisting laws that were intended to be forced
upon the Government, that I had exercised that power, that I had
abandoned the party that elected me, and that I was a traitor,
because I exercised the veto power in attempting, and I did arrest
for a time the bill that was called a Freedman’s Bureau Bill. Yes, I
was a traitor, and I have been traduced, I have been slandered, I
have been maligned, I have been called Judas Iscariot_, and all
that. Now my countrymen here to-night, it is very easy to indulge in
epithets. It is easy to call a man Judas and cry out traitor; but
when he is called upon to give arguments and facts he is very often
found wanting. Judas Iscariot; Judas! There was a Judas and he was
one of the twelve Apostles. Oh yes, the twelve Apostles had a
Christ, and he never could have had a Judas unless he had had twelve
Apostles. If I have played the Judas, who has been my Christ that I
have played the Judas with? Was it Thad. Stevens? Was it Wendell
Phillips? Was it Charles Sumner? These are the men that stop and
compare themselves with the Saviour, and every body that differs
with them in opinion, and who try to stay and arrest their
diabolical and nefarious policy, is to be denounced as a Judas.
Well, let me say to you, if you will stand by me in this action; _if
you will stand by me in trying to give the people a fair chance,
soldiers and citizens, to participate in these offices, God being
willing I will kick them out. I will kick them out just as fast as I
can. Let me say to you, in conclusion, that what I have said, I
intended to say. I was not provoked into this_, and I care not for
their menaces, the taunts and the jeers. I care not for threats, I
do not intend to be bullied by my enemies nor overawed by my
friends; but, God willing, with your help, I will veto their
measures, whenever any of them come to me.”
Which said utterances, declarations, threats, and harangues, highly
censurable in any, are peculiarly indecent and unbecoming in the
Chief Magistrate of the United States, by means whereof said Andrew
Johnson has brought the high office of President of the United
States into contempt, ridicule, and disgrace, to the great scandal
of all good citizens, whereby said Andrew Johnson, President of the
United States, did commit, and was then and there guilty of high
misdemeanor in office.
[Illustration:
THE HIGH COURT OF IMPEACHMENT.
(THE ARTIST MADE A JOURNEY TO WASHINGTON ON PURPOSE TO MAKE THE
DRAWING—IT IS RELIABLE.)
]
The Senate having adopted rules for the trial, reported by its
committee, proceeded on Thursday, March 5th, to organize as a Court of
Impeachment, Chief Justice Chase presiding. On Saturday, March 7th, the
summons requiring the President to appear and answer the Articles of
Impeachment was served on him, with a copy of the articles. On Friday,
March 13th, the President appeared by his counsel before the Senate and
requested forty days’ time in which to prepare and serve his answers to
the articles. His counsel, as first named, consisted of Messrs. Evarts,
Stanbery, Curtis, Nelson, and Black. Subsequently, Mr. Black withdrew,
and Mr. Groesbeck was added to the number. The Senate did not comply
with the President’s request, but designated Monday, March 23d, as the
day for the presentation of his answers to the charges, and they were
read before the Senate on that day. On the following day the Managers of
the House presented their replication to the President’s answers, and it
was read before the Senate. On Monday, March 30th, the great trial
began, Mr. Butler making the opening speech on behalf of the Managers.
The latter at once introduced their testimony, which consumed six days,
until Saturday, April 4th. On Thursday, April 9th, the President’s
counsel began his defense, Mr. Curtis delivering the opening speech.
Nine days were consumed by them in presenting their testimony, until
Saturday, April 18th. Two days later, April 20th, additional testimony
was offered by both sides. On Wednesday, April 22d, Mr. Boutwell of the
Managers began to sum up the case in a protracted speech. Messrs.
Stevens and Bingham likewise spoke for the prosecution, and Messrs.
Nelson, Groesbeck, Evarts, and Stanbery for the President. Mr. Bingham’s
speech, the closing speech of the trial, was concluded on Wednesday, May
6th. On Thursday, May 7th, the Senate, as the Court of Impeachment, sat
in secret session six hours, during which it was decided to take the
final vote on Tuesday, May 12th. May 11th, the Court deliberated on
impeachment in secret session, and on the 12th of May, Senator Howard
being unable to take his seat, the final vote was postponed until
Saturday, May 16th.
Meantime, painful rumors had been current of the defection of some of
those Republican Senators who had at first appeared to be earnest and
zealous for the President’s impeachment. These rumors gained strength
throughout the week, and when the vote was taken on Saturday, May 16th,
on the Eleventh Article, which it was thought best to have voted upon
first, the vote stood thirty-five for conviction to nineteen for
acquittal, and as the Constitution requires a two-thirds vote for
conviction, Mr. Johnson was technically acquitted on this article.
THE VOTES FOR CONVICTION WERE:—Anthony, Cameron, Cattell, Chandler,
Cole, Conkling, Conness, Corbett, Cragin, Drake, Edmunds, Ferry,
Frelinghuysen, Harlan, Howard, Howe, Morgan, Morrill, (Me.) Morrill,
(Vt.) Morton, Nye, Patterson, (N. H.) Pomeroy, Ramsey, Sherman,
Sprague, Stewart, Sumner, Thayer, Tipton, Wade, Willey, Williams,
Wilson, Yates—35.
FOR ACQUITTAL:—Bayard, Buckalew, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden,
Fowler, Grimes, Henderson, Hendricks, Johnson, McCreery, Norton,
Patterson, (Tenn.) Ross, Saulsbury, Trumbull, Van Winkle,
Vickers—19.
Messrs. Fessenden, Fowler, Grimes, Henderson, Ross, Trumbull, and Van
Winkle, all hitherto regarded as stanch Republicans, voted with the
Democrats, and by their votes prevented the conviction of the President
of the high crimes and misdemeanors of which he was accused. Other
Senators, the peers of any of these in legal attainment and judicial
ability, were fully convinced that the Managers had made out their case
conclusively, and some of these also have admitted their belief in his
guilt, but professed to find objections to the phraseology of the
Articles of Impeachment. That the course of these seven Senators
disappointed their friends, and gave encouragement to the enemies of
reconstruction, can not be gainsaid. That it caused painful surmisings
in regard to their motives, is equally true.
In the case of almost any other man, an escape from conviction and
deposition from his high station by the lack of one vote to make up
two-thirds, and this not without strong suspicion of the purchase of
that vote on his part, would be a lesson sufficiently severe to secure
the most decorous behavior for the remainder of his term, if for no
other reason than that he might avert the judgment still hanging over
him by a slender hair; but as we have already shown, there is no reason
from Mr. Johnson’s past conduct, to expect anything more than an
aggravation of his previous offences, and a determination to vent upon
the nation all the malignity of his bitter and vindictive nature.
But to proceed with the record. After the vote on the Eleventh Article,
further action was postponed till the 26th of May. On that day the
second and third articles were voted upon, with precisely the same
result as before, and as it was evident that a conviction could not be
secured, the record of technical acquittal on the second, third and
eleventh articles was entered, and the High Court of Impeachment
adjourned _sine die_. On the same day, Mr. Stanton sent his
relinquishment of the office of Secretary of War to the President,
feeling that as Impeachment had failed, it was best for him to withdraw.
A few days later, General J. M. Schofield, who had previously been
nominated, was confirmed by the Senate as Secretary of War, the Senate
declaring that it was in the place of Edwin M. Stanton, unlawfully
removed.
In the _interim_ between the two votes on the question of Impeachment,
the National Republican Union Convention was held at Chicago, and
Ulysses S. Grant nominated for the Presidency by the unanimous vote of
all the delegates, 650 in number, on the first ballot. Schuyler Colfax,
of Indiana, was nominated for Vice-President on the fifth ballot,
receiving by the change of votes of State delegations, 522 out of 650
votes. The balloting previous to these changes which were incident to
the conviction that he had the majority, was as follows:
1st Ballot. 2d. 3d. 4th. 5th.
Benjamin F. Wade, 149 170 178 204 199
Reuben E. Fenton, 132 140 130 144 137
Henry Wilson, 119 113 101 87 61
Schuyler Colfax, 118 149 164 186 224
Andrew G. Curtin, 52 45 30
Hannibal Hamlin, 30 30 25 25 19
James Speed, 22
James Harlan, 16
John A. J. Cresswell, 14
William D. Kelley, 6
The canvass for Mr. Colfax at the Convention was conducted on strictly
temperance principles, Mr. Colfax having expressly requested his friend,
Mr. Defrees, who conducted it, to permit no intoxicating liquor on the
premises.
The platform on which the Convention have placed these candidates, whose
names win all hearts, is worthy of the men. It is as follows:
_The National Republican Party of the United States, assembled in
National Convention in the City of Chicago, on the 21st day of May,
1868, make the following Declaration of Principles_:
1. We congratulate the country on the assured success of the
Reconstruction policy of Congress, as evinced by the adoption, in
the majority of the States lately in rebellion, of Constitutions
securing Equal Civil and Political Rights to all, and it is the duty
of the Government to sustain those institutions, and to prevent the
people of such States from being remitted to a state of anarchy.
II. The guaranty by Congress, of Equal Suffrage to all loyal men at
the South, was demanded by every consideration of public safety, of
gratitude, and of justice, and must be maintained; while the
question of Suffrage in all the loyal States properly belongs to the
people of those States.
III. We denounce all forms of Repudiation as a national crime; and
the national honor requires the payment of the public indebtedness
in the uttermost good faith to all creditors at home and abroad, not
only according to the letter but the spirit of the laws under which
it was contracted.
IV. It is due to the Labor of the Nation that taxation should be
equalized, and reduced as rapidly as the national faith will permit.
V. The National debt, contracted, as it has been, for the
preservation of the Union for all time to come, should be extended
over a fair period for redemption; and it is the duty of Congress to
reduce the rate of interest thereon whenever it can be honestly
done.
VI. That the best policy to diminish our burden of debt is to so
improve our credit that capitalists will seek to loan us money at
lower rates of interest than we now pay, so long as repudiation,
partial or total, open or covert, is threatened or suspected.
VII. The Government of the United States should be administered with
the strictest economy; and the corruptions which have been so
shamefully nursed and fostered by Andrew Johnson call loudly for
radical reform.
VIII. We profoundly deplore the untimely and tragic death of Abraham
Lincoln, and regret the accession to the Presidency, of Andrew
Johnson, who has acted treacherously to the people who elected him
and the cause he was pledged to support; who has usurped high
legislative and judicial functions; who has refused to execute the
laws; who has used his high office to induce other officers to
ignore and violate the laws; who has employed his executive powers
to render insecure the property, the peace, liberty and life, of the
citizen; who has abused the pardoning power; who has denounced the
National Legislature as unconstitutional; who has persistently and
corruptly resisted, by every means in his power, every proper
attempt at the reconstruction of the States lately in rebellion; who
has perverted the public patronage into an engine of wholesale
corruption; and who has been justly impeached for high crimes and
misdemeanors, and properly pronounced guilty thereof by the vote of
thirty-five Senators.
IX. The doctrine of Great Britain and other European powers that,
because a man is once a subject he is always so, must be resisted at
every hazard by the United States, as a relic of feudal times not
authorized by the laws of nations, and at war with our national
honor and independence. Naturalized citizens are entitled to
protection in all their rights of citizenship, as though they were
native-born; and no citizen of the United States, native or
naturalized, must be liable to arrest and imprisonment by any
foreign power for acts done or words spoken in this country; and, if
so arrested and imprisoned, it is the duty of the Government to
interfere in his behalf.
X. Of all who were faithful in the trials of the late war, there
were none entitled to more especial honor than the brave soldiers
and seamen who endured the hardships of campaign and cruise, and
imperilled their lives in the service of the country; the bounties
and pensions provided by the laws for these brave defenders of the
nation, are obligations never to be forgotten; the widows and
orphans of the gallant dead are the wards of the people—a sacred
legacy bequeathed to the nation’s protecting care.
XI. Foreign immigration, which in the past has added so much to the
wealth, development and resources and increase of power to this
republic, the asylum of the oppressed of all nations, should be
fostered and encouraged by a liberal and just policy.
XII. This Convention declares itself in sympathy with all oppressed
peoples struggling for their rights.
_Unanimously added, on motion of Gen. Schurz_:
_Resolved_, That we highly commend the spirit of magnanimity and
forbearance with which men who have served in the Rebellion, but who
now frankly and honestly coöperate with us in restoring the peace of
the country and reconstructing the Southern State governments upon
the basis of Impartial Justice and Equal Rights, are received back
into the communion of the loyal people; and we favor the removal of
the disqualifications and restrictions imposed upon the late Rebels
in the same measure as their spirit of loyalty will direct, and as
may be consistent with the safety of the loyal people.
_Resolved_, That we recognize the great principles laid down in the
immortal Declaration of Independence, as the true foundation of
democratic government; and we hail with gladness every effort toward
making these principles a living reality on every inch of American
soil.
With such a platform, and such candidates, there should be, there can
be, no question of the success of the Republican Party in the coming
election. The only question should be, whether any States, except
Kentucky and Maryland, can be allowed to the Democratic Party, and
whether the candidate of that party, whoever he may be, may not need a
certificate after the election, testifying to the fact of his candidacy.
With Reconstruction, Retrenchment, Reform, Equal Rights, Impartial
Suffrage, and No Repudiation, for its cardinal principles, the great
party of Freedom stands firm as the everlasting hills. It can afford to
let traitors and renegades strut out their brief hour, for the eternal
years of God belong to the party of Freedom and Right, and it may well
say in the grand words of Whittier:
“God’s ways seem dark, but soon or late
They touch the shining hills of day.
The evil can not brook delay;
The good can well afford to wait.
_Give ermined knaves their hour of crime_;
We have the future grand and great,
The safe appeal of Truth to Time!”
[Illustration: U. S. Grant]
APPENDIX.
SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF GENERAL U. S. GRANT.
General Ulysses Simpson Grant (or, as he was originally named, Hiram
Ulysses Grant) was born on the 27th of April, 1822, at Point Pleasant,
Clement County, Ohio; and is a descendant, in the eighth generation, of
Matthew Grant, who came from England, in 1630, and was a first settler
of Dorchester, Mass., and subsequently of Windsor, Conn. His father,
Jesse Root Grant, a tanner by trade, and his mother, Hannah Simpson,
were both natives of Pennsylvania, who had removed to Ohio, and were
there married in June, 1821. The child grew to be a sturdy, fearless,
and pertinacious urchin, whose good nature made him a general favorite,
and whose “ruling passion,” almost from the time he could go alone, was
for horses. At school, he was faithful, diligent, and painstaking,
showing an appreciation of the value of an education, but developing no
especial eminence, except, perhaps, a fondness for mathematics. But, out
of school, he was to be found not far away from the horses. He learned
to drive alone at the age of seven and a half years, and harnessed
horses when he was so small that he had to get up into the manger to put
the bridle and collar on, and then turn over the half-bushel and stand
on it, in order to throw the harness on. And when a circus, or
travelling show, came through the village where he was, or into its
neighborhood, he was inevitably “on hand.” If the ring-master called out
for some boy in the audience to try and ride the pony, little Ulysses
would present himself, eager to seize the opportunity, “and,” says his
father in the “New York Ledger,” “whatever he undertook to ride he
rode.” This practice he kept up, until he got to be so large that he was
ashamed to ride a pony.
NOTE.—Supposing many readers of this volume would like to read
something of the life of General U. S. Grant, we insert this sketch
for their benefit.—_Publisher._
“Once, when he was a boy, a show came along in which there was a
mischievous pony, trained to go round the ring like lightning, and which
was expected to throw any boy that attempted to ride him.
“’Will any boy come forward and ride this pony?’” shouted the
ring-master.
“Ulysses stepped forward, and mounted the pony. The performance began.
Round and round the ring went the pony, faster and faster, making the
greatest effort to dismount his rider. But Ulysses sat as steady as if
he had grown to the pony’s back. Presently out came a large monkey and
sprang up behind Ulysses. The people set up a great shout of laughter,
and on the pony ran; but it all produced no effect on the rider. Then
the ring-master made the monkey jump up upon Ulysses’ shoulders,
standing with his feet on his shoulders, and with his hands holding on
to his hair. At this there was another and a still louder shout, but not
a muscle of Ulysses’ face moved. There was not a tremor of his nerves. A
few more rounds, and the ring-master gave it up; he had come across a
boy that the pony and the monkey both could not dismount.
“Ulysses had the habit of riding our horses to water, standing up on
their bare backs. He began this practice when about five years old. At
eight or nine he would ride them at the top of their speed, standing
upon one foot and balancing himself by the bridle reins. The ground over
which he used to make these performances was a little descending towards
the river; a near neighbor’s boy who undertook to rival him in speed,
although without standing up, was unfortunately thrown from his horse
and killed.”
He early acquired the habit of breaking horses to the harness, and
developed a peculiar faculty for training them to pace. “It became known
in the neighborhood,” says his father, in the article from which we have
already quoted, “and people used to apply to him to break their horses
to pace; but he had an idea that it was degrading, and would never
undertake it.
“One day a neighbor came to me and said, ‘Ulysses has a remarkable
faculty to teach a horse to pace. I have a fine young horse; now how can
I get Ulysses to teach him to pace?’
“Said I: ‘You mustn’t say a word to him about it, but send him on a
mission to some place, and get him, while he is gone, to teach the horse
to pace.’
“Said he, ‘I will do it.’ So he came over again and said to Ulysses, ‘I
want to send a letter, in a hurry, thirteen miles to Decatur, and I will
give you two dollars to get on my horse and carry it.’
“Ulysses was then nine or ten years old. He was fond of making money,
and fond of that kind of business, and he answered, ‘I will go.’
“Just as he was starting off the owner of the horse cried out after him,
‘_I want you to teach that horse to pace_.’
“The horse had never paced a step before. But Ulysses accomplished the
task. He returned the horse at night a perfect pacer. The letter was all
a sham. Ulysses found out the trick, and nobody after that could ever
get him to break a horse to pace.”
When only ten or twelve years of age, the boy’s energy and fertility of
resource enabled him to render to his father assistance equal to that of
a full-grown man. A remarkable feat, by which, with only the help of a
large stout horse, he contrived to do the loading and hauling of a large
quantity of fourteen-feet logs for a building which his father was
erecting, is thus described in the fathers own words: “A large
sugar-tree had been felled, so that it lay aslant, one end resting on
the ground and the other elevated. He had hitched the horse Dave to the
end of a hewn log, and hauled it upon this sugar-tree, the end
projecting over far enough to back the wagon under it. Three made a
load; and when he had got three hauled up in this way, he backed the
hind end of the wagon up under them, and hitching the powerful horse in
front by means of a long chain which extended over the whole length of
the wagon-body, he pulled them, one at a time, into the wagon. This was
much talked of in the neighborhood, as it was considered a great
achievement for a boy of his size. He worked the whole seven months, and
until the job was finished.”
The lad, however, showed an evident disrelish for his father’s business,
and a decided preference for some active out-of-door employment, or for
a thorough education. These, Mr. Grant’s somewhat straitened
circumstances prevented him from attaining; but finally, through the
kindness of Senator Thomas Morris, of Ohio, he heard that the Hon. Thos.
L. Hamer, member of Congress from his own district, had an appointment
to the Military Academy at West Point at his disposal. On application to
him, Ulysses was appointed, and having passed the preliminary
examinations, he entered the Academy on the 1st of July, 1839. There he
manifested the same studious qualities which he had while in school,
ranking No. 21 in his class, of which only thirty-nine out of nearly one
hundred graduated in 1843, his standing being best in artillery and
infantry tactics, mathematics, engineering, and horsemanship. Upon
graduating he was, in consequence of there being no existing vacancy,
made brevet Second Lieutenant of the Tenth Infantry Regiment, and
performed duty as a private for a while after joining it at Jefferson
Barracks, near St. Louis. In 1844, his regiment removed to Red River in
Louisiana; and in 1845, formed a part of the “army of occupation” on the
Texan Border at the beginning of the war with Mexico. Meanwhile, he had
declined the higher rank of First Lieutenant in the Seventh Infantry;
preferring to share the fortunes of his old regiment, where chance of
service seemed more immediate. In May, 1846, he was distinguished for
gallantry and courage at Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma; received
honorable mention for good conduct at the storming of Monterey;
participated, in 1847, in the capture of Vera Cruz, and was made
quartermaster of his regiment, serving in this capacity during the
remainder of the campaign, but showing no disposition to avail himself
of his privilege of remaining in his own department in time of battle.
At the assault of Molino del Rey, and the storming of Chapultepec, his
daring and skill elicited the highest commendations of his superiors,
and he was made a first lieutenant on the spot. Indeed, the flanking
maneuver by which, with a few men only, he turned and carried the first
barrier at Chapultepec, seems to have been the germ of the celebrated
_flanking_ movements which he has so often since tried, and with such
brilliant success, upon larger battle-fields. He was brevetted captain
for this achievement, his commission dating from September 13, 1847. He
participated in fourteen battles during the Mexican War, and soon after
its close in August, 1848, was married to Miss Julia A. Dent, residing
near St. Louis, and whose brother, now General Dent, was one of his West
Point classmates. Shortly after this he was ordered with his regiment to
Detroit, Mich., and subsequently to Sackett’s Harbor, N. Y. In the
autumn of 1851, his regiment was sent to Oregon, with head-quarters at
Fort Dallas, and while on duty there, August, 1853, he received his full
commission as captain. Seeing but little prospect, either of active
employment or of further promotion, Grant now decided to return to civil
life, and, on the 31st of July, 1854, resigned his commission in the
army.
Retiring to a farm which his wife had received from her father, about
nine miles from St. Louis, Mo., and which his own father had stocked
completely, he entered upon his new life with his accustomed energy and
fidelity, and no man ever worked harder. He built, in part with his own
hands, a small house of hewn logs, for his family to live in; and in all
the departments of husbandry proved himself a thorough farmer. In winter
he hired help to cut wood, and hauled it to St. Louis and Carondelet,
where he found a market; and there are many now living who distinctly
remember the present General, as he then appeared, dressed in his
blouse, with old felt hat, and pants tucked into the tops of his boots.
In summer he “turned an honest penny” by acting as collector of taxes in
his county; but, though honest and persevering, he lacked the stern and
unscrupulous character which is essential to success in that line of
business; and the duties of an auctioneer, at which he occasionally
tried his hand, were equally unsuited to his tastes. After four years of
arduous farming, at the end of which he was not as well off as when he
began, he quitted it and removed to St. Louis, where he entered the real
estate business with a Mr. Boggs. Finding, after a few months’ trial,
that the profits were hardly sufficient to support two families, he gave
up his interest to his partner, and next obtained a position in the
Custom House, which, however, he held but two months. In 1859 he
accepted an offer of partnership from his father, who with two other
sons was conducting a well-established and profitable leather business
at Galena, Illinois. He entered upon it, taking hold of the business
with his accustomed industry, and speedily becoming an excellent
salesman. Yet he took so little pains to extend his acquaintance in the
place, that his father relates that “after he had joined the army and
had begun to be distinguished, citizens of the town would stop in front
of our store, within six feet of the windows, and look in to see which
of the Grants it was that was absent and had suddenly become famous.”